UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology

Title Agriculture Among the Paiute of Owens Valley

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Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 3(1)

Authors Lawton, Harry W. Wilke, Philip J. DeDecker, Mary et al.

Publication Date 1976-07-01

Peer reviewed

eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Agriculture Among the Painte of Owens Valley

HARRY W. LAWTON, PHILIP J. WILKE MARY DeDECKER, and WILLIAM M. MASON

... 7b search for the first domestic plant' is to attention has been given since to Paiute search for an event. It is poor strategy, it irrigation of wild plants appears to lie in encourages bitter rivalry rather than coopera­ Steward's belief that these people were "on the tion, and it is probably fruitless. We should verge of agriculture without achieving it." In search instead for the processes by which fact, Steward (1930) titled his first paper on agriculture began. the subject "Irrigation Without Agriculture." —Kent V. Flannery (1973) Almost no one who has written on the subject has taken Steward's discovery very seriously or challenged his conclusions. In part, this may be N 1973, Kent V. Flannery in a masterly because there was some wavering by Steward Ireview article asserted that no aspect of over the years as to whether irrigation was truly prehistory had received so much attention aboriginal with the Owens Valley Paiute or from archaeologists, botanists, geographers, acquired from contact with the Spanish or and anthropologists over the preceding 15 later American settlers who penetrated the years as the origins of agriculture. "Surely at region after 1850 (Steward 1930:248-249; this stage," Flannery observed wryly, "we 1938:53). Also, Treganza (1956) argued that could declare the origins of agriculture a band­ irrigation reached Owens Valley through wagon." Indeed, one can scarcely keep abreast Caucasian contact after 1850, although he of new literature on agricultural origins. Yet presented no data adequately defending this throughout the voluminous writings on this hypothesis. Eventually. Steward (1970:123) subject over the past few decades there are only reconsidered the problem and somewhat fleeting references to the practice of irrigation cautiously returned to his original position of wild plants among the Paiute of Owens that irrigation of wild plants in Owens Valley Valley. was probably of aboriginal origin. A third Almost a half century has passed since factor standing in the way of more intensive Julian Steward (1930) first brought to scholar­ scrutiny of Owens Valley irrigation has been ly attention ditch irrigation of wild plants by semantic confusion over the concept of "incip­ these Great Basin people of east central Cali­ ient agriculture" as opposed to true agriculture. fornia. Steward (1930:156) suggested this That problem will be discussed later in this anomalous subsistence practice might have paper. arisen as "simply an artificial reproduction of Undoubtedly, the importance of Steward's natural conditions" existing in the swampy pioneer research on irrigation in Owens Valley lowlands of Owens Valley. One reason little has been obscured by his own coining of the 14 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY phrase "irrigation without agriculture." Ap­ was adopted by the Cahuilla, Kamia, interior parently researchers have taken Steward's groups of Southern Diegueno, certain groups phrase literally, since no one has added in Baja California, and quite possibly some significant new insights on Paiute irrigation, Indian groups on the Mohave Desert (e.g., and no one seems to have considered the Forbes 1963; Lawton 1968; Lawton and Bean possibility that true agriculture could have 1968). Another area of primary concern has existed in Owens Valley. For this reason, been the extent to which California Indians recent summaries of agricultural origins (e.g., engaged in environmental manipulations such Harlan 1975) have been unable to adequately as burning of woodland-grass, chaparral, and evaluate its significance. Recent archaeologi­ coniferous forest zones to enhance plant and cal work in Owens Valley (Hettinger 1975) has animal food resources (Lewis 1973). In this been directed at other problems.' latter field of study, scattered data have also been assembled indicating the presence of FRAMEWORK OF INVESTIGATION incipient agriculture among many Indian Bean and Blackburn (1976:6) called groups (Bean and Lawton 1973). Fairly attention to a "renaissance of sorts" that has comprehensive reviews of the literature on occurred in recent years in the study of such research may be found in Bean and California Indians. They noted a dramatic Lawton (1973)2 and Lawton (1974). Winter increase in papers reflecting a commitment to (1975) provided a bibliography covering the development of theory applicable to a aboriginal agriculture within the broader wider arena than California or providing contexts of the Southwest and the Great Basin. "significant reinterpretations or syntheses of More recent research touching upon the older data that greatly alter previously problem of aboriginal agriculture in south­ accepted views on aboriginal life." Kearney eastern California is reported by Wilke and (1974:5) linked this renaissance to a growing Lawton (1975), Wilke, King, and Hammond recognition that aboriginal California was (1975), and Wilke (1976). probably "more representative of the non- Such research has made it necessary to urban stage of human prehistory than the reconsider Spinden's (1917) hypothesis that 'band-level' societies of contemporary hunters the acorn economy of California prevented the and gatherers in marginal environments which westward dispersal of agriculture from the are relatively over-represented in the literature." Colorado River, where it was practiced in the In particular, there has been a focus in the pre-hispanic era. Similarly, hypotheses devel­ past few years on the technological processes oped by Kroeber (1925, 1939), Sauer (1936), associated with subsistence patterns of Califor­ and other investigators that certain specific nia hunters and gatherers. Heizer's (1958:23) cultural or environmental factors constituted hypothesis that the peoples of California were barriers to the spread of agriculture across in a "Preformative Stage" defined as "semi- California have been shown to be invalid or agricultural" at the time of Spanish contact has not sufficiently comprehensive in resolving this had a stimulating influence on a body of problem (Bean and Lawton 1973:viii-xvii). In a researchers who have fanned out looking for recent review of Lewis (1973), David R. Harris supporting data among various Indian groups. commented as follows on the new research Much of their research has concentrated on data coming out of California; southeastern California, where an increasing . . . What emerges most forcefully ... is array of circumstantial evidence indicates that confirmation from California for the view aboriginal agriculture diffused west of the that 'primitive' man's ability to manipulate Colorado River prior to European contact and his environment was much greater than AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 15

conventional opinion supposes. It rein­ logical studies of early deposits containing forces my belief that it is high time we already domesticated plants. rejected the simple-minded opposition be­ tween 'farmer' and 'hunter-gatherer' and NATURAL AND CULTURAL SETTING sought instead to devise new and more ecologically and socially sophisticated Owens Valley is a deep structural trough in categories in our investigations of aborigi­ east central California (Fig. 1). The valley is nal subsistence [Harris 1975:686]. over 75 miles long, averages 6-10 miles in width, has an average elevation of about 4000 Eventually, new directions in California feet, and runs generally southeast to the research may make it possible to satisfy the Mojave Desert. High mountains rise like demand of O'Connell (1974:120) that a clearer vertical walls within a few miles on either side understanding be provided of the complex of the valley. The Sierra Nevada to the west processual relationships of California hunters and the White Mountains to the east exceed and gatherers to their environment and those 14,000 feet in elevation, making it the deepest grey areas of phenomena that shade from valley in the United States. The valley is hunting and gathering into the domains of watered by the Owens River and its numerous "semi-agriculture" or agriculture. tributaries which take their snowy origin high It was within the framework of the research in the Sierra Nevada (Fig. 2). Precipitation on outlined above that the authors determined to the valley floor averages only 5-6 inches yearly conduct a serious re-examination of the due to its position in the rainshadow of the problem of irrigation among the Owens Valley mountains. Annual snowfall averages about 12 Paiute. Our research over the past three years inches. Summers are hot, and winters are has brought to light previously overlooked or moderately cold. The average growing season unpublished documentary materials indicating is 144 days (Felton 1965:120). that irrigation was of far greater importance to Although formerly classified as Eastern Owens Valley subsistence than heretofore Mono, the Indians of Owens Valley are now recognized. We will show that the Owens recognized as the southernmost division of Valley Indians developed a complex system of Northern Paiute. A definitive ethnography has irrigated vegeculture unique to North Amer­ been published by Steward (1933; see also ica. Some evidence will be presented that ditch Steward 1938). There were probably at least irrigation of wild plants may have extended thirty permanent villages clustered into a lesser over a broader area of the Great Basin than number of land-owning districts between simply Owens Valley. Field research combined Round Valley to the north and Owens Lake to with our literature survey has made it possible the south, making Owens Valley one of the also to identify with considerable certainty the most densely settled regions of the entire Great primary plants irrigated by the Owens Valley Basin. The aboriginal population of Owens Paiute and to correct some misconceptions Valley was probably at least 2000 (Wilke and held by Steward. We will suggest that the Lawton 1976:46). Many plant foods were practice of irrigation among these Indian collected in season in recognized territories, people was almost certainly of indigenous including a section of the valley floor and the origin and that they were engaged in adjoining mountain slopes. Especially impor­ agriculture by definition. Finally, we will tant were pine nuts (Pinus monophylla) and present our conclusion that "wild" plant the seeds of Indian rice-grass (Oryzopsis irrigation by the Paiute of Owens Valley offers hymenoides), wild-rye (Elymus cinereus, E. a more exemplary model of the origins of triticoides), love grass (Eragrostis, probably E. agriculture than any yet revealed by archaeo­ orcuttiana), and many others (see Steward 16 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. I. Location of Owens Valley and other western aboriginal agricultural complexes AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 17

Environment of Owens Valley. Above: View to tbe southwest across Round Valley. Horton Creek in center background. Irrigation was reported by Von Schmidt just below the center of photograph. Photo by P. J. Wilke. Below: Owens River just southwest of Bishop. View to the southeast with the Inyo Mountains in the background. Photo by P.J. Wilke, October, I97S, and Copyright * 1976 by the Ballena Press. Used by permission of Ballena Press. 18 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

1933:242-246). Hunting for mountain sheep irrigation of wild plots, and irrigation occurred (Ovis canadensis), deer (Odocoileus hemio- from Pine Creek in Round Valley to nus), and jackrabbits (Lepus californicus), and Independence Creek about midway in Owens fishing in both the Owens River and its Valley. Steward provided no data on acreage tributaries were also very important subsis­ involved in irrigation at localities other than tence activities. pitana patii. The Northern Paiute of Mono Lake, about forty miles to the northwest of STEWARD'S FINDINGS ON Owens Valley, did not irrigate. OWENS VALLEY IRRIGATION The position of head irrigator {tuvaiju"") Before presenting the results of our was honorary at pitana patii, and he was research, it is necessary for purposes of further elected every spring by popular assembly. The discussion to review Steward's findings on district head man announced the time to begin irrigation among the Owens Valley Paiute. irrigation, and it was approved by the people.^ Steward (1930:149-156; 1933:247-249) fully South of Bishop at Big Pine, the head man also accepted his informants' statements that the served as head irrigator, but he had an practice began in aboriginal times. Steward's assistant. Irrigation was communal at pitana data were entirely ethnographic, however, and patii, and all men might assist in constructing he furnished almost no historical documenta­ the dam of boulders, brush, sticks, and mud. tion shedding light on the antiquity of the Once water was turned into the main irrigation practice. The following information on Owens ditch, the irrigator had sole responsibility for Valley irrigation is summarized from Steward watering the plot by a system of small ditches (1930, 1933, 1938). and dams of mud, sod, and brush. His irrigating tool (pavodo) was a pole, 8 feet long Irrigation Technology and 4 inches in diameter. After water was Steward (1930:15) reported ditch irrigation turned into the ditch, fish were recovered from had been undertaken "upon a considerable the dry stream bed. The overflow water from scale" in Owens Valley with its greatest irrigation was permitted to take its course and development occurring at the northern end of wander on to the Owens River. In the fall, the valley near the present town of Bishop, before harvesting of the wild plants, the dam was destroyed and the water allowed to flow where population was most dense and "natural once more down its main channel. Again fish facilities were greatest." On each side of Bishop were gathered, but this time from the irrigation Creek at pitana paiii was an irrigated plot, a ditch. northern one measuring 4 by 1 to 1-1/2 miles, and a southern plot approximately two miles An interesting feature of Owens Valley square. The irrigation system for these fields irrigation was that the northern and southern consisted of a dam on Bishop Creek about a plots at pitana patii were alternated for mile below the Sierra Nevada Mountains and a irrigation annually. Water was turned into one main ditch leading to each plot. The northern plot in the spring, and the next year the other ditch was over two miles long and the southern plot was irrigated. This is a form of fallowing. more than three miles long, both immense Steward (1933:247) was told by one informant earthworks the size of modern canals (Fig. 3) that alternate irrigation was employed to (Steward 1930:151, 157). According to Stew­ "prevent soil exhaustion," but suggested a ard (1933:247), dam and ditch construction more likely explanation might be that it "involved no problems but entailed consider­ "enabled the plots to reseed themselves." We able labor." Elsewhere, Steward reported. shall discuss below why neither explanation Freeman and Baker creeks were dammed for seems acceptable. Whether alternate irrigation AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 19

Milts Fig. 3. Steward's map of the irrigation system at pitana patii, near present Bishop, Owens Valley, California. Based on informant memory recorded about 1927. Compare this with Fig. 4, which shows observations recorded 75 years earlier. Redrawn from Steward (1930:150). was practiced at settlements other than pitana had a large stand oinahavita and a smaller one patii was not recorded by Steward. of tupusi''. While Steward (1930:150) noted that other "wild seeds and tubers" existed in Wild Crop Plants Harvested the plots, he emphasized (1930:152; 1933:247) An important aspect of early Owens Valley that the overflow water below the plots irrigation is that it was appHed to plants other irrigated land bearing mono, siinW", pau- than those known to have been cultivated by poniva, waiya, pak", and tsikava, which were aboriginal farmers in the American Southwest. also harvested as food plants. The principal Steward (1933:247) implied that the two plots purpose of irrigation, however, appears to at pitana patii were irrigated to increase the have been directed at two chief plants in the "natural yield" of two primary plants: tiipiisi'' irrigated plots, tiipiisi'' and nahavita. and nahavita (see also Steward 1930:150).'' He Steward (1930:150) identified the plant reported that the western half of the northern known as tiipiisi'' as a "small bulb of the lily plot at pitana patii abounded in tiipiisi'', and family." Later, he suggested (1933:245) that it the eastern half in nahavita. The southern plot was "probably Brodiaea capitata Benth., 20 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY grassnut or blue dicks," the species currently through planting (which some Great Basin classified as Dichelostemmapulchella (Salisb.) groups engaged in), would have resulted in Heller. The second primary wild crop plant increased yields and consequently a tendency was nahavita, which he believed to be a toward increased sedentism and other cultural member of the genus Eleocharis (spikerush). complexities (Wilke et al. 1972). We will suggest below that Steward's identifi­ Theoretical Discussion cation of these plants was in error. The seed-bearing wild plants primarily Steward (1933:248) firmly emphasized that associated with the irrigation overflow below the Owens Valley Paiute were "on the verge of the plots are identified as follows: mono (also horticulture but did not quite achieve it, for called tsikava, love grass, Eragrostis, probably planting, tilling, and cultivating were un­ E. orcuttiana); siinW" (wheat grass, Agro- known." Earlier, Steward (1930:149) used the pyron, probably A. trachycaulum); paupo- word "agriculture" instead of "horticulture." niva (?); waiya (Great Basin wild-rye, Elymus, The term "horticulture" as used by Steward is probably E. cinereus or E. triticoides); and misleading, since irrigation as practiced in pak'^ (sunflower, Helianthus, probably H. Owens Valley was on the agronomic scale of nuttallii) (based on Steward 1933:242-245, field crops, which is the chief business of unpublished ethnobotanical notes of Mark agriculture (e.g., Taylor I96I). Part of the Kerr, and floristic notes of DeDecker). misunderstanding that exists here is the result Steward's (1933:242-245) ethnography also of a disagreement over terms and concepts and lists several other plants which grew on the of conceptual changes since Steward's research irrigated plots or on the overflowed land. appeared. These are atsa (western yellow cress, Rorippa Steward (1933:248-249) presented three curvisiliqua), sigiiv'^ (an unidentified grass), possible hypotheses for the occurrence of wocava (another unidentified grass), pawai "irrigation without agriculture" in Owens (water grass, Echinochloa crusgalli),^ and wata Valley, which he recognized as having "an (white pigweed, Chenopodium berlandieri). important bearing on the origins of agriculture Harvesting of the irrigated plots was in America." The three hypotheses may be communal, and all women might assist in the summarized as follows: effort. The intensity with which the fields were (1) An ancient practice of irrigation may harvested is not known, but total harvesting have preceded the diffusion of cultivated would have required a tremendous amount of plants in the Southwest and survived in eastern communal labor with such extensive plots.^ California. Steward considered this hypothesis Steward does not say whether harvesting of highly improbable, with no known evidence to certain plants occurred in various stages support it.' between spring and fall (wher/ the dam at (2) Irrigation may have diffused from a pitana patii was destroyed). He does say that horticultural complex of the near or remote tiipiisi'' and pak" were harvested in the fall. past in the Southwest. Steward considered it Digging sticks of mountain mahogany or unlikely that such a borrowing had occurred in buckbrush were employed in digging up recent times, since none of the crop plants nahavita and tiipiisi'' during the harvest. A grown among peoples to the east and southeast ladle-shaped basketry seed-beater was em­ of Owens Valley had entered the Paiute ployed with seed plants, which were collected irrigation complex. If diffusion from the in a conical carrying basket. It has been shown Southwest explained Paiute irrigation. Stew­ elsewhere that harvesting with seed-beaters ard (1933:249) stated, then it did not "operate militated against genetic modification, which, in the conventional manner, for there was a AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 21 differential borrowing in which a close-knit documented in the narrative of Zenas Leonard horticultural complex was broken down and (Ewers 1959). In the fall of 1843, Walker the seemingly dependent or secondary ele­ guided the J. B. Childs (Chiles) emigrant party ment, irrigation, diffused without the carrier or to California by way of Humboldt Sink, raison d'etre of the complex—the nucleus of Walker Lake, Owens Valley, and Walker Pass. cultivated plants." In the fall and winter of 1845, the route was (3) Paiute irrigation may have been of used again when Walker joined Theodore local and independent origin. Steward con­ Talbot on Fremont's so-called third exploring sidered this explanation a distinct possibility. expedition. This passage to California was He hypothesized that the original idea for documented in Edward M. Kern's diary irrigation might have come from the "swampy (1876), which unfortunately has little to say of lowlands of Owens Valley where it is obvious Owens Valley. In the spring of 1846, Walker that moist soil—a natural irrigation—pro­ left the Fremont expedition and retraced his duces a very prolific plant growth" (Steward route. He later explored the country around 1933:249). Irrigation would then represent Mono Lake, and may have once more passed "simply an artificial reproduction of natural through Owens Valley (Watson 1934). Leo­ conditions." Kowta (1965) and Appleton and nard provided no description of Owens Valley, Kowta (1969), in a reappraisal of Steward's and Walker appears to have kept no diaries data, concluded that Owens Valley irrigation (Ewers 1959). Due to its position, well removed may have been of independent origin. from emigrant routes into California, Owens As mentioned earlier. Steward (1938:53) Valley escaped the devastating effects of the several years later admitted the possibility that Gold Rush of 1849. irrigation was introduced by the Spanish or The Von Schmidt Survey Americans who penetrated the valley after 1850.8 Finally, Steward (1970:123) returned to The oldest documentary records on Owens his original view that irrigation was probably Valley irrigation that we have been able to of aboriginal origin. With the above summary locate are those compiled by A. W. Von in mind, we can begin our reexamination of the Schmidt, who surveyed and mapped the region problem of irrigation among the Owens Valley under contract with the U.S. Government Paiute. from 1855-1856. The survey consisted of laying out township and section lines, establishing SURVEY OF HISTORICAL AND corner markers, noting the character of the ETHNOGRAPHIC LITERATURE terrain and quality of the soil, and recording the work accomplished on plat sheets and in Early Expeditions accompanying notes. Since the surveyors worked their way around each section (1 The earliest known expeditions into Owens square mile) of the valley floor, the plats and Valley were those of Joseph Reddeford notes give some idea of the distribution and Walker, who traversed the valley four or five nature of irrigation in Owens Valley. Careful times, first, we believe, in 1834. Walker's party study of the record indicates that irrigation was was on a beaver-trapping expedition to described from Rock Creek, at the north end of California for Captain Benjamin Bonneville. Round Valley, to Independence Creek, The route west from the Humboldt Sink region midway down Owens Valley. of Nevada over the Sierras is not known Figure 4 shows the data on irrigation in the precisely, but the return route was over Walker vicinity of Bishop and in Round Valley as Pass and north through Owens Valley, and is recorded by Von Schmidt largely in late 22 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

October and early November, 1856. In Round ing the much-divided stream of Baker Creek. Valley, irrigation was observed on Rock Also indicated on Von Schmidt's map are Creek, Pine Creek (also reported by Steward), some "dry ravines," one of which is apparently and Horton Creek, although these streams did the dry channel of Baker Creek. Von Schmidt not have their present names in 1856. Near recorded these "creeks" only where they Bishop (at pitana patii) the irrigation system crossed the section lines he was surveying. He is indicated to be of at least the extent de­ clearly indicates them entering the northwest scribed by Steward, as can be seen by compar­ corner of S. 18, T. 9S, R. 34E M.D.M. and ing Figs. 3 and 4, which are shown to the same exiting the southeast quarter of the section a scale. If anything, the Von Schmidt notes indi­ mile away. The irrigation system here was cate that irrigation was more extensive at apparently so large that he did not recognize it pitana patii than reported by Steward. for what it was. These are not natural stream There is little information in Von Schmidt's channels; it is not the pattern of braided stream notes on the plants irrigated except that "fine channels to be so evenly spaced or so uniform grass" and "roots" are frequently mentioned, in size as Von Schmidt indicates (Table 1). Be­ and "sabouse" (taboose, tiipiisi') is identified sides, they are shown carrying water across the as the "principal article" of food in Round natural slope of the land, not down it (Fig. 6). Valley. Seeds are not mentioned, but all of There is no question that the channels are these data on irrigation are incidental to the man-made ditches or canals and that Von problems addressed by the surveyors, and we Schmidt mapped and recorded portions of the must base our conclusions on that limited irrigation system at tovowah matii. The notes information they recorded in passing. Acreage are dated October 18, 1856, indicating that the of irrigated land is not given, but distances dam was still intact and irrigation still being across it were recorded in chains. In this system carried out that late in the fall. Apparently the of linear measurement, 1 link = 7.92 inches, 100 harvest had not yet occurred. links = 1 chain (66 feet), and there are 80 chains Figure 7 shows the irrigated area near Big to the mile. Just north and east of present Pine as recorded by Steward on the basis of Bishop, irrigated lands crossed on the section informant knowledge. The figure is based on line were thus 1584 feet (1 / 3 mile) and 1972 feet Steward's "Ethnogeographical map of Owens (nearly 2/5 mile) across, respectively. The Valley" (1933:Map 2), and is in close agree­ Indians in the vicinity of Bishop and Round ment with the map of Von Schmidt drawn 75 Valley were clearly involved in large-scale food years earlier. Figure 8 is most informative production. since it clearly shows the irrigation system Steward reported irrigation in the vicinity west of Big Pine as drawn by Steward's in­ of Freeman Creek and Keough Hot Springs formant Jack Stewart (Steward 1933:326). (iitii'utu witii 'hot place'), but no information Clearly indicated in Stewart's map is a vast was recorded on it by Von Schmidt. He did irrigation system along a north tributary of Big unknowingly record irrigation in some detail Pine Creek (Baker Creek) involving main near present Big Pine {tovowah malii 'small canals and many small laterals. The signifi­ natural hill place'), where Steward indicated cance of this map has remained unrecognized that a major development occurred on Baker for more than 40 years, but it provides some of Creek. Figure 5 shows many small "creeks" the best information on the distribution of water by means of small ditches or canals in recorded by Von Schmidt at the spot Steward irrigated plots in Owens Valley. stated irrigation was practiced. It is apparent from the size and spacing of these "creeks" that The next reference to irrigation in the Von they are irrigation ditches or canals represent­ Schmidt survey records is at panatii 'water AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 23

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place' (?), just west of Owens River in the // vicinity of Fish Springs and Tinnemaha Creek, about eight miles south of Big Pine. Steward Sec 7 JecjJ Je>: y (< did not specifically report irrigation there, but he did indicate (see Fig. 7) that nahavita and

i.,.\. tiipiisi'' were abundant. We believe from examination of the records that irrigation was '"^' \ carried out with water from Tinnemaha Creek. -- —"^ Jec ,'

Cttti and the distances between them. Here, then, i^jf would appear to be the record of another irrigation system of sizeable proportions. Fig. 5. Paiute irrigation system at tovowaha matii, on Baker Creek near present Big Pine, Owens Valley, California. Moreover, there appears to be a clear L'nknowingly mapped by A. W. Von Schmidt, 1856. understanding on the part of the aboriginal Compare this with Figs. 6 and 7. Note that canals or engineers of the proper size of the irrigation ditches ("creeks'") are carrying water approximately ditches, since many of them are about 40 inches along the contours, rather than across them.

Fig. 6. Big Pine locality as depicted on l.S.CS. Big Pine IS" quadrangle. 1950. Note direction of the contours and compare with direction of flow of irrigation ditches shown in Fig. 5. AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 25

Table 1 EXTRACTS FROM THE NOTES OF A. W. VON SCHMIDT DESCRIBING IRRIGATION DITCHES OR CANALS ON BAKER CREEK, NEAR BIG PINE, OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA, OCTOBER, 1856 (1 chain=66 feet; 1 link=7.92 inches) Chains Notation (West on boundary between S. 7, 18, T. 9S, R. 34E) 52.00 creek 5 links wide, course SE 54.50 10 " " " SbyE 56.25 slough 20 " (54.70 creek 5 " 67.00 3 " 69.00 72.30 74.20 10 " (West on boundary between S. 18, 19, T. 9S, R. 34E) 4.51 creek 5 links wide, course S by E 10.00 5 EbyS 13.70 12 " 16.80 5 " 18.71 8 " 24.71 20 SE 33.71 8 " (North on boundary between S. 17, 18, T. 9S, R. 34E) 3.60 creek 15 links wide, course E 5.75 4i I ^ ^* ^* ** ** 9.60 15.50 8 " 28.37 31 " (North on boundary between S. 19, 20, T. 9S, R. 34E) 48.10 creek 3 links wide, course E 56.20 5 63.00 73.40 74.60 5 75.95 76.20 4i C <•*• It i* (t 79.00 wide. There are also regularities in the spacing Irrigation is again described by Von of ditches, as can be seen in Table 2. A dry Schmidt in the vicinity of Black Rock Spring. stream channel, perhaps representing that While passing east on the boundary between S. from which the water was diverted, is also 12 and 13, T. I2S, R. 34E, on October I, 1856, shown. Von Schmidt commented: "Note: These 26 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

^'ecS Sec 10 Sec//

Sec /6 ?7FSV Sec/S

5^ A,,,,/ f ?n / / '

Sec 2' SecZZ

-.28 Sec 2 7

Fig. 7. Location and extent of irrigation on Baker Creek, near Fig. 9. Paiute irrigation system at panatii, near Tinnemaha Creek, Owens Valley, California. Unknowingly mapped Big Pine, as indicated by Steward (1933:IV!ap 2). Irri­ by A. W. Von Schmidt, 1856. gated land indicated by vertical hachure. Redrawn from Steward (1933:IVlap 2).

swampy places are coursed by the Indians by turning the larger streams descending from the mountains into the level plains for the purpose of raising grass to eat" (emphasis ours). The mention of coursing the swampy places recalls the situation on Baker Creek, where the surveyors recorded no less than eight "creeks" (irrigation ditches) running parallel to one another and carrying water across the slope, rather than down it. It is not clear from the notes whether irrigation water was derived from Black Rock Spring or from Sawmill Fig. 8. "Map of Big Pine Drawn by Jack Stewart." Stewart Creek, which reaches the floor of Owens Valley was an informant of Julian Steward and drew this map, which clearly shows the irrigation system on Baker at this spot. Creek as he remembered it about 1930. The "Tributaries Proceeding down the valley another half- of Big Pine Creek" are the irrigation ditches represent­ dozen miles to the site of Old Fort ing the divided channel of Baker Creek. Copyright«' 1933 Independence, we find another apparent by The Regents of the University of California; re­ printed by permission of the University of California record of irrigation with four well-spaced Press. streams, as well as a "dry ravine" entering the AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 27

Table 2 EXTRACTS FROM THE NOTES OF A. W. VON SCHMIDT DESCRIBING IRRIGATION DITCHES OR CANALS AT TINNEMAHA CREEK, OWENS VALLEY, CALIFORNIA, OCTOBER, 1856 (1 chain=66 feet; 1 link=7.92 inches) Chains Notation (North on boundary between S. 14, 15, T. lOS. R. 34E) 14.10 creek 10 links wide, course E 23.30 u c 4( bi u ^^ 29.00 31.80 5 " (East on boundary between S. 15, 22, T. lOS, R. 34E) 13.60 creek 5 links wide, course NE 15.40 5 17.60 5 28.20 5 31.15 5 33.00 5 39.20 5

S W quarter of S. 6, T. 13S, R. 35E. This would of the Sierra Nevada. In elevation, the seem to document irrigation on Oak Creek localities range from 4000 to 5000 feet. These {tsak.'ca witii 'oak place'), as indicated by data fully corroborate the reports of Steward Steward (1938:51) (see Fig. 10). on the distribution and extent of irrigation in Two miles south in the SE quarter of S. 18 Owens Valley. From the discussion above, it is of the same township, at Independence Creek apparent that whatever the plants irrigated {naiakd: matii '[unidentified plant] place'), ("grass," "roots," and tiipiisi'' are indicated), four parallel streams are indicated. Steward the entire Owens Valley irrigation system (1938:51) reported that irrigation was prac­ involved large plots totaUing multiples of ticed at Independence Creek. square miles. Dams must have been used in all Figure 11 presents a summary of the instances to divert the water out of the stream findings of A. W. Von Schmidt as interpreted beds into canals, which were further divided here and the additional occurrence reported by and carried across the plots to be watered. Steward in the vicinity of Freeman Creek and Where information is available, it indicates Keough Hot Springs. It can be seen that from that many of the canals or ditches were about Independence Creek on the south to Rock 40 inches wide, but they were often much Creek on the north, a total distance of 57 miles wider, and sometimes narrower. Whether along the axis of Owens Valley, there are 10 additional laterals were used to further recorded and nicely spaced instances of distribute the water is not known, but the map irrigation from tributaries of Owens River. All drawn by Steward's Paiute informant. Jack of these developments occurred on the western Stewart, would seem to suggest that they were side of the valley, where the many streams (Fig. 8). This would have aided in the watering brought down abundant water from the snows of large plots. 28 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Sec € Sec 3 Jec "^ -..^-is.,..

5^c7 Seed Sec 9

Sec /8 ^ 3ecJ7 Sec /to"

^

3e- 2S 5ec2/

Fig. 10. Probable irrigation systems unknowingly mapped by A. W. Von Schmidt on Oak Creek (Old Fort Indepen­ dence), Section 6, and Independence Creek, Section 18, T. 13S, R. 35E. Redrawn from 1856 township plat.

Later Historical Accounts On July 5, 1858, a party of prospectors led by David McKenzie set out from Los Angeles for Owens Valley. This group learned from the Indians that gold was being mined by prospectors at Mono Lake, and several of its members pushed on into that region. These Fig. 11. Distribution of irrigation in Owens Valley, as indicated by Steward (1930, 1933, 1938) and Von Schmidt (un­ gold ventures are described in a brief article in published records). Redrawn from Steward (1933: the Los Angeles Star of August 21,1858, which Map 1). provides additional recorded data on irriga­ tion in Owens Valley: the party came to another tribe of Indians, . . . About the centre from one lake to the resembling them, tall stalworth [.s/c] fel­ other [between Owens and Mono lakes], lows, with nose straight. They also culti­ there is a tribe of fine looking Indians, tall vate the land, turning the river by ditches and well made, having features quite dif­ for the purposes of irrigation. Several ferent from the Indians on Owen's Lake. small streams descend from the mountains They are an active, industrious race, irri­ on the west and empty into the river. gate the lands and raise a kind of pea, Where these Indians live, the land is good, which is their principal food. Farther on. and in the upper part of the valley there is AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 29

plenty of clover. In this valley of Owen's Lake, who, for reasons to be suggested later, River, there are probably 2,000 Indians never adopted irrigation of wild crops, elected to attempt European agriculture. The word "industrious" as applied to the Owens Valley irrigation was mentioned Paiute of Owens Valley keeps cropping up in again in the Los Angeles Star of August 27, later accounts of these people. Throughout the 1859, which reported that a detachment of nineteenth century, Anglo accounts of Indian soldiers under a Captain Davidson had lifeways frequently used this word to describe marched from Fort Tejon to Owens Valley on those tribes or groups which were engaged in a search for Indian horse thieves, and had agriculture. vindicated the Indians of that region as not The presence of prospecting parties in being responsible for horse raids. Instead, the Owens Valley in the summer of 1858 may have Star correspondent, who accompanied the stimulated the visit of an Owens Lake delega­ expedition and signed himself "Quis," reported tion of Indians to the Fort Tejon Agency. On the Paiutes to be "quiet, industrious, friendly, August 20, 1858, Indian Agent J. R. Vineyard and altogether rehable." The Star account wrote to his superiors: again describes the vast scope of irrigation activities in Owens Valley: A delegation of Indians from the region of Owens Lake, east of the Sierra, visited the Large tracts of land are here irrigated by [San Sebastian] reservation a short time the natives to secure the growth of the grass since. The people of that region, so far as I seeds and grass nuts—a small tuberous can learn, number about 1500. The root of fine taste and nutritious qualities, delegation asked assistance to put in crops which grows here in abundance. Their next season, also someone to instruct them ditches for irrigation are in some cases in agriculture, etc. I would respectfully carried for miles, displaying as much accu­ invite your attention to the subject, as they racy and judgment as if laid out by an seem to be very sincere in their solicitations engineer, and distributing the water with [Chalfant 1933:123]. great regularity over their grounds, and this, too, without the aid of a single agricul­ In nineteenth-century accounts, the terms tural implement. They are totally ignorant Owens Lake and Owens Valley were often used of agriculture, and depend entirely on the natural resources of the country for food synonymously. This report may therefore refer and clothing [Los Angeles Star, Aug. 27, to the Indians of Owens Valley seeking to learn 1859, p. 2]. the culture of European crops like wheat and barley, or of native American crops like corn, The authors were led to the Star article on which they had never grown. It would then Captain Davidson's expedition of 1859 indicate that the Owens Valley Paiute, who through an excerpt published by Guinn were themselves engaged in large-scale agro­ (1917:41-47). Further effort led to our nomic pursuits, felt that they would need discovery in the U.S. National Archives of the special instruction to shift over to crops being then unpublished report of Captain John W. grown by the white man. Only a people aware Davidson on his military reconnaissance to of the different requirements in the growing of Owens Valley (Wilke and Lawton 1976). plants would be likely to ask for specialized Several points should be stressed about the instruction in addition to crop seeds. Alterna­ Davidson report. First, previous expeditions tively, since irrigation does not seem to have through the valley had traversed it rapidly been practiced at Owens Lake, but only in the without stopping to observe its inhabitants. Owens Valley from Independence north, the Davidson's party was the first to. carefully report may indicate that the Indians of Owens study the lifeway of the Owens Valley Pai- 30 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY ute. His orders specifically instructed him this grass, miles in extent are irrigated with to do so. Although these people apparently great care [italics ours], yielding an abun­ knew a few Spanish words, Davidson was dant harvest of what is one of their prin­ unable to communicate with them except cipal articles of food. The tuber is about the size of a large marrowfat pea, has a through an Indian interpreter. He found the coarse rind or covering, & tastes something people of the valley in a relatively pristine like the Chincapin. They are reproduced aboriginal state with almost no evidence of by planting [italics ours] [Wilke and Law- acculturation other than an awareness that ton 1976:29]. they would have to come to terms with the outside forces moving in on them. (Recall the Another botanical description of an im­ Von Schmidt survey three years earlier.) They portant wild crop plant grown in Owens Valley possessed no horses, no firearms, and no metal and a second plant of apparently lesser tools. As yet there were no white settlers in significance is provided by Alexander S. Owens Valley. In his report, Davidson twice Taylor (I86I0) in his Indianology of Califor­ referred to the practice of irrigation: nia. Taylor published the report of a correspondent on the San Francisco Evening . . . They expressed a desire to have a mili­ Bulletin, who made a trip through Owens tary post among them, as well as they could Valley in June, 1861. At this time, white stock­ understand its nature, to live under the men were already making inroads on the protection of our Government, and to have valley, and white settlers were building cabins seeds and some simple instruments of Agriculture furnished them. They have near the present Independence and in Round already some idea of tilling the ground, as Valley (Chalfant 1933:147). The Bulletin the ascequias [sic] which they have made correspondent also referred to the Indians of with the labor of their rude hands for miles Round Valley as "industrious." In describing in extent, and the care which they bestow the numerous creeks coming down from the upon their fields of grass-nuts abundantly mountains on the west side of the valley, the show. Wherever the water touches this soil of disintegrated granite, it acts like the correspondent wrote: wand of an Enchanter, and it may with truth be said that these Indians have made . . . Some of them are large, forming some portions of their Country, which branches of the river; others, mere rills, otherwise were Desert, to bloom and losing themselves in the dry and porous blossom as the rose [Wilke and Lawton earth, irrigating a considerable patch 1976:19-20].' about the place where they disappear. Most of these streams are shallow, and Davidson goes on to provide a rather clear after leaving the mountain-ravines, have botanical description of the "grass-nuts," banks but a foot or two high. This admits of their being easily turned aside for irriga­ which Steward (1930:150) believed to be tion, a purpose to which they are exten­ Brodiaea capitata. He apparently described sively applied by the Indians. These tribes one of the two primary wild crops grown in cultivate a small white root of an oval Owens Valley, and staled that the wild crops shape, and the size of a cherry. It grows like were planted. an onion, sending up three blades that bear a blue lily-shaped flower. When roasted, These Indians subsist upon the flesh of it looks and tastes like the yam, being very such game as they can kill, the Deer, Ante­ palatable and nutritious. It strongly resem­ lope, & Rabbit, upon the seeds of various bles the root so much in use among the grasses, the Acorn, Pinon-nut, & the Tuber Indians of Oregon and British Columbia, of a species of nutritious grass of which called the Camass [sic\ Besides this, these our horses were very fond. Whole fields of Indians have a species of wild onion AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 31

(amole) with a variety of other roots which from a woman of Walker River, who spent they cultivate for food. In irrigating they some time in the Smith and Mason valleys and conduct the water some distance through was told by Indians there that a plant known as ditches and little acqueducts [sic] made of dirt. The surplus water flowing over the mahaviiu'^u (probably Steward's nahavita) land below these patches of roots has was watered from a natural stream to keep it caused much grass to grow along these "moist." It should be noted that the Northern creeks, consisting of clover, blue-joint, and Paiute band that inhabited the Smith and bunch grass. Cattle are very fond of these Mason valleys and the upper Walker River in and fatten upon them rapidly [Tay­ southwestern Nevada were known as the lor 1861a:8]. Tovusi-dokado, meaning "grass-nut eaters" Taylor (18616) again speaks of irrigation (O. C. Stewart 1951:363). by the Owens Valley Paiute, but presents no In the cultural elements list for the Nevada new data. During the Paiute Indian War in Shoshone, Steward (1941:281) recorded one 1862, Colonel Warren Wasson (Wassen [sic] informant as saying that all villages in Snake 1862) stated: "The Indians are fighting to hold and Spring Valleys near Ely, Nevada, irrigated possession of their lands, which they have wild plants. A second informant stated that irrigated and subsisted on for many years, and there were still native irrigation ditches near are jealous of white settlers coming into their Ely. Steward's (1941:281) informant also country." Elsewhere, Wasson (1862) observed: reported irrigation of wild plants, the building "These Indians have dug ditches and irrigated of dams and ditches, and the election of a head nearly all the arable land in that section of the irrigator among the Northern Paiute of Fish country, and Uve by its products" (see also Lake Valley, Nevada. Finally, Steward (1970: Angel 1881:166). In a bloody skirmish between 123) also noted that during litigation over the Paiutes and 60 white cattle "graziers" under water rights "a few years ago" the Paiute of a Colonel Mayfield on March 28, 1862, the Pyramid Lake argued that they had irrigated white men lost the battle and retreated to an with certain streams before the coming of the Indian irrigation ditch, employing it as a white man. trench, until they could escape under cover of Patch (1951) reported discovering what he darkness (Wassen [sic] 1862; Angel 1881:166). thought to be the remains of ancient irrigation In addition to the historical accounts ditches leading out onto a Pleistocene lakebed presented above, scattered data indicate that in Eureka Valley, which lies in the desert to the other Indian groups of the Great Basin east of Owens Valley. The authors have viewed practiced some irrigation of wild plants. Angel these "ditches" and believe their archaeological (1881) provided the following information on examination would be fruitful. Sullivan (1974) irrigation in Walker Valley, Nevada: also reported the presence of rock alignments in Hidden Valley, Nevada, which he hypothe­ When the first white settlers went into the sized might have been used to retard rainfall Walker Valley they found the Indians irri­ runoff and encourage the growth of grasses on gating portions of it to promote the growth of an edible root which formed a great the valley floor. portion of their living. As far as is known On July II, 1863, following the termina­ this was the only cultivation of the soil tion of the Indian war that occurred after the previous to the operations of the Mormons white man began taking over Owens Valley in Carson Valley subsequent to 1850 and grazing his cattle in Paiute fields, more [Angel 1881:131]. than 900 Owens Valley Paiutes were removed Catherine Fowler (personal communica­ to San Sebastian Reservation near Fort Tejon. tion) reported to the authors that she has a note Many other Indians fled into the mountains. 32 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Gradually, over the next few years, many of the "there was a big dance ('fandango') at Indian people returned to Owens Valley. Most niigatuhava just below the dam on 'Paiute of their irrigation ditches were already being ditch'" (Steward 1934:433). The ditch was thus used by white settlers. Whether some of the in use by about 1845. It seems reasonable to Owens Valley people resumed their irrigation conclude that the system of ditch irrigation as practices after their return to the valley is practiced up and down Owens Valley was very unknown. The authors have been unable to well developed by at least 1840. Moreover, find any historical accounts of Indian there is no reason to assume that irrigation irrigation of wild plants after 1863. Although began in the Owens Valley simultaneously at irrigation in Owens Valley may have continued each of the settlements as the result of some in some districts after 1863 on a lesser scale, it massive communal construction project. More would appear that the system had largely likely it started at one settlement and was broken down as a result of white settlement gradually adopted by other districts which lent and the use of their fields for grazing and of the themselves to the development and use of irrigation ditches for growing introduced crop irrigation. Even from the most conservative plants. point of view—assuming the technology was worked out rapidly and other settlements TIME DEPTH INFERRED quickly adopted irrigation also—the system FROM HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS would have required a minimum of twenty Historical accounts of ditch irrigation in years to spread out over the valley. Thus Owens Valley describe the practice as it existed irrigation in Owens Valley has to extend back from 1855 to 1862, during the period just prior to at least 1820, almost a decade and a half to white takeover of the valley. Although before secularization of the Spanish missions, apparently not realized by Steward, informa­ when many California Indians who had tion provided in his own writings extends the learned agriculture from the padres returned to practice back to probably at least thirty years their homelands. It seems probable, however, earlier. In his Two Paiute Autobiographies, that Owens Valley irrigation dates far back Steward (1934) stated that his informant, Sam into the aboriginal period. Newland, born at pitana patii, was at the time of writing about one hundred years of age. In TIME DEPTH INFERRED describing his boyhood, Newland related that THROUGH LINGUISTICS the husband of one of his older sisters "had the Lawton (1968), in presenting circumstan­ job of irrigating nahavita above Bishop" tial evidence for the aboriginal practice of (Steward 1934:432). He also said that during domesticated plant agriculture among the his early boyhood "when spring came, the Cahuilla, reported the presence of a native people got together for a big feast, tuwapa'it, agricultural terminology. He noted that the and elected the irrigator, tuvaijii'", for the Cahuilla possessed both native crop words and coming summer .... They took a vote and words relating to the technique of crop- elected my brother-in-law again, and told him growing (Lawton 1968:16-20). In examining to start the water" (Steward 1934:434). other Indian groups along the California coast, Irrigation was thus fully institutionalized who had been under Mission influence, by 1845, and probably much earlier. The miles Lawton found that native vocabularies (e.g., of irrigation ditches described in the accounts Gabrielino, Luiseno, Cupeno) contained only dating back to 1858 could not have been built Spanish loan words or derivatives for crop overnight by a people lacking metal tools. plants and agricultural practices. Thus, for When Sam Newland was still a young boy. example, the Spanish word elote for "sweet or AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 33 green corn" was rendered as looti among the appears better suited to the wild-hyacinth or Cupeno (Hill and Nolasquez 1973:184). blue dicks, formerly Brodiaea capitata and In the case of the Owens Valley Paiute, currently classified as Dicheloslemma pul- Steward provides three words associated with chella (Fig. 12). This was the species Steward the growing of wild plant crops: tuvaijU'", head identified as tiipiisi'', sometimes called "grass- irrigator; /wvff'Vuf, to irrigate; and pavado, nuts" or "nut-grass" by laymen. Steward gave the irrigator's pole. Catherine Fowler (per­ no season for the harvesting of this plant. sonal communication) informs us that these Wild-hyacinth blooms in the spring with violet are Paiute words and not derived from the flowers and probably would have been Spanish. Possibly, a review of unpublished harvested in late May or early June (Munz field notes of Hnguists working on the various 1965:1385). Thus the Bulletin correspondent Northern Paiute and Nevada Shoshone groups who visited Owens Valley in June, 1861 might will elicit still more words related to irrigation have observed the harvest of this plant. His of wild plants such as the words for "ditch," description of a primary wild crop plant as "fallowing," and "dam." We suggest, however, "like an onion, sending up three blades that that the presence of these few recorded words bear a blue lily-shaped flower" (Taylor in the Paiute vocabulary and the fact that the 1861fl:8) agrees with our identification of well-known Spanish term zanjero for irrigator Steward's nahavita as the wild-hyacinth. did not enter their language provides at least Catherine Fowler (personal communication) some confirmation that irrigation did not notes that an unidentified plant used by the diffuse from the Spanish missions. Whether Indians of Mason and Smith valleys, Nevada, future analyses of Paiute vocabularies can is referred to as mahavitu'^u and is probably the throw more hght on dating the origins of nahavita of Owens Valley. She adds: "It seems irrigation in Owens Valley we must leave to to me likely that this may be your Brodiaea [D. linguists working in that area. pulchella] and that it is probably also Angel's 'bulb root'[Angel 1881:131]." IDENTIFICATION OF THE TWO MAIN WILD CROPS Steward's tiipiisi" On the basis of material gathered in our Steward's tiipiisi'' or taboose grass was also hterature survey, the authors set out to clearly misidentified, since his plant list establish the identity of the two primary wild showed it as gathered in the fall after the dams crop plants which Steward (1933:247) said the were destroyed (Steward 1933:245). One of his natives called tiipiisi'' and nahavita. Steward informants, Sam Newland, also mentioned his identified tiipiisi'' as Brodiaea capitata and mother going to gather tiipiisi'' in the fall "after nahavita as Eleocharis sp. How closely my father's death" (Steward 1934:433). Since Steward worked with botanists on his plant wild-hyacinth (Steward's tiipiisi'') is not a fall identifications we don't know, but we plant, it was necessary to reconsider this immediately encountered problems with his identification and attempt to identify the identifications. tubers Davidson saw being gathered from a grass-like plant in August of 1859 (Wilke and Steward's nahavita Lawton 1976:29). Steward's (1933:245) nahavita was de­ Donald Bell of Big Pine, descendant of a scribed by him as "having a number of bulbs." pioneer family, identified the "grass-nut" of His identification appears to be in error, Davidson as taboose grass or taboose,'o because Eleocharis sp. do not produce a common names still in wide use in Owens number of tubers or bulbs. Such a description Valley. DeDecker identified taboose grass 34 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Mark Kerr compiled by DeDecker also identified 'Ue-posie'" as tubers used for food and "for making milk as a beverage." Kerr's notes on Owens Valley plant names also listed "/upw 5/"" as the name for wild-hyacinth. There thus still appears to be some linguistic confusion surrounding the terms nahavita and tiipiisi'', although we believe we have correctly identified the two primary wild crop plants. Catherine Fowler (personal communication) stated that the tib'uzi {liipii- si'') is "really a 'food name' rather than a plant name," adding that the semantic focus among most Northern Paiute is on the product, rather than the plant.'^ Both nahavita and tiipiisi'' may therefore be names not for the plants themselves, but for the plant part which was eaten (i.e., corms and tubers, respectively). It is significant that Steward's elderly informants, who recalled the period of Owens Valley irrigation, should have talked of plots containing two principal plants, tiipiisi'' and nahavita. Perhaps with the loss of knowledge of cuhivation practices among the Owens Valley Paiute, the better-known term tiipiisi'', adopted by white settlers as "taboose grass" Fig. 12. Wild-hyacinth {Diclietoslemma pulchella [Salisb.] and applied as a name to Taboose Creek and Heller), from Plate 91, Fig. F of A Flora of Southern California, by Philip A. Munz. Copyright ® by The Taboose Pass, came to be synonymous among Regents of the University of California; reprinted by later generations of Indians for various tubers permission of the University of California Press. and corms, including that of Dicheloslemma pulchella. Certainly, some collaborative Hn- as yellow nut-grass (Cyperus esculent us L.) guistic and ethnobotanical research is needed (Fig. 13), also sometimes called chufa, earth here. almond, and Zulu nuts (Sturtevant 1919: Although often treated in floras as an 230)." Stanley Miller of the Fort Indepen­ Old World plant, C. esculentus, a member of dence Indian Reservation made it possible to the sedge family, is known throughout the obtain yellow nut-grass tubers for nutrient world. Professor L. G. Holms, an authority on analysis. Later, the authors discovered that weed control and the family Cyperaceae, Train, Henrichs, and Archer (1974:40) had informed us that it probably reached the New identified "too-boozie" as the Paiute Indian World very early (personal communication).'^ name for yellow nut-grass in a report prepared Often a noxious weed along irrigation ditches many years earlier for the Works Progress and in agricultural fields, yellow nut-grass has Administration. Chalfant (1933:77) had also a range from cismontane CaUfornia to Alaska. speculated that "taboose" was a member of the Like all weeds, which follow the disturbed sedge family, but questioned its identity as habitations of man, it may have moved down yellow nut-grass. Unpublished field notes of across North America in early migrations of AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 35

Fig. 13. Yellow nut-grass (Cyperus esculentus L.), from A Flora of the Marshes of California, by Herbert L. Mason; plant about 1/2 to 2/3 actual size, tubers slightly reduced. Copyright'^' 1957 by The Regents of the University of California; reprinted by permission of the University of California Press. 36 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY man over the Alaskan land bridge. During which are obscured in antiquity), and cannot winter dormancy, this Cyperus species is cold- survive without planting by man, they are still hardy and has no problem surviving in Owens being further modified by agricultural scien­ Valley. A less cold-hardy worldwide species, C. tists (farmers, if you will) to achieve improved rotundus L., is common throughout southern breeding characteristics. Other crop plants California and the San Joaquin Valley (Munz have been genetically modified by man over 1965:1426). The plant is widespread today as a time without becoming domesticated to such a weed in agricultural fields in Imperial Valley, degree. Some of our modern crop plants although Castetter and Bell (1951) did not (lettuce, oats, potatoes, and perhaps certain record its use among the Yumans of the varieties of grapes and berries) under the right Colorado River. They did report the use of C environmental conditions would revert to the esculentus and C. ferax L. C. Rich as a food feral or "wild" state if civilization disappeared plant among the Yuma, Mohave, and tomorrow. Both the cultigens and those plants Maricopa, where in all likelihood these weeds which could continue to survive without man's were closely associated with the crop com­ efforts are "crop" plants insofar as they are plexes of these agricultural peoples. products of agriculture. The Owens Valley Indians have been THE CONCEPT OF viewed as practicing something called "incipi­ INCIPIENT AGRICULTURE ent agriculture." Even Steward (1930:150) Anthropologists and others interested in wrote that they merely "intensified by the processes by which man moved from irrigation what nature had already provided." hunting and gathering to agricuhure have He added that they were not engaged in created a semantic jungle of terms for initial agriculture because they did not "till the soil, stages in that evolution. One hacks through the plant, or cultivate." Ignoring the problem of literature, chopping desperately against such whether tillage is necessary to agriculture (even rarely defined terms as "incipient agricul­ agricultural scientists have differing views on ture," "proto-agriculture," "quasi-agriculture," its value for some crops and consider tillage "semi-cultivation," "environmental manipula­ primarily a weed control measure), the fact is tion," and even Heizer's (1958) "semi- that the Owens Valley Paiute did engage in agricultural," which at least had the virtue of tillage. Their digging sticks were used to turn being concrete and eminently understandable the soil over to a depth of six inches or more in in the context in which he used it. Even the harvesting the underground plant parts of their terms "horticulture" and "agriculture" are used two primary crops. While they did not possess interchangeably or mistakenly by scholars who the plow, neither did any of the other would profit from sharing their ideas more agricultural peoples of the Americas. frequently with agricultural scientists, who Steward's oldest Paiute informants were often rightfully view us with amusement.'"* very young men at the time white settlers began Domestication of plants is the result of moving into the valley. Soon afterwards, they agricultural practices and is always an on­ became embroiled in the Indian war which led going process. Through agricultural practices, to the abandonment of the Owens Valley man manipulates the natural selection factors irrigation system. It is doubtful that these operating in plants, favoring those genetic informants possessed more than a rudimentary characteristics adapted to domestication. Nor knowledge of the system of vegeculture or is domestication ever complete in the sense that root-crop cultivation practiced by their it stops. Although many crops such as corn are people—and vegeculture entails a very com­ cultigens (extreme domesticates, the origins of plex ecosystem (Flannery 1973:273). Neither AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 37 of the oldest informants had worked as head Owens Valley Paiute bestowed on their fields. irrigators. They may have had only a vague This was exemplified in the Paiute system of knowledge of harvesting methods, which were alternate irrigation between plots at pitana always carried out by women. We cannot patii, which Steward hypothesized as designed know, for example, to what extent the women to "enhance natural seeding." Walter Reuther harvesters may have engaged in weed control (personal communication) has suggested that of intrusive plants while gathering the two alternate irrigation of the field plots probably primary crops in their field plots. Certainly, had two purposes. First, harvesting of fields Davidson in 1859 speaks of irrigation as being every other year would probably have ensured practiced with "great care" (Wilke and Law- a higher yield of tubers and larger tubers. At ton 1976:29). Davidson also reported that the same time, irrigation every other year may the grass-nuts were reproduced by "plant­ have served as a means of ecological land ing," which contradicts Steward's informants management. It would have decreased the (Wilke and Lawton 1976:29). We will probably possibility of unwanted vegetation invading never know whether the Owens Valley Indians the fields and crowding out the two principal engaged in planting, but it seems evident that crops, thereby reducing their productivity. something resembling planting took place. The It is time to assert that the Owens Valley smaller corms of wild-hyacinth were probably Paiute were engaged in the practice of returned to the earth during harvesting to agriculture. They had developed a complex ensure continued reproduction. Many of the farming system on an agronomic scale that smaller tubers of yellow nut-grass would required substantial communal labor. This become detached from the roots of the plant farming system involved a tremendous amount and remain in the ground during digging. of work both in the initial phases of con­ Others probably fell from the roots to the struction and laying out of the vast system surface of the ground. One method of of ditches and canals and in the annual dam- controlling Cyperus as a weed in agricultural building, irrigation, and harvest. It was a fields is to till the ground and bring the tubers farming system fully as sophisticated as that of to the surface, where they die in the sun (Lowell many societies in southeast Asia and South Jordan, personal communication). People America that are engaged in vegeculture of who exercised "great care" in the irrigation of manioc, yams, taro, and other root crops. their fields could scarcely have remained Whether or not the plants irrigated underwent unaware of this fact. In all likelihood, the soil some genetic modifications as a result of the was tamped over detached tubers and corms care they received we may never know; but after digging to ensure their continued domestication is a result of agriculture, not propagation. The women harvesters may even its prerequisite. 15 have exercised some selectivity over the plants grown, ehminating less palatable specimens YELLOW NUT-GRASS and thus transmitting improved genetic AS A CROP PLANT characteristics to future harvests. For those who may still feel some reluc­ The authors are unsure as to what Steward tance in agreeing that the Owens Valley Paiute meant by the word "cultivate." Certainly he did were agricultural, it can be pointed out that not mean tillage, because he also noted that the yellow nut-grass (Cyperus esculentus) is often Paiute lacked a knowledge of tillage (Steward considered a weed, but under the common 1930:150). If by cultivation he meant the name of chufas it has a respectable history as a nurturing or tendance of plants—one defini­ crop plant grown under irrigation since ancient tion—then it clearly existed in the care that the times (Killinger and Stokes 1951:5). Mummi- 38 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY fied bodies in upper Egypt dating to about common weedy races of yellow nut-grass. 3500-4000 B.C. have been found to have the Nevertheless, it seems likely that chufas remains of yellow nut-grass tubers in their cultivation over many centuries has resulted in intestines, along with barley chaff (Netolitzky genetic modifications of the plant, and some 1911:953-956). Further studies of mummified races may be virtually domesticated. For that bodies yielded remains of yellow nut-grass matter, if Owens Valley agriculture stretches tubers and various cereal grasses, with the re­ back to any considerable depth in time, it is searcher suggesting that some of the plants con­ probable that some genetic modification also sumed may have been cultivated (Netolitzky took place under the agricultural system 1912). Schweinfurth (1884:315) reported that employed by the Owens Valley Paiute. An among a variety of offerings found in a vault at interesung area of inquiry for plant geneticists Thebes dating to the twelfth dynasty (2200 to would be to make a comparative study of the 2500 B.C.) there were grains of barley and genetic characteristics of cultivated races of wheat, tubers of yellow nut-grass and other chufas with yellow nut-grass from Owens vegetable products and fruits. While it is not Valley and weedy races of the plant as they known if yellow nut-grass was grown as a crop have developed elsewhere. plant in Egypt during this period, the plant has In the United States, chufas cultivation has been cultivated from very early times for use of been carried out chiefly by small growers in its tubers as a food delicacy and for its oil Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, and Florida, content (Sturtevant 1919:230). who grow the tubers mostly as a food for hogs The chufa was distributed from the United (Killinger and Stokes 1951:5). Yield is not States Patent Office in 1854 for culture in notably high, and approximates that of gardens (Sturtevant 1911:230). Cultivation of soybeans. An extrapolation from Mayo chufas has long been carried out and is still (1941:97) and Piper (1924:461) indicates that practiced today in many parts of southern chufas yield ranges from 19 to 26 bushels per Europe, Africa, the Near East, and England. acre. So far as we are aware, only KiUinger and Lesant (1822) noted cultivation of chufas in Stokes (1951) have devoted any research southern France as early as 1822. In Germany, attention to increasing the yield of chufas in the chufa tubers were brought to the table as a South. In five years of field trials at the dessert in the nineteenth century (Sturtevant University of Florida Agricultural Station, 1911:230). In Constantinople, the tubers were they succeeded in demonstrating that yield eaten raw or made into a conserve. In Italy and could be increased by 30.2 percent through Egypt, the fatty oil extracted from chufas was proper plant spacing (Killinger and Stokes used as a food and in the manufacture of soap 1951:15). (Killinger and Stokes 1951:5). In Spain, chufas An examination of their field studies, are grown under irrigation even today, and a however, shows that they were dealing with an sizeable industry has developed to exploit a experimental situation entirely unlike yellow milky-looking beverage known as horchatas nut-grass cultivation as it existed among the de chufas (Walter Reuther, personal commu­ Owens Valley Paiute. In the first place, nication; Killinger and Stokes 1951:5). This southern growers of chufas plant and harvest beverage may be similar to the "milk" which their crop in about four months. Killinger and Mark Kerr (unpublished) reported as having Stokes (1951:14-15) achieved their best yield been made by the Owens Valley Paiute. results with a "delayed harvest" of 4-1/2 The authors have been unable to find any months. In contrast, the Owens Valley Paiute published data comparing cultivated strains of are reported to have harvested their fields chufas as grown around the world with the every two years under an alternate irrigation AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 39 system. No estimates are available on the by the early historic period Owens Valley effects of increased tuber size or production of Indians practiced agriculture and that the a greater number of tubers under such a vegeculture system they originated was un­ fallowing system. Secondly, we have no yield likely to have been achieved over a brief span data on wild-hyacinth, the other major crop of time. The two primary questions to be grown in Owens Valley. Indian groups east of resolved are: how did a system of agriculture the Owens Valley Paiute had acquired a partial begin in Owens Valley, and what impelled reliance on the highly successful maize-squash- these people to start along the path to bean crop complex developed in Mesoamer­ agriculture? ica, but are not known to have engaged in As noted earlier. Steward (1933:248-249) cultivation of the Owens Valley crops. The offered three hypotheses to account for combination of wild-hyacinth and yellow nut- irrigation in Owens Valley: grass may have been an ideally integrated crop (1) An ancient practice of irrigation may complex with ramifications that could only be have preceded the diffusion of cultivated understood by re-establishing such a system. plants in the Southwest and survived in eastern A nutritional analysis of yellow nut-grass California. from Owens Valley was conducted for us by (2) Irrigation may have diffused from a J. G. Waines of the University of Cahfornia, horticultural complex of the near or remote Riverside. Protein content of yellow nut-grass past in the Southwest. tubers was found to be almost equivalent to (3) Paiute irrigation may have been of rice as a staple. Plain tubers had a protein local and independent origin. content of 6%; tubers with fiber removed A fourth hypothesis was presented by (probably the state in which they were eaten by Treganza (1956:88), who argued that ditch the Paiute), 7%; and tubers with rind removed, irrigation was acquired through Caucasian 8%. Data extrapolated from KiHinger and contact after 1850. This hypothesis can be Stokes (1951:13) showed that Florida chufas dismissed, however, since we have already over two seasons (1944, 1945) had a protein established that Owens Valley agriculture was content ranging from 4.65% to 5.24%. well developed before the beginning of the Kilhnger and Stokes (1951) also reported that American period. chufas contained slightly more than half the oil A fifth hypothesis has had currency in content of peanuts.'^ anthropological circles for some time with Those who may question whether the reference to early historic agricultural prac­ Owens Valley cultivated plants can really be tices among Cahfornia Indians, including the considered an agricultural crop complex Owens Valley Paiute. We will refer to it as the should recognize that one of the two primary "renegade neophyte hypothesis." According to "wild plants" has been shown here to have a this line of reasoning, a renegade neophyte long history as a "crop plant." To refuse to (Christianized Indian) ran away from a accept it as a crop plant in Owens Valley, or its mission—probably Mission San Jose or San production there as constituting agriculture, Gabriel—and found shelter in Owens Valley. while accepting it as a crop plant elsewhere in Having been trained in agriculture by the the world is to employ a double standard of Spanish, the neophyte (or neophytes) applied reasoning. that knowledge in Owens Valley. Such a hypothesis presumes, however, that ORIGINS OF a non-Paiute could have persuaded an alien OWENS VALLEY AGRICULTURE group to organize a vast communal effort of Hopefully, we have now demonstrated that ditch-digging and dam construction, develop 40 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY at least a two-crop agricultural complex using may have diffused from a horticultural indigenous plants, conceive of a cropping complex of the near or remote past in the system to increase yields of plants, and per­ Southwest. Canal irrigation was probably suade the Owens Valley Paiute to abandon part underway about 2000 years ago among the of their seasonal round of activities while an Hohokam of Arizona, several hundred miles untried new system was being worked out. It to the southeast of Owens Valley (Haury 1976). also presupposes that this new system reached Until recently, it has been believed the maximum efficiency so rapidly that it quickly northwestern extension of aboriginal horti­ spread from settlement to settlement across culture in later times was probably in Pahrump Owens Valley and was established by 1820. All Valley and Ash Meadows in southwestern of this is unlikely and based on the assumption Nevada, where cultivation entailed planting that a non-Paiute could achieve prestige as a small fields of corn and associated crops and leader within the tightly-knit social organiza­ using a little irrigation (Steward 1938:183). tion of another Indian group. The historical Since these people were within about 150 miles record indicates that when neophytes fled the of Owens Valley, it seems probable that the missions they also took with them the Spanish Owens Valley Paiute were familiar with crop complex. Zenas Leonard in 1834 found irrigation practices in southwestern Nevada. such a group of neophytes west of the Sierra More recently, Jensen (1976:13-16) reported Nevada (probably along Kern River) growing finding corn cobs in dunes near Lovelock, corn, pumpkins, and melons (Ewers 1959:122). Nevada, and the remains of a possibly man- They had left Mission La Purisima after the made ditch, which may prove to be "some kind revolt there in 1834. For that matter, there is of ancient irrigation canal." Partial reliance on considerable documentation showing that horticulture may be of wider distribution in the Great Basin than heretofore believed.'^ some California Indians acquired crop plants from the Spanish, but ignored the irrigation Steward's (1933:249) criticism of the technology and relied on rainfall (Bean and diffusionist explanation for agriculture among Lawton 1973:x-xi). the Owens Valley Paiute still has merit. He A more plausible verson of the above observed that it called for a differential hypothesis is that an Owens Valley Paiute borrowing in which a "close-knit horticultural might have emigrated to one of the Spanish complex was broken down and the seemingly settlements near the coast during the early dependent or secondary element, irrigation, Mission period and acquired some knowledge diffused without the carrier or raison d'etre of of agriculture as a worker there. Many Indians the complex—the nucleus of cultivated from the interior—such as the Cahuilla of the plants." Colorado Desert—regularly visited the Span­ Along these lines, Eugene Anderson ish pueblos to obtain work during the planting (personal communication) suggests to us that and harvesting seasons from the 1780's on into consideration might also be given to the the Mexican period. possibility that Owens Valley agriculture is Steward's (1933:248) first hypothesis, that ultimately derived from the Fremont Agricul­ an ancient practice of irrigation preceded the tural complex of Utah and extreme eastern introduction of cultivated plants into the Nevada, which declined about A.D. 1300 Southwest and survived in eastern California, (Jennings and Norbeck 1955). He noted that in has no evidence to support it. We therefore a situation which is marginal for a particular agree with Steward in rejecting it. crop or crop complex because it is beyond the Considerable merit lies in Steward's normal range or climatic conditions have (1933:248) second hypothesis that irrigation deteriorated, crops might perform so poorly AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 41 and weeds so well that the crops are abandoned usual New World cultivated plants and and weeds encouraged. This might have involving indigenous plant species, we must occurred with the decline of Fremont ask how such a development occurred and why agriculture, and diffused across southern it occurred there and nowhere else. Although Nevada to survive as irrigation agriculture in there are apparently other instances of a Owens Valley. While no data are available to similar nature in Fish Lake Valley and in the indicate that such an event occurred, the idea is valleys of the Walker River drainage, these not unreasonable. Oats originated as weeds of irrigation systems appear not to have been as marginal wheat cultivation, rye may have also, well developed or of as great importance as in and there are a number of other examples of Owens Valley. It is difficult to postulate that this phenomenon. Perhaps the wild seed the people of Owens Valley adopted irrigation broadcasting by the Shoshone of Nevada from the Southern Paiute bands occupying (Steward 1941) is in some way also connected such places as Ash Meadows to the east, since with the decline of agriculture in the eastern this suggests that they ignored corn and other Great Basin. Alternatively, they may have traditional cultivated crop plants. In any case, acquired this practice on their own. such a contention requires first demonstrating Both the "renegade neophyte" and the that agriculture at Ash Meadows and "emigrant Paiute" hypotheses appear to us to elsewhere was of greater antiquity than the be untenable. Agricultural training at the Owens Valley system, which remains un- missions was with domesticated crops. To proven. For whatever reason the people of bring back knowledge of irrigation to Owens Owens Valley began irrigation, it is easiest to Valley and then apply it to the cultivation of imagine that they were simply expanding on indigenous plants would require an individual natural conditions that existed there. This was of astonishing leadership skills and a visionary the position to which Steward returned shortly on the order of genius. Agricultural scientists before his death. with whom we have discussed this possibility Dr. L. F. Lippert (personal communica­ say that the plant knowledge required of such tion) has suggested that occasional quick an individual—particularly the invention of a thaws of the snowpack in the Sierra Nevada system of alternate irrigation—would necessi­ could cause streams descending to the floor of tate a 180-degree swing in perspective. We Owens Valley to sometimes overflow their therefore reject the idea that an Indian leader banks, flooding the lowlands that later became of whatever origin, combining the qualities of the irrigated fields of the Owens Valley Paiute. both Johnny Appleseed and Luther Burbank, The Indians would have observed that in such appeared suddenly among the Indians of years of overflow there was an expansion of Owens Valley during the Spanish period yellow nut-grass and other plants that were preaching a native "Green Revolution." normally confined to areas of moist soil along It is our conclusion, and we believe the the Owens River. Kowta (1965) also suggested most reasonable one given the present state of this possibility. We believe that this idea has knowledge of aboriginal conditions, that much to recommend it. agriculture was of local independent origin in Communal labor in Owens Valley was not Owens Valley and probably developed slowly limited to irrigation, but was employed in over a long period prior to European contact. driving antelope and jackrabbits and in Because of the extensive and well- fishing, with whole villages or districts organized irrigation system that apparently participating in this latter activity under the developed independently in Owens Valley by direction of a district head man and all early historic times, entirely lacking in the participants sharing in the catch (Steward 42 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

1933:250). Fish were also gathered from the hyacinth. However, here again, the fly larvae dry creek beds when the streams were dammed occur in abundance (see Heizer 1950) and and the water diverted into the irrigation would have provided a reliable winter staple ditches. Later, when the water was returned to that involved less effort to obtain than the stream, fish were gathered from the ditches irrigating and harvesting wild plant foods. (Steward 1930:152). Daniel Lawton (personal Steward (1933:256) indicated that the larvae communication) suggests that fishing by were also present in Walker Lake at the means of diverting streams might have led to terminus of Walker River Valley. Thus, the the observation that economically useful Indians in all of these regions would have had a plants were watered and made more produc­ reliable winter food resource lacking in the tive over a wide area. Irrigation might thus northern and central Owens Valley. have arisen inadvertently as a result of fishing The agricultural industry of Owens Valley activities. Perhaps the position of head can be viewed as an attempt to insure an irrigator is the same as the person who directed adequate, reliable winter food supply, one not the diversion of streams for fishing. subject to the irregularities that characterized The Owens Valley agricultural system the annual crop of pine nuts, the recognized appears to have achieved its greatest develop­ winter food resource across a large sector of ment in the northern part of the valley. It the Great Basin. Winters tend to be long and appears not to have been practiced at the moderately harsh in Owens Valley and may be southern end of the valley near Owens Lake, severe elsewhere in the Great Basin. For the although streams seemingly suited for the Paiutes and Shoshones of that region, winter purpose occur there. Von Schmidt does was always a contest to see how long the supply comment on the abundance offish in the lower of stored foods would last. In most years, and Owens River and indicates that it is on these always in years when the pine nut harvest of the that the Indians of that area chiefly subsisted. preceding autumn was poor, which was as One reason irrigation may not have been often as not, spring found the Indians more or practiced near Owens Lake is because of the less in a state of starvation.'^ When spring abundance oikutsavi, the larvae of a small fly, arrived, it was necessary to break camp and Ephydra hians Say., which formerly occurred start foraging for the first greens that made in the alkaline waters of Owens Lake. When their appearance. The family units into which J. W. Davidson visited Owens Lake in the winter camps broke up were thus the basic summer of 1859, he reported that the Indians economic units of much of the Great Basin. were busy collecting, drying, and packing away Owens Valley had one of the greatest for winter use "hundreds of bushels of this population densities of any region in the food" (Wilke and Lawton 1976:30). Davidson Basin." It also differedfrommostof therest of was a keen observer, and there is no evidence the Basin in that it had permanent villages. that he exaggerated this point. The larvae were Whether population density led to develop­ annually washed ashore in the summer by ment of agriculture in Owens Valley or winds and collected in broad windrows from whether it was the result of agriculture would which they were scooped up in baskets. at present be difficult and premature to Irrigation was not practiced at Mono Lake speculate upon. But the combination of either, according to Steward, nor was it irrigated crops and pine nuts would have recorded by Von Schmidt, who surveyed that provided as stable a winter food supply as the region in 1857. Mono Lake is located at about combination of fly larvae and pine nuts did in 7000 feet, perhaps too high for successful nearby regions. irrigation of yellow nut-grass and wild- The combination of agriculture and AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 43 hunting/gathering in Owens Valley is best archaeological cultures that already had viewed as typical of many non-industrial domesticated crop plants. And this remarkable societies, even though it differed in many achievement of indigenous agriculture oc­ important respects from even neighboring curred in a group which, as Julian Steward areas Hke the American Southwest. To attempt (1970) concluded after nearly fifty years of to characterize such peoples as either "hunters study, had evolved only "proto-bands." This and gatherers" or as "agriculturists" is to was a retraction of his earlier statement that attempt to jam information into rigid they were grouped in true composite land­ categories to which it is not necessarily suited owning bands (Steward 1938:50). Comment (cf Harris 1975:686). Certainly, the Owens on that classification we leave for a future time. Valley Indians were practicing agriculture Steward (1930:153) himself deserves credit when the earliest observations were made of for recognizing that the Owens Valley Paiute them, but to call them agriculturists is to use of irrigation could contribute knowledge minimize the potentially greater importance of within the broader framework of the "origins their hunting and gathering activities. Similar­ of agriculture." Curiously, during Steward's ly, many California and Great Basin groups own time, geographer Carl O. Sauer was which are usually considered to be typical carrying out research on the problems of hunters and gatherers also involved themselves agricultural origins and dispersals. Sauer in activities related to food production rather believed that vegetative propagation had than simply food acquisition (Downs 1966; preceded seed cultivation and set out to Winter 1974). With the possible exception of develop a theoretical basis for locating the the Polar Eskimo, most "hunting and cradle of agriculture (Harlan 1975:46). Be­ gathering" societies involve themselves to tween Sauer (1952) and Edgar Anderson some extent in forms of environmental (1954) a model evolved suggesting that modification, manipulation, or management. agricultural peoples were sedentary fisherfolk With the exception of contemporary American living in wooded lands and bringing aggressive agribusiness, "agricultural" societies, especially plants back from their riverbanks that found non-industrial ones, likewise tend to hunt and natural places to sprout in the kitchen middens gather to some extent. If it is necessary to of their homes. classify societies on the basis of subsistence Evidence since has shown that some of the practices, then it might be more realistic to presuppositions of Sauer and Anderson were view them as having progressed to a greater or simplistic or incorrect (Harlan 1975:45). lesser degree along a continuum from strictly Nevertheless, it seems odd that Sauer, living in food acquisition to strictly food production. California, failed to note that Steward had called attention to practices that so nearly CONCLUSIONS coincided with his own model for agricultural The Paiute of Owens Valley had by early origins. Nearly fifty years have elapsed since historic time progressed to a substantial extent Steward wrote his seminal paper on irrigation along the path toward large-scale food in Owens Valley, but as yet no anthropologists production. They are perhaps the best instance have mustered interest in closely studying the in North America of a group that developed its problem. It may well be too late to acquire own system of vegeculture—a system carried much of the information which still remains over to include irrigation of a variety of seed- unknown about Owens Valley agriculture— bearing plants as well. The Owens Valley such as the dating of its origin and the Paiute thus offer a better example of conditions under which it began. Yet research agricultural origins than any presently known in this neglected area by archaeologists. 44 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY linguists, plant scientists, and other scholars Cindy Shannon, Bio-Agricultural Library, could probably tell us as much about University of California, Riverside; Opal agricultural origins as current research on the Slone, Public Survey Records, U.S. Depart­ subject being carried out elsewhere in the ment of the Interior, Bureau of Land Manage­ world. ment, Sacramento; and Dr. J. G. Waines, Assistant Professor of Genetics, University of ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS California, Riverside. We wish to express our great indebtedness This research was supported in part by a to the following people who have generously grant from the Friends of Archaeology Fund, given their support to our research: Dr. Rich­ Archaeological Research Unit, University of ard D. Ambro, Assistant Professor of Anthro­ California, Riverside. pology, University of San Francisco; Dr. University of California, Riverside Eugene N. Anderson, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Cahfornia, River­ University of California, Riverside side; Donald Bell, Big Pine; Oscar Clarke, Independence, California Curator of the Herbarium, University of Cali­ fornia, Riverside; Elaine C. Everly, Military Los Angeles County Archives Division, Navy and Old Army Museum of Natural History Branch, U.S. National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C.; Dr. Catherine S. NOTES Fowler, Professor of Linguistics, University of 1. Bettinger (1975:353-354) briefly considered Nevada, Reno; Dr. David A. Fredrickson, the problem of Owens Valley irrigation and Professor of Anthropology, California State suggested that it may have begun around A.D. College, Sonoma; Barbara Gorrell, Staff Re­ 1000. He based his suggestion on a change in searcher for the Journal of Calif ornia Anthro­ artifact distribution which he believed indicated a pology and graduate student in anthropology decline in hunting of large game in upland areas and at California State College, Sonoma; Dr. a presumed diversion of the labor force into Jack R. Harlan, Professor of Plant Genetics, construction and operation of irrigation facilities. This was in contradiction to Steward (1930) who University of Illinois, Urbana; Dr. Robert F. reported that except for initial dam construction Heizer, Professor of Anthropology, University only one person was in charge of irrigation. of California, Berkeley; Dr. L. G. Holms, Bettinger's archaeological investigations in Owens Madison, Wisconsin; Dr. B. Lennart John­ Valley are continuing, and it is hoped that further son, Professor of Genetics, University of Cali­ attention will be given to some of the information fornia, Riverside; Dr. Hyrum B. Johnson, presented in this paper. Botanist, U.S. Department of the Interior, 2. This paper also provides a general summary of Bureau of Land Management, Riverside; most of the research which has been carried out on Dr. Lowell Jordan, Professor of Horticultural aboriginal agriculture in California. Science, University of California, Riverside; 3. Wittfogel (1957) argued that large-scale Dr. Makoto Kowta, Professor of Anthropol­ hydraulic works such as the digging and ogy, California State University, Chico; Daniel maintaining of canals were only possible in a Lawton, Santa Ana, California; Dr. L. F. Lip- hierarchically ordered society which could control pert, Professor of Vegetable Crops, University the entire labor force through a central point of of California, Riverside; Stanley Miller, Fort authority. Woodbury (1961:556) in a reappraisal of Independence Indian Reservation, Indepen­ Hohokam irrigation challenged this concept. dence; Dr. Walter Reuther, Professor of Horti­ Certainly, Wittfogel's term "oriental despotism" culture, University of California, Riverside; scarcely applied to the means by which the Owens AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 45

Valley Paiute selected their head irrigator and 10. The common names of "grass-nuts," "nut- carried out their agricultural tasks. Ho (1975:47-48) grass," "taboose grass," and "taboose" are reported that the first famous irrigation network in employed interchangeably by different writers. China was completed by the Wei state between 424 Steward's identification of the plant as Brodiaea and 296 B.C. in the Chang River area in northern capitata can probably be ascribed to the fact that it Honan. This whole irrigation system was only 20 li is also sometimes called "grass-nut." in length, a little over five miles and therefore 11. DeDecker had discovered many years previous comparable to the longest irrigation ditch of the that Steward's identification was in error and had Owens Valley Paiute &l pitana patii. In reply to the considered publishing a short paper on this subject. Wittfogel hypothesis. Ho (1975:48) wrote: "Insofar as ancient China is concerned the theory of the 12. In her letter. Dr. Fowler notes that throughout 'hydraulic' genesis of culture or of 'despotism' is Northern Paiute territory in Nevada the term completely groundless." The same may be said to tibuzi or tipuzi is everywhere synonymous with apply to the Owens Valley Paiute, who chose their Cyperus esculentus. She writes: "There does seem head irrigator in popular assembly. to be a common name confusion about 'nuts' or 'nut grass' or 'ground nuts,' however, which might be 4. The linguistic rendering of these terms follows part of the same problem Steward was getting ..." Steward (1938). Northern Shoshone with whom she talked were 5. It is possible that a variety of E. crusgalli, native unfamiliar with irrigation of the plant. to the Owens Valley, named pawai by the Paiutes, 13. Holms is currently working with other scholars has hybridized with the introduced varieties. on the definitive work on the Cyperaceae. Hitchcock (1971:712) does not indicate that £. crusgalli is native only to the Old World. An 14. We have found that agricultural scientists are indigenous New World variety would explain the often highly knowledgeable about anthropological presence of a Paiute term for this plant. We are re­ concerns related to agriculture and cooperative in minded by Jack R. Harlan (personal communica­ sharing their ideas. The authors confess that they tion) that a species oi Echinochloa was cultivated in have not always been immune to contributing to the China, and species of Chenopodium were culti­ semantic confusion surrounding "incipient agricul­ vated in various parts of both the New and Old ture" and similar terms. Sometimes it has been Worlds (J. G. Waines, personal communication). easier to use those terms as employed by one's predecessors than to try to clear up the confusion. 6. The plants involved are not easily dislodged Several times we have been taken to task severely by from the soil, and the tubers of tiipiisi'', as will be our friends the plant scientists. seen later, are part of an extensive root system. 15. The Oxford English Dictionary, the recognized 7. The authors cannot completely rule out the authoritative work on English, defines agriculture possibility that agriculture became established first as "The science and art of cultivating the among the Owens Valley Paiute before the concept soil ..." It has two primary definitions for of ditch irrigation had reached southwestern cultivation. One is "tillage." The second definition Nevada. is as follows: "The bestowing of labor and care 8. His reservations about aboriginal irrigation upon a plant, so as to develop and improve its were probably prompted by the publication of qualities ..." Chalfant (1933), who wrote the first history of 16. Content of oil (ether extract) in chufas Owens Valley and reported its penetration by white harvested by Killinger and Stokes (1951:14) in 1944 settlers in the 1850's. and 1945 was 20.55% and 34.40%, respectively. 9. Ascequias (sic) is Davidson's term, and was 17. Steward (1933:334) reported a Mr. W. L. employed throughout the Southwest during this Skinner of Lone Pine as saying that corn cobs had period, not only by Spanish-speaking people, but been dug up a few inches deep in a cave at Little by American explorers. Army engineers, and white Lake. The authors have been unable to trace these settlers. corn cobs. Steward also noted: "C. D., unreliable. 46 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY said Shoshoni formerly grew 'pinto corn' and Bean, Lowell John, and Harry W. Lawton squash, but not beans." 1973 Some Explanations for the Rise of Cul­ 18. Steward (1934:433) recorded a famine-like tural Complexity in Native California winter remembered by his informant Sam with Comments on Proto-Agriculture Newland: "It was a hard winter with so much snow and Agriculture. In Henry T. Lewis, that the sagebrush was buried and you could not Patterns of Indian Burning in California: even see the tops of it. We ate waiya, mono, tiipiisi", Ecology and Ethnohistory. Ramona: nahavita, and other seeds my mother had gathered. Ballena Press Anthropological Papers There had been no pinenuts that fall or we should l:v-xlvii. have gone after them and spent the winter in the Bettinger, Robert Lawrence mountains." Newland also stated: "The fall after 1975 The Surface Archaeology of Owens my father's death my mother went out to a place Valley, California: Prehistoric Man- west of pitana patu to gather tiipiisi" for the winter" Land Relationships in the Great Basin. (Steward 1934:433). Elsewhere, Steward (1933:239) Ph.D. dissertation, Department of An­ reported: "Pinenut expeditions of small groups thropology, University of California, wintered in the mountains in the timber when crops Riverside. were good. When pinenuts failed, they wintered at Castetter, Edward F., and Willis H. Bell valley villages, eating stored seeds gathered in 1951 Yuman Indian Agricuhure: Primitive summer and fall." Subsistence on the Lower Colorado and 19. Davidson (Wilke and Lawton 1976:29) esti­ Gila Rivers. Albuquerque: University of mated the population of Owens Valley at about New Mexico Press. "1200 souls, tho' my guide & Mr. David McKenzie, Chalfant, W. A. a mountaineer of great experience & judgment, 1933 The Story of Inyo (Second edition). make them much more numerous." McKenzie's Bishop: Pinon Book Store. judgement was based in part on his experiences of the previous year, when he also visited Owens Downs, James F. Valley, and provided a population estimate of 1966 The Significance of Environmental Ma­ about 2000 Indians. nipulation in Great Basin Cultural Development. In The Current Status of Anthropological Research in the Great REFERENCES Basin: 1964. Warren d'Azevedo and others, eds. Reno: Desert Research Insti­ Anderson, Edgar tute, Social Sciences and Humanities 1954 Plants, Man, and Life. London: A. Publication 1:39-56. Melrose. Ewers, John C, ed. Angel, Myron 1959 Adventures of Zenas Leonard, Fur 1881 History of Nevada with Illustrations Trader. Norman: University of Okla­ and Biographical Sketches. Oakland: homa Press. Thompson and West. Felton, Ernest K. Appleton, Robert A., Jr., and Makoto Kowta 1965 California's Many Climates. Palo Alto: 1969 A Note on the Preconditions of Owens Pacific Books, Publishers. Valley Paiute Irrigation. Unpublished Flannery, Kent V. manuscript on file at the Department of 1973 The Origins of Agriculture. 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