Rationality and Choice
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Introduction to Computational Social Choice
1 Introduction to Computational Social Choice Felix Brandta, Vincent Conitzerb, Ulle Endrissc, J´er^omeLangd, and Ariel D. Procacciae 1.1 Computational Social Choice at a Glance Social choice theory is the field of scientific inquiry that studies the aggregation of individual preferences towards a collective choice. For example, social choice theorists|who hail from a range of different disciplines, including mathematics, economics, and political science|are interested in the design and theoretical evalu- ation of voting rules. Questions of social choice have stimulated intellectual thought for centuries. Over time the topic has fascinated many a great mind, from the Mar- quis de Condorcet and Pierre-Simon de Laplace, through Charles Dodgson (better known as Lewis Carroll, the author of Alice in Wonderland), to Nobel Laureates such as Kenneth Arrow, Amartya Sen, and Lloyd Shapley. Computational social choice (COMSOC), by comparison, is a very young field that formed only in the early 2000s. There were, however, a few precursors. For instance, David Gale and Lloyd Shapley's algorithm for finding stable matchings between two groups of people with preferences over each other, dating back to 1962, truly had a computational flavor. And in the late 1980s, a series of papers by John Bartholdi, Craig Tovey, and Michael Trick showed that, on the one hand, computational complexity, as studied in theoretical computer science, can serve as a barrier against strategic manipulation in elections, but on the other hand, it can also prevent the efficient use of some voting rules altogether. Around the same time, a research group around Bernard Monjardet and Olivier Hudry also started to study the computational complexity of preference aggregation procedures. -
Social Choice Theory Christian List
1 Social Choice Theory Christian List Social choice theory is the study of collective decision procedures. It is not a single theory, but a cluster of models and results concerning the aggregation of individual inputs (e.g., votes, preferences, judgments, welfare) into collective outputs (e.g., collective decisions, preferences, judgments, welfare). Central questions are: How can a group of individuals choose a winning outcome (e.g., policy, electoral candidate) from a given set of options? What are the properties of different voting systems? When is a voting system democratic? How can a collective (e.g., electorate, legislature, collegial court, expert panel, or committee) arrive at coherent collective preferences or judgments on some issues, on the basis of its members’ individual preferences or judgments? How can we rank different social alternatives in an order of social welfare? Social choice theorists study these questions not just by looking at examples, but by developing general models and proving theorems. Pioneered in the 18th century by Nicolas de Condorcet and Jean-Charles de Borda and in the 19th century by Charles Dodgson (also known as Lewis Carroll), social choice theory took off in the 20th century with the works of Kenneth Arrow, Amartya Sen, and Duncan Black. Its influence extends across economics, political science, philosophy, mathematics, and recently computer science and biology. Apart from contributing to our understanding of collective decision procedures, social choice theory has applications in the areas of institutional design, welfare economics, and social epistemology. 1. History of social choice theory 1.1 Condorcet The two scholars most often associated with the development of social choice theory are the Frenchman Nicolas de Condorcet (1743-1794) and the American Kenneth Arrow (born 1921). -
Me, Myself & Mine: the Scope of Ownership
ME, MYSELF & MINE The Scope of Ownership _________________________________ PETER MARTIN JAWORSKI _________________________________ May, 2012 Committee: Fred Miller (Chair) David Shoemaker, Steven Wall, Daniel Jacobson, Neil Englehart ii ABSTRACT This dissertation is an attempt to defend the following thesis: The scope of legitimate ownership claims is much more narrow than what Lockean liberals have traditionally thought. Firstly, it is more narrow with respect to the particular claims that are justified by Locke’s labour- mixing argument. It is more difficult to come to own things in the first place. Secondly, it is more narrow with respect to the kinds of things that are open to the ownership relation. Some things, like persons and, maybe, cultural artifacts, are not open to the ownership relation but are, rather, fit objects for the guardianship, in the case of the former, and stewardship, in the case of the latter, relationship. To own, rather than merely have a property in, some object requires the liberty to smash, sell, or let spoil the object owned. Finally, the scope of ownership claims appear to be restricted over time. We can lose our claims in virtue of a change in us, a change that makes it the case that we are no longer responsible for some past action, like the morally interesting action required for justifying ownership claims. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Much of this work has benefited from too many people to list. However, a few warrant special mention. My committee, of course, deserves recognition. I’m grateful to Fred Miller for his many, many hours of pouring over my various manuscripts and rough drafts. -
Political Science 270 Mechanisms of International Relations
Political Science 270 Mechanisms of International Relations Hein Goemans Course Information: Harkness 337 Spring 2016 Office Hours: Wed. 2 { 3 PM 16:50{19:30 Wednesday [email protected] Meliora 203 The last fifteen years or so saw a major revolution in the social sciences. Instead of trying to discover and test grand \covering laws" that have universal validity and tremendous scope| think Newton's gravity or Einstein's relativity|the social sciences are in the process of switch- ing to more narrow and middle-range theories and explanations, often referred to as causal mechanisms. Recently, however, a new so-called \behavioral" approach { often but not always complementary { is currently sweeping the field. Since mechanisms remain the core theoretical building blocks in our field, we will continue to focus on them. In the bulk of this course students will be introduced to a range of such causal mechanisms with applications in international relations. Although these causal mechanisms can loosely be described in prose, explicit formalization { e.g., math { allows for a much deeper and richer understanding of the phenomena of study. In other words, formalization enables simplification and thus a better understanding of what is \really" going on. To set us on that path, we begin with some very basic rational choice fundamentals to introduce you to formal models in a rigorous way to show the power and potential of this approach. In other words, there will be some *gasp* Algebra. For much of the very brief but essential introduction to game theory we will use William Spaniel's Channel (http://gametheory101.com/courses/game-theory-101/, also on YouTube), as well as his cheap but very highly rated introductory book Game Theory 101: The Complete Textbook available at Amazon (http://www.amazon.com). -
Social Choice (6.154.11)
SOCIAL CHOICE (6.154.11) Norman Scho…eld Center in Political Economy Washington University in Saint Louis, MO 63130 USA Phone: 314 935 4774 Fax: 314 935 4156 E-mail: scho…[email protected] Key words: Impossibility Theorem, Cycles, Nakamura Theorem, Voting.. Contents 1 Introduction 1.1 Rational Choice 1.2 The Theory of Social Choice 1.3 Restrictions on the Set of Alternatives 1.4 Structural Stability of the Core 2 Social Choice 2.1 Preference Relations 2.2 Social Preference Functions 2.3 Arrowian Impossibility Theorems 2.4 Power and Rationality 2.5 Choice Functions 3 Voting Rules 3.1 Simple Binary Preferences Functions 3.2 Acyclic Voting Rules on Restricted Sets of Alternatives 4 Conclusion Acknowledgement Glossary Bibliography 1 Summary Arrows Impossibility implies that any social choice procedure that is rational and satis…es the Pareto condition will exhibit a dictator, an individual able to control social decisions. If instead all that we require is the procedure gives rise to an equilibrium, core outcome, then this can be guaranteed by requiring a collegium, a group of individuals who together exercise a veto. On the other hand, any voting rule without a collegium is classi…ed by a number,v; called the Nakumura number. If the number of alternatives does not exceed v; then an equilibrium can always be guaranteed. In the case that the alternatives comprise a subset of Euclden spce, of dimension w; then an equilibrium can be guaranteed as long as w v 2: In general, however, majority rule has Nakumura number of 3, so an equilibrium can only be guaranteed in one dimension. -
Ten Nobel Laureates Say the Bush
Hundreds of economists across the nation agree. Henry Aaron, The Brookings Institution; Katharine Abraham, University of Maryland; Frank Ackerman, Global Development and Environment Institute; William James Adams, University of Michigan; Earl W. Adams, Allegheny College; Irma Adelman, University of California – Berkeley; Moshe Adler, Fiscal Policy Institute; Behrooz Afraslabi, Allegheny College; Randy Albelda, University of Massachusetts – Boston; Polly R. Allen, University of Connecticut; Gar Alperovitz, University of Maryland; Alice H. Amsden, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; Robert M. Anderson, University of California; Ralph Andreano, University of Wisconsin; Laura M. Argys, University of Colorado – Denver; Robert K. Arnold, Center for Continuing Study of the California Economy; David Arsen, Michigan State University; Michael Ash, University of Massachusetts – Amherst; Alice Audie-Figueroa, International Union, UAW; Robert L. Axtell, The Brookings Institution; M.V. Lee Badgett, University of Massachusetts – Amherst; Ron Baiman, University of Illinois – Chicago; Dean Baker, Center for Economic and Policy Research; Drucilla K. Barker, Hollins University; David Barkin, Universidad Autonoma Metropolitana – Unidad Xochimilco; William A. Barnett, University of Kansas and Washington University; Timothy J. Bartik, Upjohn Institute; Bradley W. Bateman, Grinnell College; Francis M. Bator, Harvard University Kennedy School of Government; Sandy Baum, Skidmore College; William J. Baumol, New York University; Randolph T. Beard, Auburn University; Michael Behr; Michael H. Belzer, Wayne State University; Arthur Benavie, University of North Carolina – Chapel Hill; Peter Berg, Michigan State University; Alexandra Bernasek, Colorado State University; Michael A. Bernstein, University of California – San Diego; Jared Bernstein, Economic Policy Institute; Rari Bhandari, University of California – Berkeley; Melissa Binder, University of New Mexico; Peter Birckmayer, SUNY – Empire State College; L. -
Market Power and Regulation
THE PRIZE IN ECONOMIC SCIENCES 2014 POPULAR SCIENCE BACKGROUND Market power and regulation Jean Tirole is one of the most infuential economists of our time. He has made important theoretical research contributions in a number of areas, but most of all he has clarifed how to understand and regulate industries with a few powerful frms. Tirole is awarded this year’s prize for his analysis of market power and regulation. Regulation is difficult Which activities should be conducted as public services and which should be left to private frms is a question that is always relevant. Many governments have opened up public monopolies to private stakeholders. This has applied to industries such as railways, highways, water, post and telecom- munications – but also to the provision of schooling and healthcare. The experiences resulting from these privatizations have been mixed and it has often been more difcult than anticipated to get private frms to behave in the desired way. There are two main difculties. First, many markets are dominated by a few frms that all infuence prices, volumes and quality. Traditional economic theory does not deal with this case, known as an oligopoly, instead it presupposes a single monopoly or what is known as perfect competition. The second difculty is that the regulatory authority lacks information about the frms’ costs and the quality of the goods and services they deliver. This lack of knowledge often provides regulated frms with a natural advantage. Before Tirole In the 1980s, before Tirole published his frst work, research into regulation was relatively sparse, mostly dealing with how the government can intervene and control pricing in the two extremes of monopoly and perfect competition. -
The Future of Finance
THE TOULOUSE SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS MAGAZINE Living economics #16 SPRING THE FUTURE 2018 OF FINANCE Daniel Ershov on Johannes Hörner Ariel Pakes on Patrick Pouyanné the Google Play on how Waze uses why industrial on the energy Store its users organization matters challenge Editor�' message #16 Content� Looking New� & event� to the future 4 Appointments & prizes 5 Save the date Last year marked TSE’s 10th anniversary, a milestone in the long history of economics in Toulouse. 2017 also saw our endowment strengthened through the renewal of our Laboratoire d’Excellence status and an exciting new certification for our “CHESS” graduate school project - Challenges in Economics and Christian Gollier Quantitative Social Sciences. We are grateful for and proud of these strong signals of support which will help our institution tremendously. Researc� TSE wasn’t built in a day. It took more than 30 years for Jean- 6 Reducing search costs Jacques Laffont and the leading academic peers he convinced THE FUTURE Daniel Ershov to join him to accomplish his dream of building a world-class economics department in Toulouse with bright, intense academic OF FINANCE 8 Why would Waze life. We are lucky to be now living that dream, but our ambition send you off-track? for this new year does not waver. We want to aim higher Johannes Hörner and attract the very best talents to the south of France. Our Jean Tirole minds are focused on the future; our new building, now almost 16 Jean Tirole complete, will be another great asset in making our community one of the best Th inker� places in Europe to do research. -
Neoliberal Reason and Its Forms: Depoliticization Through Economization∗
Neoliberal reason and its forms: Depoliticization through economization∗ Yahya M. Madra Department of Economics Boğaziçi University Bebek, 34342, Istanbul, Turkey [email protected] Yahya M. Madra studied economics in Istanbul and Amherst, Massachusetts. He has taught at the universities of Massachusetts and Boğaziçi, and at Skidmore and Gettysburg Colleges. He currently conducts research in history of modern economics at Boğaziçi University with the support of TÜBITAK-BIDEB Scholarship. His work appeared in Journal of Economic Issues, Rethinking Marxism, The European Journal of History of Economic Thought, Psychoanalysis, Society, Culture and Subjectivity as well as edited volumes. His current research is on the role of subjectivity in political economy of capitalism and post-capitalism. and Fikret Adaman Department of Economics, Boğaziçi University Bebek, 34342, Istanbul, Turkey [email protected] Fikret Adaman studied economics in Istanbul and Manchester. He has been lecturing at Boğaziçi University on political economy, ecological economics and history of economics. His work appeared in Journal of Economic Issues, New Left Review, Cambridge Journal of Economics, Economy and Society, Ecological Economics, The European Journal of History of Economic Thought, Energy Policy and Review of Political Economy as well as edited volumes. His current research is on the political ecology of Turkey. DRAFT: Istanbul, October 3, 2012 ∗ Earlier versions of this paper have been presented in departmental and faculty seminars at Gettysburg College, Uludağ University, Boğaziçi University, İstanbul University, University of Athens, and New School University. The authors would like to thank the participants of those seminars as well as to Jack Amariglio, Michel Callon, Pat Devine, Harald Hagemann, Stavros Ioannides, Ayşe Mumcu, Ceren Özselçuk, Maliha Safri, Euclid Tsakalatos, Yannis Varoufakis, Charles Weise, and Ünal Zenginobuz for their thoughtful comments and suggestions on the various versions of this paper. -
ON the EARLY HISTORY of EXPERIMENTAL ECONOMICS Alvin E
ON THE EARLY HISTORY OF EXPERIMENTAL ECONOMICS Alvin E. Roth I. INTRODUCTION In the course of coediting the Handbook of Experimental Economics it became clear to me that contemporary experimental economists tend to carry around with them different and very partial accounts of the history of this still emerging field. This project began as an attempt to merge these "folk histories" of the origins of what I am confident will eventually be seen as an important chapter in the history and sociology of economics. I won't try to pin down the first economic experiment, although I am partial to Bernoulli (1738) on the St. Petersburg paradox. The Bernoullis (Daniel and Nicholas) were not content to rely solely on their own intuitions, and resorted to the practice of asking other famous scholars for their opinions on that difficult choice problem. Allowing for their rather informal report, this is not so different from the practice of using hypothetical choice problems to generate hypotheses about individual choice behavior, which has been used to good effect in much more modern research on individual choice. But I think that searching for scientific "firsts" is often less illuminating than it is sometimes thought to be. In connection with the history of an entirely different subject, I once had occasion to draw the following analogy (Roth and Sotomayor 1990, p. 170): Columbus is viewed as the discoverer of America, even though every school child knows that the Americas were inhabited when he arrived, and that he was not even the first to have made a round trip, having been preceded by Vikings and perhaps by others. -
Who Are the Behavioral Economists and What Do They Say?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Heukelom, Floris Working Paper Who are the Behavioral Economists and what do they say? Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper, No. 07-020/1 Provided in Cooperation with: Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam and Rotterdam Suggested Citation: Heukelom, Floris (2007) : Who are the Behavioral Economists and what do they say?, Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper, No. 07-020/1, Tinbergen Institute, Amsterdam and Rotterdam This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/86489 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu TI 2007-020/1 Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper Who are the Behavioral Economists and what do they say? Floris Heukelom University of Amsterdam, and Tinbergen Institute. -
Introduction to Game Theory
Economic game theory: a learner centred introduction Author: Dr Peter Kührt Introduction to game theory Game theory is now an integral part of business and politics, showing how decisively it has shaped modern notions of strategy. Consultants use it for projects; managers swot up on it to make smarter decisions. The crucial aim of mathematical game theory is to characterise and establish rational deci- sions for conflict and cooperation situations. The problem with it is that none of the actors know the plans of the other “players” or how they will make the appropriate decisions. This makes it unclear for each player to know how their own specific decisions will impact on the plan of action (strategy). However, you can think about the situation from the perspective of the other players to build an expectation of what they are going to do. Game theory therefore makes it possible to illustrate social conflict situations, which are called “games” in game theory, and solve them mathematically on the basis of probabilities. It is assumed that all participants behave “rationally”. Then you can assign a value and a probability to each decision option, which ultimately allows a computational solution in terms of “benefit or profit optimisation”. However, people are not always strictly rational because seemingly “irrational” results also play a big role for them, e.g. gain in prestige, loss of face, traditions, preference for certain colours, etc. However, these “irrational" goals can also be measured with useful values so that “restricted rational behaviour” can result in computational results, even with these kinds of models.