West Moberly First Nations

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West Moberly First Nations WEST MOBERLY FIRST NATIONS In reply I have to inform you that this information cannot be located in the files of the Department and it is possible that the documents may be in the Lesser Slave Lake Agency. In letters dated 21st March and 30th March 1914, Indian Agent H. Laird was instructed to admit these bands into treaty when making the annuity payments that year and the first pay list shows Old Man, No.1, as the Chief, and Migsedlean, No.2, and Dogie, No.3, as Headmen of the Hudson’s Hope Band and William Desjarlais, No. 1, as Headman of the Moberly Lake (Saulteaux) band. It is presumed that these Indians signed the treaty for their respective bands, the number admitted in the Hudson’s Hope Band being 116 and in the Saulteaux Band 34” (Parc 1/1 11-5 1933-65). Following the March adhesion at Hudson’s Hope, MacRae noted: “In the summer of 1914, Indian Reserve #172, totalling about 4 000 acres was surveyed... by Donald F. Robertson some 13 kilometres north of the present site of Fort. St. John. For the Beaver at Halfway River, 45 kilometres north of Hudson’s Hope, Robertson also marked out Reserve #168, totalling 9 893 acres. Here he reported that “the land was best suited for grazing,” and that “the hunting is good in the mountains nearby and at some seasons the trout are plentiful in Halfway River. These Indians live by hunting and fishing. At the same time, Reserve #168A, totalling 5 025 acres, was surveyed at the west end of Moberly Lake” (Leonard 1995:81). Godsell noted some anger over surveyors and noted that the Beaver Indians believed the land was theirs: “The Beavers still look upon the country as their own and upon all white men as usurpers... Now the Beavers were looking with genuine hatred and alarm at the increasing number of whites who are coming each year into their land. The surveyors especially aroused their keen suspicions. Why are they making these lines and cutting down the Beaver Indians’ trees?” (Godsell 1963:284) Godsell wrote: “The moccasin telegraph had brought further word of still more white settlers pouring into the Pouce Coupe and Grande Prairie country... Even the Moberly Lake Saulteaux were reported be resistive and it didn’t seem to occur to any of them that in accepting King George’s annual treaty bounty from Harold Laird, the Indian Agent, in the form of crisp new greenbacks and gold-braided suits for their chiefs they had bartered all rights to the land” (Godsell 1942:80). 38 SEPTEMBER 2014 POTENTIAL ADVERSE IMPACTS TO CULTURAL VALUED COMPONENTS In light of the immediate hostility and alarm on the part of the Dunne-za to the treaty process and its aftermath, it is difficult to understand how MacRae could have been so certain that he had eradicated “any little misunderstanding” or gave “explanations as seemed most likely to prevent any possibility of misunderstandings in future.” Further, the treaty process was marked by significant communications difficulties and cultural disconnects (many of which still exist today). Even today, the Dunne-za have no term or phrase to describe the act of surrendering land or letting someone else take it from them (Aasen 1993). In addition to MacRae’s report, two eyewitness accounts to the Hudson’s Hope adhesions were documented by Elizabeth Beattie. These are perhaps the only written non-First Nations perspective of what occurred. Despite the content of the letters to and from the Department of Indian Affairs referenced above, these eyewitness accounts indicate that the Hudson’s Hope and Saulteau adhesions/admittances were not the tranquil affairs described in the official government reports. “[When I arrived here in 1914 there was] just the Hudson Bay store here, a lot of trappers around and Indians… and that’s about it. Very few buildings. Oh yes, they were on this whole flat, they were in Teepees. They were here, the whole bunch from the North and from Moberly Lake and all over. They were all camped on this flat here… waiting for the Treaty. They were giving their first Treaty… Tomtoms playing all night long and playing a game, whatever they play. They were here for about three weeks or so and the boat finally came up and they got their Treaty. That was really worth seeing that Treaty business, when they had the money. The Hudson Bay man that was here, Drew, he was going to build a hotel and he had ordered all the stuff for the hotel that he needed like bedding, sheets, pillowcases and all that and even a cookstove through the Hudson Bay… he also got ready for this Treaty business. He ordered all these fancy hats, high heel shoes and button shoes and all this for the Indians… When they got the Treaty and they had all this for the hotel bedspreads, candlewick bedspreads, and things like that and all kinds of ribbon and stuff. And after that they had the Treaty and they went and got all these bedspreads, they bought them and ribbons, they had rows of ribbons of different colors… on the bottoms of these blankets for horse blankets… and they were really flying around here And you could see the young fellows particularly. There was money sticking out of every pocket you know and racing around on the horses… and that was really worth seeing. I’ll never forget that. That was the first Treaty. They got quite a bit here at that time… and then after that the Indian Agent would come up every year and pay them …so much for the year… but they didn’t get so much then. They couldn’t do things like that then, but that first Treaty, my it was really something to see gambling 39 WEST MOBERLY FIRST NATIONS night and day …and that old tomtom kept going all the time. Beaver Indians from the north and Moberly and the Cree Indians. They all camped together. This whole flat was just a mess of teepees way down across the road there where the church is – all that on the river flat all the Indians, there were hundreds and hundreds of them… their teepees were made of canvas. [A]fter all their money was spent they all went back in the hills again trapping I suppose” (Beattie, 1989b). Figure 4–3: Cabin used by West Moberly for trapping, hunting, and other cultural activities The second half of Beattie’s account provides a snapshot of the Dunne-za and Cree lifestyle at the time, as well as noting that Dunne-za and English speakers had challenges communicating with each other: “You see at that time they used to catch beaver pretty well all year round. They lived on it, they ate it. Then they go hunting of course and put up their meat. 20 mile and 12 mile that was at one time their headquarters there... They even started to build some cabins there at 12 mile, there was 3 cabins there they started (the Cree)… They used to come up there⋅ for quite a few years and still hunt even after we lived here. They were up on the flat… and camped there, their whole outfit would camp there, quite a bunch... Then they would go both directions back and down to 12 40 SEPTEMBER 2014 POTENTIAL ADVERSE IMPACTS TO CULTURAL VALUED COMPONENTS mile and up Schoolar Creek and like that. They used to put up there meat there… Not so much moose because there wasn’t any at that time but deer and bear, lots of bear, there was lots of bear… When they were camping there that spring they used to dry the meat and so on and they would render out the bear fat… These Indians were from Moberly and the Halfway. They used to come and they’d go around… and then go down on the raft… from the Finlay Forks and the Finlay, way up the Finlay… and around and then they always camped there when they come down. They had clothes, the Hudson Bay had everything in there, stores up there. At Finlay Forks there was a Hudson Bay store… A breed was running it, Billie Fox. They had moose hide jackets and mitts and all that. They had good moose hide but one thing I never could figure out, they just had these moccasins on and maybe one pair of stockings with the legs wrapped around. That’s all they would have on in the winter time. I guess they got used to it. [T]hey didn’t mix with the white and no they didn’t speak English, you had to use your hands and face and everything else too” (Beattie 1989b). The second account by Elizabeth Beattie relates much of the same information and is again important for documenting the celebration of the adhesions at Hudson’s Hope. “…I happened to be the first white woman that crossed over the Portage on a saddle horse. That was in 1914. Then of course we landed in Hudson’s Hope put up a tent and fixed everything up… After that we had a cabin built. We lived in the Hope for three years, then we moved up on the farm about thirty-five miles above the Hope on the river and now, we lost it [due to the building of the dam]. [T]hey hadn’t had the Treaty until that year. They were camped all over the flat for about a month before the boat came up with the Agent to give them the Treaty.
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