Democracy Watch 5

Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 1 A Quarterly Newsletter of the Ghana Center for Democratic Development (formerly Center for Democracy and Development) 5 DemocracyWatch

- Editors Note Volume 2, No. 1 The success of the December 2000 elections in Ghana ushered in a new political era on March 2001 7 January 2001. For the first time in the nations history, one elected government replaced another through the ballot box. While Ghanaians justifiably celebrated this achievement, ISSN: 0855-417X the critical challenges of governance and the economy remain. They anxiously await the responses to these challenges by President John Agyekum Kufuors NPP government.

This edition of Democracy Watch reflects on three incidents of the election: the conflict in In this issue Bawku, the vote in two critical regions and women participation. It also examines the first four months of President Kufuors administration. As can be expected, there were some high points. Among them are the remarkable openness of the Presidency to the Media; de-emphasis of partisan politics at national events; elevation of womens issues through the creation of a Ministry of Womens Affairs; and the decision to formalize the process of EThe NDCs World Bank vs. The national reconciliation. So also were there some low points for the administration during NPPs Florida ...... Page 2 the period. These include the impolitic visit of the President to Togo; the seeming political mismanagement of the HIPC issue; and the mixed record of corruption control. REFLECTIONS ON THE THIRD EWhat Happened to the Women? ...... Page 3 TRANSITION ELECTION

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789 the identity of the perpetrators, who was

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789 The Bawku to be blamed, and whether it could have been prevented have yet to be fully High Points of the Kufuor E Electoral established. Indeed, answers to these and Administration ...... Page 4 other questions may never be fully known, On the morning of December 8, 2000, as the explanations for the violence in following Ghanas first round of Bawku arelikely to be multiple and presidential and parliamentary complex. elections,the third in the Fourth Republic, E Low Points of the Kufuor the potentially volatile mix of electoral Indeed, there has been a long- Administration ...... Page 6 politics and ethnic tensions was ignited standing feud between the in Bawku, Upper East Region. The Kusasi and Mamprusi over who resulting bloodshed left more than 50 should rightfully sit on the skin people dead, hundreds of homes and overseeing the Bawku businesses destroyed, and thousands of Traditional Area. lives shattered. The conflict subsided once the Regional Security Council Following the initial reports that there was arrived from Tamale with its armored fighting in Bawku, analysts in Accra vehicles and heavy artillery, but the EDITORIAL TEAM chalked up the outbreak of violence to the residents of Bawku were under a state n Baffour Agyeman-Duah ethnic problem. Indeed, there has been of siege for several days. With the dusk- n Audrey Gadzekpo a long-standing feud between the Kusasi to-dawn curfew imposed and peoples and Mamprusi over who should rightfully n E. Gyimah-Boadi suspicsions heightened, relations in the sit on the skin overseeing the Bawku n Edem Selormey border town may have been forever Traditional Area. Since the early 1980s, n Kwesi Yankah altered due to the conflict. when the Rawlings regime reverted the Bawku Naba back to Kusasi control, The cause of the violence and mayhem, Democracy Watch is published with funding from some Mamprusi have refused to the Danish International Development Agency, the reason why it took the form it did, acknowledge the sitting Bawku Naba. DANIDA Continued on next column E Continued on page 2 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 2 Ethnic tensions alone, however, fail to explain the post-election and gunfire, with supporters of the NPP and NDC looting violence. Intermarriage between the Kusasi and Mamprusi and setting ablaze the businesses and homes of their alleged has become commonplace in Bawku. The town is as rivals (including Hawa Yakubus house on the Bawku-Pusiga multiethnic as any in Ghana. It is highly unlikely that indigenes road). of the area are not related members of the other ethnic group. Until the conflict erupted, Kusasi and Mamprusis worked, While the fighting was drawn along ethnic lines, it also had a played, and prayed with one another on a daily basis. partisan dimension, as Kusasi boys targeted not only Mamprusi supporters of the NPP, but also fellow Kusasi who This makes the factor of politics, and especially electoral politics dared to support Hawa. Likewise, the Mamprusi strongmen and election administration central to the analysis and who were involved in the fighting were driven by partisan as understanding of the Bawku crisis. In Bawku politics is much as ethnic interests, burning the NDC headquarters and inexorably intertwined with ethnicity. However, it is the political other businesses owned by known financial patrons of the context that conditions ethnicity. Depending on the political NDC. The deadly gun battle continued through Saturday, climate, ethnic tensions may or may not be expressed in a December 10. Peace was not restored until Sunday, when violent manner. the military was able to beef up its patrols and enforce the curfew. It is no coincidence that the fighting began outside the Bawku Community Center where the vote count for the parliamentary The Bawku incident represents an indictment on politicians contest dragged on through the night of December 7 and into and activists who are unable to resist the temptation of playing the following morning. A huge crowd of partisans massed the ethnic card in competitive elections. The weak response outside the constituency center, awaiting the official declaration of the security agencies to the violent explosion and its of the winner. Would it be incumbent Hajia Fati Seidu of the persistence over some four days suggests that security NDC, or former parliamentarian Madam Hawa Yakubu of arrangements for the December polls were far from adequate. the NPP? The contest was too close to call, and officials of Above all, the incident underscores the failure to read the early the Electoral Commission were forced to wait for a few warning signals in the elections. Against the background of wayward ballot boxes to make their way to the constituency the turbulent political situation of Bawku before and during center, located on the west side of town. the election campaign, it should have been assumed that the possibility of election violence would be high in that constituency The two women stand at the center of the political controversy. and extra security arrangements should have been put in Madam Yakubu known as Hawa to those in the region place.rr represented Bawku in Parliament as an Independent from

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1993-1997. Had she opted to run again as an independent, 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890The NDCs World Bank vs. 1 without much difficultly. Hitching her horse to the NPP wagon 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 seemed to have made many of her long-time supporters wary The NPPs Florida of her newfound partisanship. This was especially true among the Kusasi, as some feared that an NPP government might try to revert the Bawku Naba back to the Mamprusi. While Despite the initial reports by the media that voter turnout Hawa tried to quell these sentiments during the campaign, vocal was massive for the elections on December 7 and low partisans of the NDC actively played upon these underlying three weeks later, on December 28, for the presidential runoff fears so as to dissuade people from voting for her. On the elections, nationwide turnout was surprisingly stable in both other side of the political divide, Hajia Fati was seen by many rounds of the 2000 elections. Roughly 60% of Ghanas 10.7 Bawku residents as unable to articulate the needs of the million registered voters participated in both elections. What community during her time in parliament. Even some NDC about turnout in the Ashanti and Volta regions, the New stalwarts wanted to remove her from office, but they were Patriotic Partys Florida and the National Democratic unable to ease her out gracefully because the party did not Congress World Bank respectively? These regions are the conduct primaries to select its parliamentarians. As such, many traditional strongholds of the two major parties with mutual NDC partisans (and Kusasi) viewed Hawa, now an NPP suspicions of electoral manipulation or fraud. member of Parliament, as a viable alternative. On 7 December, Ashanti recorded 64.34% valid turnout, the The conflict began apparently with gunshots near the community highest regional total in the country; comparatively, only 59.65% center. The shots apparently came from the vicinity of a nearby voters in Volta cast valid ballots in the first round. For the Kola nut house, frequented by Kusasi traders. The security presidential runoff, turnout increased substantially in the Volta personnel at the community center responded with their own Region, as valid turnout increased by 8.12% in the region; in warning shots, dispersing the large crowd from the park in three constituencies, Ho East, Ho West, and Keta, turnout front of the center. The shootings set off widespread arson increased by nearly 20% on 28 December. Continued on next column E Continued on page 3E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 3

Whether the additional votes in the Volta region were the and partial bloc voting for the NPP and Mr. Kufuor in the result of previously complacent NDC supporters becoming Ashanti Region) indicates that traditional strongholds continue motivated to support Mills in the runoff election, as the NDCs to be critical in electoral outcomes in the country. It may also Dr. Tony Aidoo contended, or the product of ghosts on the reflect political polarization along ethnic and regional lines and register magically casting votes, is still a matter of discussion. underscores the continuing need for sustained efforts to Turnout in the Ashanti Region for the runoff elections also promote national unity and reconciliation.rr increased, albeit only slightly. Only 13,780 more voters cast

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 valid ballots on 28 December, an increase of less than 1% . 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 Overall, turnout in the country in the second round fell, but 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567What Happened to the 8 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 only marginally. 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678Women? True to form, the traditional strongholds for the NDC and the NPP provided the bulk of support for the main presidential Gender activists made a conscious effort to increase the rivals, John A. Kufuor and John Atta Mills, in both elections. representation of women in Parliament. They canvassed the In the first round, Mills won 505,614 votes in the Volta Region, political parties to field more women candidates. But the roughly 86% of the vote in the multiparty presidential election. December general elections produced less, not more women While Mills was able to increase his percentage of the vote in parliamentarians. the runoff in the region, it was an imperceptible gain. On December 28, he won 589,719 votes (88.47%) to Kufuors Ninety-three women (compared to 991 men) contested in 76,839 (11.53%), a difference of 512,880 votes but an the Parliamentary elections and the expectation was perhaps increase from the first round of only 84,105 votes. 40 per cent of them would win seats. The National Democratic Congress (NDC) fielded the highest number of women, Compared with past elections when the regions native son, followed by the New Patriotic Party (NPP), the National President J.J. Rawlings, was heading the NDCs ticket, support Reform Party, the Convention Peoples Party, and the People for Mills in the Volta Region was relatively under-whelming. National Convention (PNC) in that order. The United Ghana Nearly 150,000 less voters in the NDCs World Bank cast Movement (UGM) and the Great Consolidated Popular Party ballots for Mills in the first round than supported President (GCPP) did not field any women candidates. Rawlings in his 1996 re-election bid, for example. Mills failure to generate popular support in the Volta Region was indicative Only 17 women were elected in the parliamentary elections of his poor showing nationwide in both elections. On December of December 7, representing a reduction from the 19 elected 7, Mills polled only 2,895,575 valid votes nationally, whereas in 1996, though marginally better than the 16 who made it into Rawlings in 1996 tallied 4,099,760 valid votes, a difference the 1993 Parliament. The victory of Mrs. Cecilia Gyan Amoah of 1.2 million votes. in the January 3 by-election in the Asutifi South Constituency upped the number to 18. She replaced her husband who had As expected, Kufuor generated most of his support in his died before the elections as the NPP candidate. home base, the Ashanti Region. In the first round, Kufuor received 950,602 valid votes from this region alone, which Half of the 18 women who currently serve in Parliament was over 30% of the 3,131,739 total votes cast for him represent the ruling NPP and the other half the opposition nationally. In the second round, Kufuor beat Mills by 768,509 NDC. Four of the 18 are serving their third term, seven are in votes in Ashanti, the NPPs self-described IMF, tallying over their second term and seven are making their debut in the a one million votes in the countrys most populous region. nations legislature.

In particular, Kufuor scored big in Bantama Constituency, So what happened to the high expectations of expanding dubbed Florida by its constituents and derided by Aidoo as womens political representation? Considering the work the NPPs vote rigging capital? Kufuor trounced Mills in that had to be done to organize a credible electoral Bantama by nearly 89,000 votes in the presidential runoff campaign, did the spirited attempt to rally more women election, winning 90.4% to 9.59%. The landslide victory by to contest political office come a little too late? Could Kufuor in the runoff election in Bantama, however, was not so the Ghana Womens Initiative Foundation (GWIF), a unexpected. Three weeks earlier, Kufuor had demonstrated new political NGO set up specifically to address the NPPs strength in Bantama, defeating the other six womens political representation, have made a greater contestants by an equally impressive score. Despite Aidoos impact if it had started its work sooner and if it had allegations, only 602 more voters an infinitesimal 0.36% found more women candidates to sponsor? It is true cast ballots in the runoff election. that the parties fielded more women in 2000 (93) than in 1996 (57). But could they have demonstrated greater Altogether, the pattern of voting in the December polls (full commitment to improving their gender ratio by fielding bloc voting for the NDC and Professor Mills in the Volta Region women in safe seats where victory was more likely.rr Continued on next columnE Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 4 REFLECTIONS ON THE NEW KUFUOR ADMINISTRATION: HIGH POINTS

The Kufuor Administration has been in office for too brief a period of time to be assessed for substantial accomplishment. Moreover, the new government has replaced another one that was in power in one form or another for close to twenty years and had left a highly controversial legacy. What follows is therefore an assessment of the tone being set by the new government and notes on some pointers to the future.

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890 Lifted 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890on the National in National Events

The victory of the opposition has dramatically helped to end the culture of silence and to lift the thick veil of political intimidation imposed on Ghanaians in the past One area of positive difference between the new 20 years or so. This feeling of liberation is most evident administration and the old one of the NDC is the emphasis in the media, in particular the airwaves. A large on the national in the celebration of national events. It is punditocracy has emerged overnight. Individuals long refreshing that after ending long years of being in opposition, excluded from the state media as well as new faces and the inaugural ceremony of the President Kufuor was not voices have surfaced as analysts and commentators. buried in party colors and other party paraphernalia. The shift from turning national events into party rallies and the The Kufuor Administration has done well to encourage reduction of the usage of party colors was also noticeable this trend. The government has shown remarkable during the opening of the 3rd Parliament of the 4th Republic, openness to the media. It has established a media liaison the swearing in of President Kufuor and his Vice, and the ministry; its officials have generally made themselves 6th March Independence Day celebration. available to the media (appearing frequently on radio programs to respond to questions from journalists and To be sure, some over exuberant NPP supporters had the general public). The epitome of this openness to the tried to turn these events into party rallies by shouting party media was the marathon press conference addressed slogans and wearing party colors, but so far the Kufuor by the President, flanked by his ministers, to mark the administration has shown admirable sensitivity to the need administrations 100th day in office. to recognize the thin lines between party functions and national events. rr

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 It has also been positively relieving and 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 healthy for Ghanaian democratic 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567A Symbolic Victory for 8 development that the new President has 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 been crafting an image of approachability Women and humility.

Disappointment with the meager representation of It has also been positively relieving and healthy for women in Parliament was tempered by the expectation Ghanaian democratic development that the new that the Kufuor Administration might do better than its President has been crafting an image of predecessors in appointing more women to the cabinet. approachability and humility. He does not harangue, The expectation was however deflated by the few women hector or talk down to his audience whether they who got appointed. Out of the 70 ministers and deputy are high or low, and he seems to accept that he is ministers of state, only ten are women, that is, a mere 7%, obliged to answer to citizens even if the questions and of this, only two holds a cabinet rank. are not useful and the answers are not always satisfactory. rr The NPP government overtly signaled the intent to be gender sensitive by setting up a Ministry of Womens Affairs with Mrs. Gladys Asmah, a former NPP deputy Continued on page 5 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 5 minority whip, and MP for Takoradi as head. The Ministry to build a unified and prosperous country. Surely, any people is expected to advise government on matters relating to who suffer unjustifiably at the hands of their own government women; a role, critics say, the National Commission on deserve a fair hearing and restitution. Also, those who Women and Development (NCWD) has failed to play. courageously carried out the abuses should be willing to confront the past with equal courage. To be sure, not all gender activists are thrilled with the setting up of womens ministry headed by a woman with Indeed, the recognition to heal the wounds of the present is no track record in the womens movement. They charge what led South Africa to institute the Truth and Reconciliation that evidence from countries such as Uganda and New Commission following the fall of the inglorious apartheid Zealand where women specific ministries have been system in 1992. Currently, Nigeria is experiencing the painful created suggest that instead of the mainstreaming of process of confronting its past to establish the truth about womens issues, such issues have tended to be the abuses of past regimes. Similarly, Burkina Faso has ghettoized instead. proposed an annual National Forgiveness Day as an occasion for deep national reflection and for tormentors and victims to forgive each other. The initiative in Ghana, At any rate, the decision to create the therefore, follows a hopeful trend in African countries to ministry and to have it headed by a stalwart confront and deal with the despicable past as a way of of the ruling party represents an important making amends, avoiding future recurrence and re-unifying symbolic gesture in favor of gender people. empowerment...... it is important that the process of national reconciliation is truly But others, including Mrs. Asmah herself, have argued nonpartisan and devoid of politics. that because the new minister will be of cabinet rank, she Although initiated by government, it would have direct input into all policies emanating from should not be controlled or directed by cabinet and ensure that they are gender sensitive. This any of its known members or argument is supported by the Federation of Women sympathizers. Chances for success are Lawyers, FIDA whose Executive Secretary has lauded better when it is perceived to be truly the creation of the ministry as an indication that the NPP national in character. administration recognizes the unique role women play towards the development of the nation. At any rate, the decision to create the ministry and to have it headed by a However, it is important that the process of national stalwart of the ruling party represents an important reconciliation is truly nonpartisan and devoid of politics. symbolic gesture in favor of gender empowerment.rr Although initiated by government, it should not be controlled or directed by any of its known members or sympathizers. Chances for success are better when it is perceived to be 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 truly national in character. Therefore, all political parties, 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789Reconciliation involved in the conceptualization and realization processes. It is important to recognize that attitudes and feelings Past political abuses and atrocities continue to haunt cannot be legislated; they come from the hearts and Ghanaian politics and many agree that national minds of individuals. Thus, passing a law to establish reconciliation is desirable. Generally, it is accepted that the commission will not necessarily produce those who have been wronged, abused and victimized reconciliation. More consequential is the unjustifiably by past governments deserve a hearing and, governments own goodwill and demonstration of the possibly, restitution. While the former NDC government sincere desire to heal and not to victimize or sidestepped this nagging national issue and pursued its grandstand. own private reconciliation agenda, President John Agyekum Kufuor is seeking to formalize the process by In the long run, true reconciliation occurs when all constituting a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. In parties are sincere and willing to confront the past, fact, a bill to Parliament to that effect may be underway. when abusers accept their wrong doings, and victims are willing to forgive but nor necessarily forger. The new administrations decision recognizes the need to Indeed, victims and the nation at large should not confront the legacies of past injustices that seem to fester, forget the abuses; we should rather keep reminding divide and draw the nation back or constrain the capacity ourselves so as to guard against their recurrence.rr

Continued on next column E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 6 REFLECTIONS ON THE NEW KUFUOR ADMINISTRATION: LOW POINTS

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 President Kufuors visit was not only contrary to the spirit 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890Lome: Destination of the 1 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 was contrary to the OAUs brand new stance against coup 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 Maiden Presidential making and other anti-democratic acts. The visit served to further highlight the absence of democracy in Togo. Overseas Visit? While President Kufuor cannot be blamed for the absence of democracy in Togo, his visit and participation in the President Kufuor made what many considered to be a ceremony did nothing to promote democratization in that blatant blunder just one week into his presidency. In his country. It gave both Ghanaians and Togolese a dubious first trip abroad, he traveled to Togo to participate in a first impression of his administration, and as the saying goes, ceremony commemorating the anniversary of Togolese first impressions last longest. And the symbolism of the President Gnassingbe Eyademas ascent to power through trip and the ceremony was bad for Ghanas still young a military coup. The visit triggered widespread speculation democracy. rr on both sides of the border as to why a new democratically

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 unreconstructed old style autocrat in a country that remains 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567Zero Tolerance for 8 steeped in authoritarianism. Kufuor was also severely and 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678 justifiably criticized for accepting to be honored on such Incomptence or an occasion. Corruption?

To be sure, Lome might have been an appropriate first destination for the President from the standpoint of real The nomination of Mallam Isa, Vice Chairman of the politics, given its proximity to Accra. Moreover, Eyadema Peoples National Convention, as the Minister of State for may have assisted the victory of the NPP and arguably the Youth and Sports was idiosyncratic and his confirmation Ghanaian democratic process by reportedly closing the by the Parliament was controversial. But it can be border between Ghana and Togo on both election days understood as good faith even if a flawed attempt by the and clamping down on Togolese suspected of harboring President to fulfill his promise of an all-inclusive government. intentions of voting in Ghanas elections, particularly the December 28 runoff. If that is true, then Kufuor may have Mallam Isas dismissal after only thirty days in office over participated in the ceremony as a gesture of gratitude for an incident dubbed in the press as the saga of the missing this assistance and also to thank Eyadema for attending $46000 dollars was dramatic. The said amount got missing Ghanas January 7 inauguration. when the new Minister accompanied the Black Stars to their World Cup qualifying match against Sudan in Khartoum. Anticipating a Stars victory, he apparently President Kufuors visit was not only packed (after consultation) in his suitcase the players bonus contrary to the spirit of the democratic of $46,000 in cash. But somewhere during the course of victory being celebrated in Ghana but it the trip to Khartoum via Europe the suitcase containing was contrary to the OAUs brand new the money got missing. stance against coup making and other anti-democratic acts. The government may have actually come out of this episode with its reputation enhanced for the swift and relatively transparent manner in which it dealt with the situation. In Regardless of his motives and notwithstanding the infant its effort to avoid even the appearance of incompetence nature of his presidency, it was incongruous for a newly and mismanagement, the President appears to have chosen elected democrat president to grace a ceremony and to err on the side of caution by removing Mallam Isa first accept an honor at an event commemorating a military and sorting out the details later. coup. Eyadema has been in power for over 30 years, presiding over political repression and socio-economic However, it appears inappropriate to cite the handling of decay. this incident as an example of the new administrations commitment to pursue a policy of zero tolerance on Continued on next column E Continued on page 7 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 7 corruption, as some pundits have done. After all, the of International Womens Day that the police would not controversy began when the news broke in the Dispatch, relent in its effort to bring the perpetrators to book. an Accra tri-weekly; it was not the office of the president that broke the news. Moreover, the trouble could have been averted if due notice had been taken of the extreme Happily, the government has fulfilled the naivety displayed by Mallam Isa during his vetting in promise to seek international support in Parliament, and if the public outcry that followed his containing the murders. nomination and appointment had been heeded.

Happily, the government has fulfilled the promise to seek The action against Issah may be taken as international support in containing the murders. Recently, a an example of zero tolerance for group from the American FBI arrived in the country to incompetence (and not for corruption), but assist the Police in their investigations and no murders have a conclusive test of Kufuors commitment been reported for the past couple of months. These may to the policy of zero tolerance of be hopeful signs that at last our national nightmare is about corruption to end.rr remains to be seen.

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789The HIPC Debacle: A Case of 0 of the ruling party. He was not politically indispensable. 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890 Therefore his ouster should not be taken as an example of Political Mismanagement firm and decisive action by the President to remove a corrupt insider. The action against Issah may be taken as an example of zero tolerance for incompetence (and not Probably the most controversial and talked-about issue for corruption), but a conclusive test of Kufuors of Kufuors first months in office was his administrations commitment to the policy of zero tolerance of corruption decision to take Ghana to join the Heavily Indebted and remains to be seen. rr Poor Countries Initiative (HIPC). Joining this World Bank/ IMF program (which aims to wipe out roughly half of the debt of eligible countries to the developed world) may have 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123

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12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012Accra Serial Murders: 3 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123 Silence? ...... the political process leading to the decision was badly managed. Three months into the New Year 2001 and three months The President had promised to allow full into the life of the Kufuor administration, three women have public debate on the matter in order to been murdered in Accra. A strange coincidence, especially make an informed decision on when the promise to solve the mystery murders became a whether to join the initiative. campaign issue during the runoff to the December 2000 elections. Moreover, unconditional debt relief advocated by some of Surprisingly, the media has downplayed these murders. the critics of the decision was never on offer. The deep Worse still, not much has been heard from the red-band- resentment of the label highly indebted and poor, may wearing gender activists and organizations that led be irrational, since by almost any economic standards the demonstrations to former IGP Peter Nanfuris office and labels are accurate for Ghanaian conditions, if somewhat the Castle last year. The momentum generated by the demeaning. And the resistance to HIPC may have been a forceful demand of various groups for the head of the then reflection of the strong but largely untenable view that World IGP and a speedy resolution of the crisis appears to have Bank and IMF inspired programs in Ghana such as SAP died down. And the pressure on the new IGP to act quickly are primarily responsible for economic failure and non- and decisively has not been sustained. performance.

It is equally surprising that no official statement has come However, the political process leading to the decision was from the new Ministry of Womens Affairs, headed by Hon. badly managed. The President had promised to allow full Gladys Asmah; she has not spoken forcefully on the recent public debate on the matter in order to make an informed murders. In what appears to be a continuation of tradition, decision on whether to join the initiative. While some debate the minister only assured the public during the celebration on the matter did occur, it was nowhere near what the Continued on next column E Continued on page 8 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 8 President and his officials made the public to believe would publicly declared their assets as they had promised to do take place. Before anything that may be called a full pubic voluntarily during the election campaign. And for another, the debate, the Minister for Finance went ahead and fine example set by Dr. Kwesi Nduom in putting his business announced its decision to join in presenting the budget interest in a blind trust and taking adverts to inform the public statement on March, apparently with the consent of the about that soon after his confirmation has yet to be emulated President. by his benighted colleagues. This creates the impression that official ministers are reluctant to raise the current low bar of It is bad enough that there had been very little public official transparency higher than it is and or that they want to dialogue on the pros and cons of HIPC and the countrys declare their assets publicly only after they have sufficiently eventual decision to join. But it was the manner in which padded them. We want to be proved wrong on this one. the government reached the decision, rather than the decision itself, that angered many Ghanaians. Many people It is important for the new administration to make good on its felt that the decision to join HIPC was thrust upon them. promise of a government of transparency lest it is seen as only Furthermore, the fact that the decision was made ahead of following in the footsteps of its predecessor that had claimed schedule gave the impression that the government had not the mantle of integrity while running a largely non accountable thoroughly considered their options and was perhaps not and non transparent government taking the issue as seriously as it should have. Altogether, it generated a feeling of betrayal and of lack of concern for Moreover, a number of minor and not so minor developments the views of citizens on the issue. Moreover, the Kufuor in the early months of the Kufuor presidency threaten to administration lost a good opportunity to elaborate and undermine the credibility of his administration in respect of institutionalize the emerging good governance practice of combating corruption and promoting integrity in public life. active and broad stakeholder consultation as well as civic They include media allegations of contract award to key regime participation in the making of national decisions.rr insiders, in some cases on a sole sourcing basis (e.g., the contracts for interior decorations at State House and the lifting

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 of oil from Nigeria). Even more disturbing are reports that 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 two private individuals have voluntarily undertaken to refurbish 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456

1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345MIxed Record on 6 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456 free of charge the private residence of the President, which Corruption Control serves temporarily as his official residence. These allegations may prove unfounded. None of the alleged The declaration of zero-tolerance of corruption and other contract awards may have violated existing regulations. verbal affirmations have raised public expectations that the Nonetheless, they underline the inadequate sensitivity to issues Kufour Administration would be strongly committed to of conflict of interest in the Ghanaian body politic. controlling corruption. Evidently, there is more to the (Businessmen hardly offer free gifts without expectation of commitment to pursue a policy of zero tolerance of profit sooner or later, directly or indirectly). The reported corruption than rhetoric. The Vice President participated incidents highlight the continuing need to improve transparency actively in the launching of the Ghana Anti Corruption in official transactions and especially to elaborate and enforce Coalition and the Ghana Governance and Anti-Corruption credible procurement regulations. rr

Report in February and expressed strong support for the 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 coalition. Also laudable is the governments initiative to 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789 elaborate a draft code of conduct for ministers and other 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789The Rule of Law and Cleaning public officials. Furthermore, the government plans to the Aegean Stables establish an office of accountability within the executive.

However, there is concern that The determination of the new administration to cleanse the anti-corruption stance state agencies of the rot in which they have been mired may not be matched by action. under the preceding regime is understandable. The desire For one thing, neither the President nor to expose official mismanagement and corruption and to any of his Ministers rescue subvented public agencies and parastatals from have publicly declared their perversion is also understandable. assets as they had promised to do voluntarily. The new administration does not necessarily have to repeat the mistakes of the past when ministers have been fired even while However, there is concern that the governments anti- they were abroad attending meetings on corruption stance may not be matched by action. For one behalf of the state. thing, neither the President nor any of his Ministers have Continued on next column E Continued on page 9 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 9

And it may well be that officials who are suspected to reinforced the negative pattern of executive have committed some malfeasance must be made to dominance in Ghanaian politics. The power and the proceed on leave to enable proper investigation to be opportunity granted to the President under the conducted. Hiring and firing high public officials and Constitution to appoint MPs to ministerial and other appointees by radio announcement and asking people positions keeps MPs beholden to the President; MPs to proceed on leave without adequately preparing the hoping to be favored by the President with ministerial ground for their replacement may appear to conform posts are most unlikely to assert legislative autonomy. to the prevailing political culture. Indeed, all the actions taken by the government so far to clean the stables, Against this background, it is highly disappointing including the arrest of the former acting Auditor General that President Kufuor has chosen so many of his from the Ridge Church where he was attending Sunday ministers from Parliament. Over 50% of the ministers service and taking him home for a search to be are MPs. conducted by BNI officials, may be sanctioned by the Constitution. This development and especially the universal inability or unwillingness of MPs to forgo such To be sure, claims by officials and apologists of the presidential treats underline the continuing former ruling NDC party that the Kufuor Administration attractions of appointive public service and is conducting an anti-NDC witch-hunt and political ministerial positions, and the patronage that vendetta may be grossly exaggerated. And without surrounds it. It also underscores the persistence of prejudice to the outcome of the legal challenges a culture of patrimonialism in Ghanaian political life: mounted against some of those incidence of forced a ministerial position confers the status of a big leave, dismissals by radio announcement, appearance man. Moreover, poaching ministers from of official victimization may be comparatively fewer in Parliament reduces the razor- thin majority of the the new administration. However, some of the actions NPP (100 in a 200 seat House), thereby complicating are bound to cause discomfort even among sympathizers the governments ability to pursue its legislative of the regime. Such actions remind Ghanaians in general agenda. and the technocratic classes in particular of an unpleasant recent past and arouse fears that those days More significantly, this has the potential to decimate may not be completely over. the institution of Parliament and undermine it bipartisan cohesion as MPs, now serving as It is very important that the new the government protects ministers will be distracted from their legislative its image as a liberal democratic regime. It is therefore duties. And it further weakens the ability of that necessary that it not only conforms but also appear to institution to countervail Executive power.rr conform to the letter and spirit of rule of the law and due process. The new administration does not necessarily have to repeat the mistakes of the past when ...... MPs hoping to be favored ministers have been fired even while they were abroad by the President with attending meetings on behalf of the state. It must strive ministerial posts are most to rise above the prevailing authoritarian political culture unlikely to assert legislative autonomy. and other negative political legacies, which may be It is therefore disappointing driving state security agencies to be over zealous in the that in choosing his performance of their legitimate duties. The Kufuor ministers and their deputies, government must also beware of false tip-offs by regime President Kufuor has gone detractors intended to cause embarrassment. well beyond the minimum stipulated under Establishing the basis for sustained governance requires the Constitution attention to the rule of law and due process.rr

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123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890Decimation of Parliament 1 123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123456789012345678901212345678901

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 The partial fusion of the Executive and the Legislature 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012

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Continued on next columnE Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 10

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12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123 1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012PROGRAMS FOR THE FIRST 3 academia, media and civil society organizations. 12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123

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12345678901234567890123456789012123456789012345678901234567890121234567890123 Former Supreme Court Justice N.Y.B. Adade chaired

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1234567890123456789012345678901212345678901234567890123456789012123456789012QUARTER OF 2001 3

January 5 February 21-22

The Center organized a briefing for the twenty-six A sub-regional conference on Combating Election Media Monitors of the IFES/CDD STEP 2000 Fraud: Lessons for West Africa was held at the La Election Project. The meeting reviewed the project Palm Royal Beach Hotel, Accra. The conference was briefing marked the end of the media monitoring co-sponsored by the Open Society Initiative for exercise. Prof. E. Gyimah-Boadi and Dr. Baffour West Africa (OSIWA). Hon. Peter Ala Adjetey, Agyeman-Duah, both of the Center, addressed the Speaker of Ghanas Parliament, was the guest meeting. speaker. The fifty participants were drawn from Ghana, Nigeria, Benin, Senegal and Liberia. Resource persons came from South Africa and January 9 Ghana.

Prof. E. Gyimah-Boadi, Executive Director, led a roundtable discussion on Toward Peaceful February 27 Alternation of Power in Ghana: Resettling the Outgoing President and other Transitional Matters. An international seminar on The Role of the Mr. Emile Short, Chairman of CHRAJ, chaired the Military in Democratic Transition: The Experiences discussion which attracted forty participants from of Mali was held at the Golden Tulip Hotel, Accra. the political parties, Parliament, diplomatic and Mr. Mahamadou Kante, military advisor in the Office donor community, and academia. of the President of Mali, presented a paper on the subject; he was supported by Gen. Anatoly Sangare, Minister of Army Affairs of Mali. The seminar was February 15 also an occasion for the launching of the Centers publication, Civil-Military Relations in Ghana, by Mr. H. Kwasi Prempeh, US-based attorney and the Hon. Dr. Kwame Addo-Kufuor, Minster of member of the CDD Governing Board, led a Defense. Participants included military officers roundtable discussion on An Agenda for from Benin and Cote dIvoire and officers of the Constitutional and Legal Reform in Ghana. His Ghana Armed Forces, Police, Parliament, Judiciary Lordship Justice E. K. Wiredu, Acting Chief Justice, and the Media. Also in attendance were the Malian chaired the discussion. The fifty-six participants Ambassador to Ghana. Gen. Emmanuel Erskine, were drawn from the Executive, Judiciary, former UNIFIL Commander, chaired the function. Parliament, political parties, Constitutional bodies, diplomatic and donor community and the media.

February 20 March 2 The Centers publication, Media Coverage of the Dr. Dan Smith, a senior Fulbright Scholar and 2000 Elections was launched by Dr. Baffour associate of the Center, led a roundtable discussion Agyeman-Duah, Associate Executive Director. In on Ghanas Election 2000 and the Politics of attendance were twenty-five participants from the

Continued on next column E Continued on page 11 E Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 11

Media, political parties, National Media Commission, and civil society organizations. Dr. CDD-GHANA Publications Dan Smith, a research associate, presented the report and Dr. Bona Koomson of the National Media Critical Perspectives No. 1: The Ghanaian Judiciary and the 1992 Constitution: Commission chaired the function. A Problem of Asymmetrical Jurisprudence by H. Kwasi Prempeh, January 1999

Critical Perspectives No. 2: Reforming the Political Kingdom: Governance and Development in Ghanas Fourth Republic by Richard Sandbrook & Jay Oelbaum, June 1999 March 14 Critical Perspectives No. 3: Business Associations in Ghanas Economic and Political Transition by Elizabeth Hart and E. Gyimah-Boadi, January 2000

Critical Perspectives No. 4: Elections in Emerging Democracies: Ghana, Prof. Kasim Kasanga, Director, Institute of Land Liberia and Nigeria by Baffour Agyeman-Duah, August 2000 Management and Development, University of Critical Perspectives No. 5: Land Policy and National Development in Ghana Science and Technology, launched the Centers by Kasim Kasanga, October 2000 Critical Perspectives No. 6: The structural Underpinnings of Ghanas report on Corruption and other Constraints on the December 2000 Elections by Daniel A Smith, February 2001

Land Market and Land Administration. Dr. W. Briefing Paper Vol. 1, No. 1: The Nigerian Elections by Baffour Agyeman- Odame-Larbi of the National Lands Commission Duah , April 1999 chaired the launching that was attended by forty-five Briefing Paper Vol. 1, No. 2: The Politics of Poverty Alleviation in Ghana by Lauren Morris MacLean, July 1999 participants. Briefing Paper Vol. 1, No. 3: Mainstreaming the Participation of Women in Public Life by Ken Attafuah, August 1999

Briefing Paper Vol. 1, No. 4: Democracy and Economic Reform in Africa by March 28-30 Peter Lewis, November 1999 Briefing Paper Vol. 2, No. 1: The Rule of Law and Conflict Resolution in West Africa by William Reno, March 2000

A sub-regional workshop on Enhancing the Briefing Paper Vol. 2, No. 2: Ensuring Free and Fair Elections in Ghana: The involvement of Civil Society in Regional Security Crucial Role of State-owned Media by H. Kwasi Prempeh, May 2000 Briefing Paper Vol. 2, No. 3: Promoting Public Access to Information by Kofi was held at the Bayview Hotel, Accra. Hon. Malik Kumado, July 2000

Alhassan Yakubu, Minister of Interior, gave the Briefing Paper Vol. 2, No. 4: Election 2000: Debating the Issues? by Daniel opening address. In attendance were fifty-four Smith, September 2000 delegates from Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Togo, Briefing Paper Vol. 2, No. 5: Why Ghana Needs Freedom of Information Legislation by E. Gyimah-Boadi, October 2000 Mali, Senegal, Guinea, Cote dIvoire and Ghana. Research Paper No. 1: Public Perceptions of Corruption in the Education and Resource persons included Gen. Cheick Oumar Health Sector, November 1998 Diarra, special envoy of ECOWAS for Sierra Leone; Research Paper No. 2: Popular Attitudes to Democracy and Market Reforms Dr. E. K. Annin, IEA, and Napoleon Abdulai, a in Ghana, November 1999 disarmament expert of the UN. Research Paper No. 3: Popular Elite Attitudes to Democracy and Markets in Ghana, August 2000

Research Paper No. 4: Corruption and Other Constraints on the Land Market and Land Administration in Ghana: A Preliminary Investigation, August 2000 March 29-31 Research Paper No. 5: Foreign Political Aid, Democratization and Civil Society in Ghana in the 1990s, September 2000

Research Paper No. 6: Civil Society Organizations and Ghanaian A meeting to form a Civil Society Coalition to Democratization, September 2000 support a National Reconciliation Project in Ghana Research Paper No. 7: Civil Society and Domestic Policy Environment in was held at the Center. Representatives of twenty- Ghana, September 2000 five organizations and opinion leaders attended. The Research Paper No. 8: Media Coverage of the 2000 Elections, January 2001 meeting was chaired by Mr. Justice V.C.R.A.C Research Paper No. 9: Civil-Military Relations in Ghana, December 2000

Crabbe, a retired justice of the Supreme Court. rr Report on the December 2000 Elections in Ghana, March 2001

Conference Proceedings: Collective Security in West Africa, July 1999

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The Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDD-GHANA) 14 Airport West Residential Area P.O.Box 404, Legon Accra-GHANA

Phone: 233-21 776142/ 763029 Fax: 233 21 763028 e-mail: [email protected] Website: www.CDD-GHANA.org

The Ghana Center for Democratic Development, CDD-Ghana CDD-GHANA Publications (formerly Center for Democracy and Development) is an independent, nonpartisan and nonprofit organization based in Accra, Ghana. It is dedicated to the promotion of democracy, n Briefing Paper Vol. 1 Nos.1- 4 good governance and the development of liberal economic environment in Ghana in particular and Africa in general. In so n Briefing Paper Vol. 2 Nos 1- 4 doing, CDD-Ghana seeks to foster the ideals of society and n Briefing Paper Vol. 3 Nos 1- 2 government based on the rule of law and integrity in public n Critical Perspectives Nos.1- 5 administration. n CDD Research Papers Nos.1- 9 n Conference Proceedings Nos. 1-2

Editorial

Ghanas Democratic Prospects

The December 2000 elections and peaceful transfer of power in January 2000 provided a powerful demonstration of the power of the thumb as opposed to the power of the gun. Many ordinary Ghanaians hailed it as the second independence largely because it appeared to have lifted the nearly 19 years old culture of silence. It also represented a successful test of Article 66 of the 1992 Constitution limiting presidential tenure to two terms.

The change also presented a good opportunity to test the resilience and durability of democratic institutions of Ghanas 4th Republic and, arguably, the possibility of forestalling the growth in Ghana of a veritable party-state system or the political kingdom. Moreover, the positive political developments appear to have returned Ghana to a position of leadership in African political development not seen since the late 1950s and early 1960s. Indeed, it showcased Ghana as an example of peaceful political change through the ballot box in the otherwise volatile West Africa sub-region.

Outstanding deficits in democratic governance and unresolved problems

However, the successful electoral turnover and power alternation bring Ghana to a new and unfamiliar political juncture. It presents the challenge of national reconciliation and of healing the many social and political divisions, especially those left behind by the regimes of JJ Rawlings, as well as the deep social tensions that revealed themselves in an intensely competitive multi-party election. Clearly, very little was done during the eight years of the Rawlings-NDC administration to address the problems of past abuses and a politically divided nation. Pressure for retribution against perpetrators of past human rights violations remains strong. There is neither a consensus on whether to grant clemency to perceived wrongdoers nor a framework for redressing past wrongs and compensating victims.

The change also presents the challenge of how to avoid provoking uncontrollable or difficult to control constitutional and political crises, for instance over the transition clauses of the 1992 Constitution, and or how to manage genuine fears and or paranoia over the possibility that JJ Rawlings might return to power through fair or foul means.

There is also the key challenge of how to handle the complex issues of economic management such as the huge national debt (estimated at about $3500 per capita in a country whose GDP per capita is about $400). Also challenging is the development of equitable and sustainable responses to the crisis of funding key social services such as education, health, etc. It a real challenge to control corruption in a country where most public officials earn less than a living wage and resource hungry ruling party and government appointees are faced with serious temptations of self-dealing and other moral hazards. Equally challenging is pursuing ex-leaders suspected to have looted national assets and or have engaged in other egregious abuse of office where such actions are likely to be perceived as witch-hunting.

Another key challenge is how to attenuate the negative aspects of Ghanaian political culture such as the culture of one-party state and political patronage as well as low political tolerance and their attendant depredations. It is instructive to note that the scramble for patronage jobs appears to have begun as soon as the elections were over. Pro-NPP organizations such the NPP Youth Wing and the Young Executives Club have gained prominence while the NDC front organizations such as Verandah Boys and Girls Club and the 31st December Womens Movement have suddenly disappeared. It is also interesting to note that NDC pennants have disappeared from motor vehicles and motorists are only sporting NPP pennants. A press conference held by former Vice President Mills in March to protest what he saw as harassment of NDC leaders and unfair attempts to tarnish the image of the former ruling party was met with a very hostile reaction in the private media.

The felicitous wish of Democracy Watch is that Ghanaians, President Kufour and the new NPP administration will work assiduously to consolidate the countrys impressive democratic achievements and overcome entrenched weaknesses. We will certainly maintain our watch over the process. Democracy Watch Vol. 2, No. 1 March 2001 13