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Agriculture Among the Paiute of Owens Valley

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Agriculture Among the Paiute of Owens Valley UC Merced The Journal of California Anthropology Title Agriculture Among the Paiute of Owens Valley Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0595h88m Journal The Journal of California Anthropology, 3(1) Authors Lawton, Harry W. Wilke, Philip J. DeDecker, Mary et al. Publication Date 1976-07-01 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Agriculture Among the Painte of Owens Valley HARRY W. LAWTON, PHILIP J. WILKE MARY DeDECKER, and WILLIAM M. MASON ... 7b search for the first domestic plant' is to attention has been given since to Paiute search for an event. It is poor strategy, it irrigation of wild plants appears to lie in encourages bitter rivalry rather than coopera­ Steward's belief that these people were "on the tion, and it is probably fruitless. We should verge of agriculture without achieving it." In search instead for the processes by which fact, Steward (1930) titled his first paper on agriculture began. the subject "Irrigation Without Agriculture." —Kent V. Flannery (1973) Almost no one who has written on the subject has taken Steward's discovery very seriously or challenged his conclusions. In part, this may be N 1973, Kent V. Flannery in a masterly because there was some wavering by Steward Ireview article asserted that no aspect of over the years as to whether irrigation was truly prehistory had received so much attention aboriginal with the Owens Valley Paiute or from archaeologists, botanists, geographers, acquired from contact with the Spanish or and anthropologists over the preceding 15 later American settlers who penetrated the years as the origins of agriculture. "Surely at region after 1850 (Steward 1930:248-249; this stage," Flannery observed wryly, "we 1938:53). Also, Treganza (1956) argued that could declare the origins of agriculture a band­ irrigation reached Owens Valley through wagon." Indeed, one can scarcely keep abreast Caucasian contact after 1850, although he of new literature on agricultural origins. Yet presented no data adequately defending this throughout the voluminous writings on this hypothesis. Eventually. Steward (1970:123) subject over the past few decades there are only reconsidered the problem and somewhat fleeting references to the practice of irrigation cautiously returned to his original position of wild plants among the Paiute of Owens that irrigation of wild plants in Owens Valley Valley. was probably of aboriginal origin. A third Almost a half century has passed since factor standing in the way of more intensive Julian Steward (1930) first brought to scholar­ scrutiny of Owens Valley irrigation has been ly attention ditch irrigation of wild plants by semantic confusion over the concept of "incip­ these Great Basin people of east central Cali­ ient agriculture" as opposed to true agriculture. fornia. Steward (1930:156) suggested this That problem will be discussed later in this anomalous subsistence practice might have paper. arisen as "simply an artificial reproduction of Undoubtedly, the importance of Steward's natural conditions" existing in the swampy pioneer research on irrigation in Owens Valley lowlands of Owens Valley. One reason little has been obscured by his own coining of the 14 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY phrase "irrigation without agriculture." Ap­ was adopted by the Cahuilla, Kamia, interior parently researchers have taken Steward's groups of Southern Diegueno, certain groups phrase literally, since no one has added in Baja California, and quite possibly some significant new insights on Paiute irrigation, Indian groups on the Mohave Desert (e.g., and no one seems to have considered the Forbes 1963; Lawton 1968; Lawton and Bean possibility that true agriculture could have 1968). Another area of primary concern has existed in Owens Valley. For this reason, been the extent to which California Indians recent summaries of agricultural origins (e.g., engaged in environmental manipulations such Harlan 1975) have been unable to adequately as burning of woodland-grass, chaparral, and evaluate its significance. Recent archaeologi­ coniferous forest zones to enhance plant and cal work in Owens Valley (Hettinger 1975) has animal food resources (Lewis 1973). In this been directed at other problems.' latter field of study, scattered data have also been assembled indicating the presence of FRAMEWORK OF INVESTIGATION incipient agriculture among many Indian Bean and Blackburn (1976:6) called groups (Bean and Lawton 1973). Fairly attention to a "renaissance of sorts" that has comprehensive reviews of the literature on occurred in recent years in the study of such research may be found in Bean and California Indians. They noted a dramatic Lawton (1973)2 and Lawton (1974). Winter increase in papers reflecting a commitment to (1975) provided a bibliography covering the development of theory applicable to a aboriginal agriculture within the broader wider arena than California or providing contexts of the Southwest and the Great Basin. "significant reinterpretations or syntheses of More recent research touching upon the older data that greatly alter previously problem of aboriginal agriculture in south­ accepted views on aboriginal life." Kearney eastern California is reported by Wilke and (1974:5) linked this renaissance to a growing Lawton (1975), Wilke, King, and Hammond recognition that aboriginal California was (1975), and Wilke (1976). probably "more representative of the non- Such research has made it necessary to urban stage of human prehistory than the reconsider Spinden's (1917) hypothesis that 'band-level' societies of contemporary hunters the acorn economy of California prevented the and gatherers in marginal environments which westward dispersal of agriculture from the are relatively over-represented in the literature." Colorado River, where it was practiced in the In particular, there has been a focus in the pre-hispanic era. Similarly, hypotheses devel­ past few years on the technological processes oped by Kroeber (1925, 1939), Sauer (1936), associated with subsistence patterns of Califor­ and other investigators that certain specific nia hunters and gatherers. Heizer's (1958:23) cultural or environmental factors constituted hypothesis that the peoples of California were barriers to the spread of agriculture across in a "Preformative Stage" defined as "semi- California have been shown to be invalid or agricultural" at the time of Spanish contact has not sufficiently comprehensive in resolving this had a stimulating influence on a body of problem (Bean and Lawton 1973:viii-xvii). In a researchers who have fanned out looking for recent review of Lewis (1973), David R. Harris supporting data among various Indian groups. commented as follows on the new research Much of their research has concentrated on data coming out of California; southeastern California, where an increasing . What emerges most forcefully ... is array of circumstantial evidence indicates that confirmation from California for the view aboriginal agriculture diffused west of the that 'primitive' man's ability to manipulate Colorado River prior to European contact and his environment was much greater than AGRICULTURE IN OWENS VALLEY 15 conventional opinion supposes. It rein­ logical studies of early deposits containing forces my belief that it is high time we already domesticated plants. rejected the simple-minded opposition be­ tween 'farmer' and 'hunter-gatherer' and NATURAL AND CULTURAL SETTING sought instead to devise new and more ecologically and socially sophisticated Owens Valley is a deep structural trough in categories in our investigations of aborigi­ east central California (Fig. 1). The valley is nal subsistence [Harris 1975:686]. over 75 miles long, averages 6-10 miles in width, has an average elevation of about 4000 Eventually, new directions in California feet, and runs generally southeast to the research may make it possible to satisfy the Mojave Desert. High mountains rise like demand of O'Connell (1974:120) that a clearer vertical walls within a few miles on either side understanding be provided of the complex of the valley. The Sierra Nevada to the west processual relationships of California hunters and the White Mountains to the east exceed and gatherers to their environment and those 14,000 feet in elevation, making it the deepest grey areas of phenomena that shade from valley in the United States. The valley is hunting and gathering into the domains of watered by the Owens River and its numerous "semi-agriculture" or agriculture. tributaries which take their snowy origin high It was within the framework of the research in the Sierra Nevada (Fig. 2). Precipitation on outlined above that the authors determined to the valley floor averages only 5-6 inches yearly conduct a serious re-examination of the due to its position in the rainshadow of the problem of irrigation among the Owens Valley mountains. Annual snowfall averages about 12 Paiute. Our research over the past three years inches. Summers are hot, and winters are has brought to light previously overlooked or moderately cold. The average growing season unpublished documentary materials indicating is 144 days (Felton 1965:120). that irrigation was of far greater importance to Although formerly classified as Eastern Owens Valley subsistence than heretofore Mono, the Indians of Owens Valley are now recognized. We will show that the Owens recognized as the southernmost division of Valley Indians developed a complex system of Northern Paiute. A definitive ethnography
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