DOCSLIB.ORG

The Struggle of Qatar's Migrant

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Struggle of Qatar's Migrant ALL WORK, NO PAY THE STRUGGLE OF QATAR'S MIGRANT WORKERS FOR JUSTICE Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2019 Cover illustration: © Inkyfada Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2019 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street, London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 22/0793/2019 Original language: English amnesty.org ALL WORK, NO PAY THE STRUGGLE OF QATAR'S MIGRANT WORKERS FOR JUSTICE ALL WORK, NO PAY: THE STRUGGLE OF QATAR'S MIGRANT WORKERS FOR JUSTICE 3 Amnesty International CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 2. METHODOLOGY 8 3. BACKGROUND 10 4. REFORMING A BROKEN SYSTEM 12 5. HUNDREDS OF WORKERS LEFT PENNILESS AS NEW SYSTEM IS PUT TO THE TEST 18 5.1 Hamad Bin Khaled Bin Hamad 19 5.2 United Cleaning 26 5.3 Hamton International 32 6. THE CHASM BETWEEN PROMISE AND REALITY 38 7. INTERNATIONAL LAW AND STANDARDS 43 7.1 Qatar’s international legal obligations 43 7.2 The human rights responsibility of companies 45 8. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 46 ALL WORK, NO PAY: THE STRUGGLE OF QATAR'S MIGRANT WORKERS FOR JUSTICE 4 Amnesty International 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY “We were living on food charity – the company did not pay our salaries for months and we had no money.” Deepak, a migrant worker from Nepal. Ever since Qatar was awarded the right to hold the 2022 World Cup, the treatment of around 2 million migrant workers driving the country’s economy has been under the spotlight. Whether building vital infrastructure or delivering key services, these workers have often found themselves burdened by the debt of high recruitment fees, working long hours for low pay, and living in sub-standard accommodation. At the heart of such exploitation is Qatar’s notorious kafala sponsorship system, which puts these workers at the mercy of unscrupulous employers who have the power to prevent them changing jobs or escaping abuse. %QORQWPFKPIVJGUGRTQDNGOUJCUDGGPVJGNCEMQHCP[GHƂEKGPVNGICNOGEJCPKUOECRCDNGQHRTQVGEVKPI workers and providing them with remedy when they face abuse. As a result, migrant workers in Qatar CTGXKEVKOK\GFVYKEGƂTUVD[VJGkafala system, and then again when they struggle to get justice. It was positive, therefore, that when Qatar committed to overhaul its current labour system as part of an agreement with the International Labour Organization (ILO) in October 2017, it promised to enhance access to justice and remedy for migrant workers. Its main way of doing so was by reforming the system by which workers can make complaints, replacing the country’s notoriously ineffective labour courts with new ‘Committees for the Settlement of Labour Disputes’ (‘Committees’) that began operations in March 2018. The new Committees are a potentially promising reform, aiming at reducing the barriers to accessing justice. If the system worked in the way intended and outlined in law, Committees would issue judgements on cases in just six weeks of a complaint being made and would be able to ensure that workers received remedy, for example by ordering employers to pay missing wages. +PUQOGECUGUOKITCPVYQTMGTUJCXGUGGPVJGDGPGƂVU*QYGXGTVJGTGCNKV[HQTOCP[OKITCPVYQTMGTU is much less rosy and the profound challenges still faced by workers seeking justice through the Committees – particularly lengthy processes and non-payment of compensation – are well represented in cases involving hundreds of workers that are highlighted in this report. Between March 2018 and July 2019, Amnesty International investigated the cases of three companies –Hamad bin Khaled bin Hamad (HKH), United Cleaning and Hamton International (Hamton) – in which more than 2,000 workers worked for months without salaries, and at least 1,620 of whom submitted complaints to the new Committees to claim them. Amnesty International followed in depth ALL WORK, NO PAY: THE STRUGGLE OF QATAR'S MIGRANT WORKERS FOR JUSTICE 5 Amnesty International the cases of 33 of these workers, consulted documents relating to hundreds of others, observed Committee hearings, met with the Ministry of Administrative Development, Labour and Social Affairs (MADLSA), and requested information and sought responses from the companies concerned and the Qatari authorities. The Ministry did not provide any information regarding the number of cases heard by the Committees, the delays in processes, or the number of complaints successfully resolved, but said that they intervened to help negotiate payments for hundreds of workers, as well as work with local organizations to provide food and generators in workers’ camps. The stories of workers from the three companies are illuminating. Deepak, originally from Nepal, was one of approximately 680 workers from HKH who submitted complaints in March 2018 when their company ceased to operate. He had worked for six months without salary, after a manager told him that if he kept working he would eventually be paid. ‘Deepak’ won his case at the Committees and followed it through implementation at the civil courts. However, to date and over a year since securing his decision, he is still waiting to receive his compensation. n&CNKCoQTKIKPCNN[HTQO-GP[CURGPVPKPGOQPVJURWTUWKPIJGTECUGCICKPUV7PKVGF%NGCPKPIƂTUV through the Committees and then through the civil courts, after she worked four months without salary before the company made hundreds of workers redundant. For many months she resisted offers from the company to pay her just a portion of what she was owed, but in December 2018, exhausted after a long legal battle, she eventually ceded. She returned home with just 50% of her dues, telling Amnesty VJCVUJGCPFQVJGTUJCFVQƂPCNN[CEEGRVVJGQHHGTDGECWUGsKPCRJTCUGVJCVECRVWTGUVJGDWTFGPQH high recruitment fees on workers – “we need money to buy our next job.” ‘Bijoy’, originally from India, was one of more than 860 workers at Hamton who had submitted EQORNCKPVUKP5GRVGODGTCHVGTVJGKTEQORCP[TCPKPVQƂPCPEKCNRTQDNGOUCPFUVQRRGF operating. When he met Amnesty International’s researchers in December 2018, he explained how JGJCFLWUVTGEGKXGFPQVKƂECVKQPQHJKUƂTUV%QOOKVVGGJGCTKPIVJTGGOQPVJUCHVGTUWDOKVVKPIJKU complaint – and seven months since he last received a salary. He felt compelled to abandon his case and return to India the following day, however, because his father was sick. Despite being owed more than QAR13,000 (about US$3,750), he ended up accepting an offer from the company of just QAR1,000 (US$275) and an air ticket home, in return for dropping his case. Torn between his family responsibilities and pursuing his claim, he told Amnesty “I have to forget about the money and go… I am forgetting this because I want to see my father.” In the end, none of the workers from Hamton, HKH or United Cleaning received compensation directly through the Committee system, although some of them were eventually given a portion of what they were owed by their employer in return for dropping their cases and going home. In the vast majority of cases, however, workers returned home with nothing, either losing hope or being unable to continue living in Qatar without any income. Others remain in Qatar, still waiting. Documenting these workers’ efforts to seek remedy for working without pay has highlighted many issues that will continue to plague the new Committees, unless major action is taken. Issues of language, travel costs and a lack of pro bono legal services all hinder migrants’ abilities to successfully make claims in Qatar. Additionally, the lack of legal aid and limited assistance from most embassies make it next to impossible for most workers to pursue their claims once they have left the country. Companies often do not participate in legal processes, and there appears to be few effective measures taken to sanction them for not doing so. Above all, however, the Committees simply have too many cases for too few judges. Combined with a failure to consider collective cases, the system is beset with bottlenecks and blockages. In the cases investigated, the Committees typically took at least three months – and in some cases up to eight – to issue a judgement following a complaint, and even then the companies did not pay any compensation ALL WORK, NO PAY: THE STRUGGLE OF QATAR'S MIGRANT WORKERS FOR JUSTICE 6 Amnesty International as a result. In the context of Qatar’s labour system, such delays often proved to be unbearable for low-paid migrant workers, most of whom had incurred debts to pay recruitment fees, had no other income to live on, needed to support their families at home, and struggled with limited food, water and electricity in their camps. 6JGNGPIVJ[FGNC[UQHVJG%QOOKVVGGU[UVGOCPFVJGFKHƂEWNV[QHNKXKPIYKVJQWVCNVGTPCVKXGUQWTEGUQH income pushed many workers to leave Qatar with nothing, and even those who persisted with their claims eventually felt compelled
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Foreign Policy Trends in the GCC States
    Autumn 2017 A Publication based at St Antony’s College Foreign Policy Trends in the GCC States Featuring H.E. Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani Minister of Foreign Affairs State of Qatar H.E. Sayyid Badr bin Hamad Albusaidi Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Sultanate of Oman H.E. Ambassador Michele Cervone d’Urso Head of Delegation to Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman & Qatar European Union Foreword by Kristian Coates Ulrichsen OxGAPS | Oxford Gulf & Arabian Peninsula Studies Forum OxGAPS is a University of Oxford platform based at St Antony’s College promoting interdisciplinary research and dialogue on the pressing issues facing the region. Senior Member: Dr. Eugene Rogan Committee: Chairman & Managing Editor: Suliman Al-Atiqi Vice Chairman & Co-Editor: Adel Hamaizia Editor: Adam Rasmi Associate Editor: Rana AlMutawa Research Associate: Lolwah Al-Khater Research Associate: Jalal Imran Head of Outreach: Mohammed Al-Dubayan Broadcasting & Archiving Officer: Oliver Ramsay Gray Copyright © 2017 OxGAPS Forum All rights reserved Autumn 2017 Gulf Affairs is an independent, non-partisan journal organized by OxGAPS, with the aim of bridging the voices of scholars, practitioners and policy-makers to further knowledge and dialogue on pressing issues, challenges and opportunities facing the six member states of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) and do not necessar- ily represent those of OxGAPS, St Antony’s College or the University of Oxford. Contact Details: OxGAPS Forum 62 Woodstock Road Oxford, OX2 6JF, UK Fax: +44 (0)1865 595770 Email: [email protected] Web: www.oxgaps.org Design and Layout by B’s Graphic Communication.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kafāla 'Sponsorship' System in Saudi Arabia: A
    THE KAFĀLA ‘SPONSORSHIP’ SYSTEM IN SAUDI ARABIA: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND ISLAMIC LAW THE SOAS JOURNAL OF POSTGRADUATE RESEARCH Author: Asma Azhari Department/Centre: Department of Law and Social Sciences Publication: The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Volume 10 (2016-17), Pages 61-80 Exploring fluid times: Knowledge, minds and bodies Stable URL: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/24680/ Key words: Islamic law – international human rights – kafāla – Saudi Arabia – migrant workers – Sharīa Licence: Published under the Creative Commons Attribution Non- Commercial (CC-BY-NC) 4.0 International Licence A. Azhari / The SOAS Journal of Postgraduate Research, Volume 10 (2016-17), Pages 61-80 THE KAFĀLA ‘SPONSORSHIP’ SYSTEM IN SAUDI ARABIA: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS AND ISLAMIC LAW Asma Azhari [email protected] Department of Law and Social Sciences ABSTRACT This article will explore the complex relationship between Islamic law, international human rights laws, and the Saudi adaptation of its sponsorship system regarding migrant workers, known as kafāla in Arabic. It will argue that Islamic law is compatible with international human rights law with specific reference to migrant workers’ protection, and that Saudi Arabia with its continuous application of the kafāla opposes its own basic law. By analysing the above issues, it is hoped that by the end of this paper, the reader will achieve a clear understanding of the dangerous implications of the kafāla in perspective to Sharīa and international law. The topic of kafāla is rarely touched in the Saudi scholarly sphere; thus, it is hoped that this article will provoke more research on the subject.
    [Show full text]
  • Kafala Sponsorship Reforms in Saudi Arabia: Converging Toward International Labor Standards
    Commentaries Kafala Sponsorship Reforms in Saudi Arabia: Converging Toward International Labor Standards Dr. Fahad L. Alghalib Alsharif Senior Resident Research Fellow, King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies February, 2021 In recent decades, the Gulf states’ kafala(1) sponsorship system (henceforth “kafala”) has been systematically scrutinized due to widespread violations of international labor and human rights conventions and norms.(2) While some Gulf states have previously attempted to reform their kafala, Saudi Arabia has boldly announced comprehensive labor reforms in October 2020 by rigorously imposing strict and clear Islamic rules, which are principally rooted in fair and just treatment of migrant labor.(3) These particular kafala reforms are in line with Saudi Arabia’s economic and political interests, as well as complementary to its Islamic religious principles, which broadly outline moral, (1) The kafala system or sponsorship system is used to monitor migrant laborers, working primarily in the Gulf Cooperation Council member states’ construction and domestic sectors. It ties migrant workers’ employment visas to their employers. Under this system, an employer assumes responsibility for a hired migrant worker and must grant explicit permission before the worker can enter Saudi Arabia, transfer employment, or leave the country. (2) Andrew M. Gardner, City of Strangers: Gulf Migration and the Indian Community in Bahrain (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010). (3) Maqbool R. al-Rayes, huquq al-’ummal bayn al-Islam wa-l-ma’ayir ad-dawliyyah wa-l-mal (Riyadh: King Saud Univer- sity Press, 2003). Kafala Sponsorship Reforms in Saudi Arabia: Commentaries Converging Toward International Labor Standards 1 religious, and ethical laws and norms related to contractual labor relations for workers.(4) In light of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, these labor reforms are not only integral to the Saudi Vision 2030 but also are related to the Saudi state’s overall domestic and foreign policy objectives in the long run.
    [Show full text]
  • Support Or Suppression? the Kafala System in Saudi Arabia Jackson Delaney, Political Science & Communication ([email protected]) Faculty Mentor: Dr
    Support or Suppression? The Kafala System in Saudi Arabia Jackson DeLaney, Political Science & Communication ([email protected]) Faculty Mentor: Dr. Niti Pandey (Department of Business Administration) INTRODUCTION Saudi Labor Law Four Fundamental Freedoms RECOMMENDATIONS In order to measure the level of respect for worker and human Since the 1950s, the Kafala System has been the Many of Saudi Arabia’s labor laws are biased • Connect migrant workers with governmental rights under the Kafala System in Saudi Arabia, each of the main program countries in the Gulf Cooperation against migrant workers. Royal Decree No. organizations or a company. Many of the violations four fundamental freedoms laid out by President Roosevelt in Council have implemented in order to handle the M/51, for example, excludes domestic have come at the hands of individual sponsors, but 1941 was examined. influx of migrant workers. Though it was created migrant workers from rights granted to Saudi there have been positive outcomes when a larger Freedom from fear to provide opportunities for the migrant workers, citizens, including: group sponsors migrants • Cycles of abuse claims, ranging from verbal, physical, and it has resulted in near limitless power for the • Maximum number of hours worked per • Increase regulation of migrant workplace and living even sexual abuse daily sponsors that employ them. week conditions. Bring inspectors on site to examine, and • Migrant workers must arrive at their jobs to provide for This study examines the implementation of the • Prohibiting the withholding of salaries drastically increase the number of workers in this themselves and their family, but do so under a cloud of fear Kafala System in Saudi Arabia, and looks at the • Days for rest system Freedom of speech effectiveness and flaws of the program, while also • A means to settle labor disputes.
    [Show full text]
  • The Islamic Principle of Kafala As Applied to Migrant Workers: Traditional Continuity and Reform
    _full_alt_author_running_head (neem stramien B2 voor dit chapter en dubbelklik nul hierna en zet 2 auteursnamen neer op die plek met and): Jureidini & Hassan _full_articletitle_deel (kopregel rechts, vul hierna in): Kafala as Applied to Migrant Workers _full_article_language: en indien anders: engelse articletitle: 0 92 Jureidini & Hassan Chapter 6 The Islamic Principle of Kafala as Applied to Migrant Workers: Traditional Continuity and Reform Ray Jureidini and Said Fares Hassan 1 Introduction The paper is an attempt to identify the continuities and discontinuities be- tween the religious Islamic notion and practice of kafala (kafāla) and its con- temporary application—with specific reference to the Gulf States where it has been most prominently legislated and practiced. While much research has been undertaken, mostly critical of the kafala as a system of oppression and exploitation of migrant labour in the GCC, there seems to be a consensus that there is no relationship at all between the traditional Islamic concept of kafala and its current application. In other words, it is argued that there is no evi- dence of a “genealogy” that links the Islamic jurisprudence of kafala to its con- temporary forms (Franz 2011, 98). In a recent paper on the origins of the kafala related to migrant labour in the GCC, the historian, AlShehabi (2019), provides documentary evidence showing how the British colonial rulers, first in Bahrain and later other GCC states from the 1920s, introduced what was for them a system of sponsorship and surety, but which was perfectly compatible with and adaptable to the principles of kafala in Islamic law and custom.
    [Show full text]
  • Reform of the Kafala (Sponsorship) System
    Policy Brief No. 2: REFORM OF THE KAFALA (SPONSORSHIP) SYSTEM BACKGROUND The Kafala (Sponsorship) System emerged in the 1950’s to in the GCC offi cial use of ‘guest workers’ and ‘expatriate regulate the relationship between employers and migrant manpower’ to refer to migrant workers. The Kafala system workers in many countries in West Asia. It remains the routine serves a social purpose by emphasizing the temporary practice in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries of nature of a migrant workers presence in the country, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United so that even if the worker is present for a long time s/he Arab Emirates (UAE), and also in the Arab states of Jordan doesn’t acquire the rights of citizenship, with its alleged and Lebanon. The sponsorship system’s economic objective negative impact on social cohesiveness etc. The restrictive was to provide temporary, rotating labour that could be immigration policies of the Kafala system act in theory to rapidly brought into the country in economic boom and limit the stay of overseas workers to the duration of their expelled during less affl uent periods. contract. Non-compliance by both employers and migrant workers in response to demand for labour has led to a Under the Kafala system a migrant worker’s immigration signifi cant minority of long-term or permanent residents, status is legally bound to an individual employer or sponsor along with a signifi cant number of second-generation (kafeel) for their contract period. The migrant worker migrants and development in irregular employment.
    [Show full text]
  • Bahrain – Migrant Workers' Rights, June 2019
    European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Advocating for Human Rights in the Gulf Region Rue de la Linière / Vlasfabriekstraat 11 - B-1060 Brussels - Belgium +32 (0) 2 60 94 415 – [email protected] - www.ecdhr.org - @ECDHRbxl Bahrain – Migrant workers’ rights, June 2019 In the approximately 1.6 million residents of Bahrain, more than 600,857 are migrant workers who make up around 54,7% percent of the country’s workforce—most working in unskilled or low-skilled jobs, in industries such as construction, retail and wholesale and domestic work. About 99,500 of them are domestic workers (including 75,305 women). Abuses against migrant workers As in most Gulf countries, employment of migrant workers in Bahrain have long been regulated by the traditional Kafala sponsorship system under which migrant workers are tied with in-country sponsors, whom they need consent to obtain either a visa, an exit permit or to move to another job – a system which largely remains a source of exploitation. Under the Kafala system, migrant workers in Bahrain have been subjected to excessive workhours, withhold of passports and salaries, abusive recruitment fees by recruitment agencies or denied salaries for month. Their average wage is estimated at BHD 196 a month while the government defines “low pay” as less than BHD 200. Some migrant workers also report physical abuses and most of them suffer discrimination within the wider Bahraini society. Abuses to migrant workers rights’ to adequate housing remain rampant. Domestic workers are, in particular, vulnerable to exploitation. Many are not allowed to communicate with their relatives nor to leave their house.
    [Show full text]
  • Oman: Human Rights Violations Persist: Amnesty International
    OMAN: HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS PERSIST AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SUBMISSION FOR THE UN UNIVERSAL PERIODIC REVIEW, 37TH SESSION OF THE UPR WORKING GROUP, JANUARY 2021 Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2020 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2020 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 20/2027/2020 August 2020 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 4 FOLLOW UP TO THE PREVIOUS REVIEW 4 THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS FRAMEWORK 5 FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION 5 FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND ASSEMBLY 6 WOMEN’S RIGHTS 7 CHILDREN’S RIGHTS 7 DEATH PENALTY 8 HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION ON THE GROUND 8 FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION 8 FREEDOM
    [Show full text]
  • The Kafala System in Lebanon - an Unequal Power Balance
    The Kafala System in Lebanon - An Unequal Power Balance 04.2021 freiheit.org/lebanon-and-syria Lebanon is currently experiencing one of the most difficult times in history as the country is wrestling with a dire economic situation, a global pandemic and political instability. The Lebanon Papers series therefore aims to offer an overview on the current situation in Lebanon and provide possible solutions for a better future. Its purpose is to prevent disinformation by ensuring sound reporting while explaining the challenges as simple as possible for the information to be accessible to as many people as possible. The paper series consist of well-founded reports on different topics using political, economic and judicial perspectives in order to achieve a comprehensive coverage. The sixth issue of the series addresses the kafala system in Lebanon. The kafala system is a legal framework defining the relationship between migrant workers and their employers that is widespread in the Middle East. While it is designed to supply booming economies with cheap labour, basic principles of labour and human rights law are often times completely omitted. Consequently, the system has rightly been criticised as it traps migrant domestic workers in potentially harmful situations by tying their legal status to their employer. This paper looks at this system and also explores ways how one can strive for the eventual abolition of a system that has no place in the 21st century. We hope that you will enjoy reading our paper series and are looking forward to any feedback that you might have. Kristof Kleemann Project Director FNF Lebanon and Syria Meet the Author I am a graduate lawyer specialised in International, European law and Human Rights.
    [Show full text]
  • SAUDI ARABIA Status - Seeking Election Previous Terms - 2007-09, 2010-12, 2014-16, 2017-19
    HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL ELECTIONS 2021 CANDIDATE SAUDI ARABIA Status - Seeking Election Previous Terms - 2007-09, 2010-12, 2014-16, 2017-19 Key measures Saudi Arabia should commit to implement as a Human Rights Council member A letter with the following were sent to the UN Missions of Saudi Arabia in New York and Geneva, on behalf of: ALQST for Human Rights, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB), Amnesty Internation- al, CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation, European Saudi Organization for Human Rights, European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (ECDHR), Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR); International Ser- vice for Human Rights; MENA Rights Group; Migrant-Rights.org; Women’s March Global. Human rights defenders and civic space: Human rights defenders, journalists and prisoners of conscience are detained for exercising their rights to free- dom of expression, peaceful assembly and association, and for engaging with the UN human rights mechanisms. Some of them – including women’s rights defenders and activists - have been subjected to severe acts of torture and ill-treatment as detailed in numerous reports, and perpetrators have not been held accountable. We urge Saudi Arabia to: • Immediately release all those detained for exercising their rights, including, but not limited to, the individuals named in this letter (see annex II), to drop all charges against them, provide them with remedy in line with international standards, and hold perpetrators accountable. Saudi Arabia-led Coalition in the context of the Yemen conflict: The Group of International and Regional Eminent Experts on Yemen have found that the governments of Yemen, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, as well as the Houthis and affiliated popular committees, have enjoyed a “pervasive lack of accountability” for violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.
    [Show full text]
  • Migration Policies Across the GCC: Challenges in Reforming the Kafala
    MIGRATION POLICY CENTRE Migration Policies across the GCC: Challenges in Reforming the Kafala Abdoulaye Diop, Trevor Johnston, and Kien Trung Le Chapter in the volume: Migration to the Gulf: Policies in Sending and Receiving Countries edited by Philippe Fargues and Nasra M. Shah 2 Gulf Labour Markets, Migration and Population (GLMM) Programme Gulf Research Centre Cambridge 3 BOOK CHAPTER This is a chapter in the volume: Philippe Fargues and Nasra M. Shah (eds.), Migration to the Gulf: Policies in Sending and Receiving Countries, Gulf Labour Markets and Migration (GLMM) Programme, Gulf Research Center Cambridge, 2018. For other chapters and the entire volume, please refer to www.gulfmigration.eu. Terms of use: By using any information from Gulf Labour Markets, Migration and Population Programme (GLMM), the user: (a) acknowledges having read the legal notices concerning copyright, terms of use and disclaimers and agrees to comply with them in full; (b) agrees to assure himself/herself whether and to what extent copyrights exist on information published by GLMM prior to using this information; (c) agrees not to use information published by GLMM in any way that would result in the infringement of existing copyrights; (d) agrees to always follow precisely and fully the citation instructions provided by GLMM. GLMM publications may be copied and distributed only in their entirety and together with any copyright statements they may contain, as long as they are properly attributed and used for non-commercial, educational, or public policy purposes. Photographs, logos, graphs, tables or any other images from GLMM publications may not be used separately. Copyright: © European University Institute (EUI) and Gulf Research Center (GRC), 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • Women and Kafala: Migrant Domestic Workers in the Gulf
    WOMEN AND KAFALA: MIGRANT DOMESTIC WORKERS IN THE GULF SIOBHÁN SARAVANAMUTTU, PhD STUDENT YORK UNIVERSITY, TORONTO, CANADA [email protected] A PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE WESTERN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION ANNUAL CONFERENCE 2018 THURSDAY, MARCH 29, 2018 2 SIOBHAN SARAVANAMUTTU WPSA Introduction Labour migration is an integral part of the global economic system and has intensified in recent decades under the auspices of neoliberal restructuring. The contemporary proliferation of human mobility has intensified, not only due to human displacement by war and ecological disasters, but most significantly because of global capitalist economic restructuring and government-led development policies which have led to many states becoming increasingly reliant upon migrant workforces. For sending states, migrants also represent an important source of foreign exchange earnings through remittances. The sheer scale of transnational migration and its economic impact is staggering, with $265 billion US sent to the Global South in remittances in 2007 (World Bank, 2008). The UN estimated in 2010 that around 214 million people lived outside their country of origin (United Nations, 2008; Goldring & Landolt, 2013). Host states benefit tremendously from temporary migrant labour which contributes to the production and maintenance of class, gender, and racial hierarchies, generating large profits for employers without requiring large social welfare investment on the part of the state. The tensions and contradictions central to the production of citizenship, migrant precarity, and spatial reconfiguration inherent to globalization have provided a wealth of discussion in the field of migration scholarship and political economy. Indeed, the rise in human migration has occurred alongside the growth of neoliberal capitalism, and with it the growing demand for cheap, flexible sources of labour (Rygiel, 2010).
    [Show full text]