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Understanding French Foreign and Security Policy Towards Africa: Pragmatism Or Altruism Abdurrahim Sıradağ1
Afro Eurasian Studies Journal Vol 3. Issue 1, Spring 2014 Understanding French Foreign and Security Policy towards Africa: Pragmatism or Altruism Abdurrahim Sıradağ1 Abstract France has deep economic, political and historical relations with Africa, dating back to the 17th century. Since the independence of the former colonial countries in Africa in the 1950s and 1960s, France has continued to maintain its economic and political relations with its former colonies. Importantly, France has a special strategic security partnership with the African countries. It has intervened militarily in Africa more than 50 times since 1960. France has especially continued to use its military power to strengthen its economic, political and strategic relations with Africa. For instance, it deployed its military troops in Mali in January 2013 and in the Central African Republic in December 2013. Why does France actively get involved in Africa militarily? This research will particularly uncover the main motivations behind the French foreign and security policy in Africa. Key words: Francophone Africa, France, Foreign Policy, Africa, economic interests. The Role of France in World Politics France’s international power and position has shaped its foreign and security policy towards Africa. France has been an important actor with its political and economic power in Europe and in the world. It was one of the six important founding members of the European Community after 1 International University of Sarajevo, Department of International Relations, Ilidža, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Email: [email protected] 100 the Second World War and plays a leading role in European integration. France plays a significant role in world politics through international or- ganizations. -
East and Central Africa 19
Most countries have based their long-term planning (‘vision’) documents on harnessing science, technology and innovation to development. Kevin Urama, Mammo Muchie and Remy Twingiyimana A schoolboy studies at home using a book illuminated by a single electric LED lightbulb in July 2015. Customers pay for the solar panel that powers their LED lighting through regular instalments to M-Kopa, a Nairobi-based provider of solar-lighting systems. Payment is made using a mobile-phone money-transfer service. Photo: © Waldo Swiegers/Bloomberg via Getty Images 498 East and Central Africa 19 . East and Central Africa Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Congo (Republic of), Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, South Sudan, Uganda Kevin Urama, Mammo Muchie and Remy Twiringiyimana Chapter 19 INTRODUCTION which invest in these technologies to take a growing share of the global oil market. This highlights the need for oil-producing Mixed economic fortunes African countries to invest in science and technology (S&T) to Most of the 16 East and Central African countries covered maintain their own competitiveness in the global market. in the present chapter are classified by the World Bank as being low-income economies. The exceptions are Half the region is ‘fragile and conflict-affected’ Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Djibouti and the newest Other development challenges for the region include civil strife, member, South Sudan, which joined its three neighbours religious militancy and the persistence of killer diseases such in the lower middle-income category after being promoted as malaria and HIV, which sorely tax national health systems from low-income status in 2014. -
8.. Colonialism in the Horn of Africa
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) The state, the crisis of state institutions and refugee migration in the Horn of Africa : the cases of Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia Degu, W.A. Publication date 2002 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Degu, W. A. (2002). The state, the crisis of state institutions and refugee migration in the Horn of Africa : the cases of Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia. Thela Thesis. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:30 Sep 2021 8.. COLONIALISM IN THE HORN OF AFRICA 'Perhapss there is no other continent in the world where colonialism showed its face in suchh a cruel and brutal form as it did in Africa. Under colonialism the people of Africa sufferedd immensely. -
Understanding African Armies
REPORT Nº 27 — April 2016 Understanding African armies RAPPORTEURS David Chuter Florence Gaub WITH CONTRIBUTIONS FROM Taynja Abdel Baghy, Aline Leboeuf, José Luengo-Cabrera, Jérôme Spinoza Reports European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2016. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Print ISBN 978-92-9198-482-4 ISSN 1830-9747 doi:10.2815/97283 QN-AF-16-003-EN-C PDF ISBN 978-92-9198-483-1 ISSN 2363-264X doi:10.2815/088701 QN-AF-16-003-EN-N Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in France by Jouve. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. Maps: Léonie Schlosser; António Dias (Metropolis). Cover photograph: Kenyan army soldier Nicholas Munyanya. Credit: Ben Curtis/AP/SIPA CONTENTS Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli I. Introduction: history and origins 9 II. The business of war: capacities and conflicts 15 III. The business of politics: coups and people 25 IV. Current and future challenges 37 V. Food for thought 41 Annexes 45 Tables 46 List of references 65 Abbreviations 69 Notes on the contributors 71 ISSReportNo.27 List of maps Figure 1: Peace missions in Africa 8 Figure 2: Independence of African States 11 Figure 3: Overview of countries and their armed forces 14 Figure 4: A history of external influences in Africa 17 Figure 5: Armed conflicts involving African armies 20 Figure 6: Global peace index 22 Figure -
A New Deal for Somalia? : the Somali Compact and Its Implications for Peacebuilding
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY i CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION A New Deal for Somalia? : The Somali Compact and its Implications for Peacebuilding Sarah Hearn and Thomas Zimmerman July 2014 NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict, insecurity, and scarcity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict, insecurity, and scarcity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. Table of Contents A New Deal for Somalia? : The Somali Compact and its Implications for Peacebuilding Sarah Hearn and Thomas Zimmerman Introduction 2 The Somali New Deal Compact 3 Process 3 Implementation to Date 5 Trade-offs 6 Process 6 Risks 7 Implementation 8 External Actors’ Perspectives on Trade-offs 9 Somali Actors’ Perspectives on Trade-offs 9 Conclusions 10 Endnotes 11 Acknowledgments 11 Introduction In balancing these trade-offs, we highlight the need for Somalis to articulate priorities (not just programs, but In this brief,1 we analyze the process that led to the also processes) to advance confidence building. Low “Somali New Deal Compact,” the framework’s potential trust among Somalis, and between Somalis and donors, effectiveness as a peacebuilding tool, and potential ways will stymie cooperation on any reform agenda, because to strengthen it. -
New and Improved Map Study Guide
Modern African Countries A Simplified Guide with Historical Information Nancy J. Jacobs, Brown University Do you commonly confuse Liberia and Libya, even in the daytime? When called upon to discuss Zaire, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, do you hem and haw? Are you guilty of gaffes regarding Malawi and Mali, Mauritania and Mauritius? Does mention of Gabon and Gambia prompt apologies on your part? If so, a “Modern African Countries: A Simplified Guide with Historical Information” is for you! In fact, if you are enrolled in an African history course, it will not just save you from cartographic embarrassment, it may just save your grade! The following list of contemporary territories gives names as of 2012, dates of independence, names changed since independence, a selective list of colonial names, and colonial rulers since the late nineteenth century. It does not list names of all territories that were amalgamated in the early decades of colonial rule. Colonies that were part of the federations of French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa are marked (FWA) or (FEA). A slash under “Date of Independence” denotes that the process of independence from European empires was not accomplished in a single watershed event. A slash in other columns denotes successive names or rulers, while an ampersand conveys that separate colonies of different rulers were amalgamated around the time of independence. Cu Current Name Indepen- Other Names since Former Colonial Name Colonial Rulers dence Independence 1. Morocco, including 1956 Spanish Sahara was Western France & Spain Western Sahara Sahara only 2. Algeria 1962 France 3. Tunisia 1956 France 4. -
GENERAL AGREEMENT on ^ TARIFFS and TRADE *> *****1958
GENERAL AGREEMENT ON ^ TARIFFS AND TRADE *> *****1958 Limited Distribution APPLICATION OF THE GENERAL AGREEMENT Territories to which the Agreement is applied Annexed hereto is a list of the contracting parties and of the territories (according to information available to the secretariat) in respect of which the application of the Agreement has been made effective. This list is a revision of that which appeared in document G/5 under date of 17 March 1952. If there are any inaccuracies in this list, the contracting parties concerned are requested to notify the Executive Secretary not later than 1 October 1958 so that a revised list can be issued, if necessary, before the opening of the Thirteenth Session* L/843 Paee 2 Contracting parties to GATT and territories In respeot ot which the application of the Agreement has been made affective AUSTRALIA (Including Tasmania) AUSTRIA BELGIUM BELGIAN CONGO RUANDA-URUNDI (Trust Territory) BRAZIL (Including islands: Fernando de Noronha (including Rocks of Sao Pedro, Sao Paolo, Atoll das Rocas) Trinidad and Martim Vas) BURMA CANADA CEYLON CHILE (Including the islands of: Juan Fernandez group, Easter Islands, Sala y Gomez, San Feliz, San Ambrosio and western part of Tierra del Fuego) CUBA (Including Isle of Pines and some smaller islands) CZECHOSLOVAKIA DENMARK (Including Greenland and the Island of Disko, Faroe Islands, Islands of Zeeland, Funen, Holland, Falster, Bornholm and some 1700 small islands) DOMINICAN REPUBLIC (Including islands: Saona, Catalina, Beata and some smaller ones) FINLAND FRANCE (Including Corsica and Islands off the French Coast, the Saar and the principality of Monaco)! ALGERIA CAMEROONS (Trust Territory) FRENCH EQUATORIAL AFRICA FRENCH GUIANA (Including islands of St. -
History, External Influence and Political Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR)
University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies Economics Department 2014 History, External Influence and oliticalP Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR) Henry Kam Kah University of Buea, Cameroon Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/jade Part of the Econometrics Commons, Growth and Development Commons, International Economics Commons, Political Economy Commons, Public Economics Commons, and the Regional Economics Commons Kam Kah, Henry, "History, External Influence and oliticalP Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR)" (2014). Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies. 5. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/jade/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Economics Department at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. Journal for the Advancement of Developing Economies 2014 Volume 3 Issue 1 ISSN:2161-8216 History, External Influence and Political Volatility in the Central African Republic (CAR) Henry Kam Kah University of Buea, Cameroon ABSTRACT This paper examines the complex involvement of neighbors and other states in the leadership or political crisis in the CAR through a content analysis. It further discusses the repercussions of this on the unity and leadership of the country. The CAR has, for a long time, been embroiled in a crisis that has impeded the unity of the country. It is a failed state in Africa to say the least, and the involvement of neighboring and other states in the crisis in one way or the other has compounded the multifarious problems of this country. -
Somalia and Somaliland: the Two Edged Sword of International Intervention Kenning, David
www.ssoar.info Somalia and Somaliland: the two edged sword of international intervention Kenning, David Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Kenning, D. (2011). Somalia and Somaliland: the two edged sword of international intervention. Federal Governance, 8(2), 63-70. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-342769 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Basic Digital Peer Publishing-Lizenz This document is made available under a Basic Digital Peer zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den DiPP-Lizenzen Publishing Licence. For more Information see: finden Sie hier: http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ http://www.dipp.nrw.de/lizenzen/dppl/service/dppl/ Special Issue on Federalism and Conflict Management edited by Neophytos Loizides, Iosif Kovras and Kathleen Ireton. SOMALIA AND SOMALILAND: THE TWO EDGED SWORD OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION by David Kenning* * Queen’s University Belfast, Ireland Email: [email protected] Abstract: Since the collapse of the state in Somalia in 1991 the country has been the recipient of numerous international interventions and operations but has not as yet reached a sustainable peaceful settlement, despite at one point costing the UN almost two billion dollars a year in its operations. In contrast Somaliland, the area that seceded in the north, despite not being recognised by international governments and having been on the brink of several civil wars, has reached a level of political reconciliation and economic growth that compares favourably to the rest of Somalia. This article argues that the international actors’ misinterpretation of Somali social and political organisation during intervention, Somaliland’s ability to engage in a form of democracy that is based on traditional politics and the different experience the area had during colonialism has meant that its society has reached an unlikely level of peace and reconciliation. -
Towards a More United & Prosperous Union of Comoros
TOWARDS A MORE UNITED & PROSPEROUS Public Disclosure Authorized UNION OF COMOROS Systematic Country Diagnostic Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized ABBREVIATIONS & ACRONYMS i CPIA Country Policy and Institutional Assessment CSOs Civil Society Organizations DeMPA Debt Management Performance Assessment DPO Development Policy Operation ECP Economic Citizenship Program EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone EU European Union FDI Foreign Direct Investment GDP Gross Domestic Product GNI Gross National Income HCI Human Capital Index HDI Human Development Index ICT Information and Communication Technologies IDA International Development Association IFC International Finance Corporation IMF International Monetary Fund INRAPE National Institute for Research on Agriculture, Fisheries, and the Environment LICs Low-income Countries MDGs Millennium Development Goals MIDA Migration for Development in Africa MSME Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises NGOs Non-profit Organizations PEFA Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability PPP Public/Private Partnerships R&D Research and Development SADC Southern African Development Community SDGs Sustainable Development Goals SOEs State-Owned Enterprises SSA Sub-Saharan Africa TFP Total Factor Productivity WDI World Development Indicators WTTC World Travel & Tourism Council ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank members of the Comoros Country Team from all Global Practices of the World Bank and the International Finance Corporation, as well as the many stakeholders in Comoros (government authorities, think tanks, academia, and civil society organizations, other development partners), who have contributed to the preparation of this document in a strong collaborative process (see Annex 1). We are grateful for their inputs, knowledge and advice. This report has been prepared by a team led by Carolin Geginat (Program Leader EFI, AFSC2) and Jose Luis Diaz Sanchez (Country Economist, GMTA4). -
Culture, Context and Mental Health of Somali Refugees
Culture, context and mental health of Somali refugees A primer for staff working in mental health and psychosocial support programmes I © UNHCR, 2016. All rights reserved Reproduction and dissemination for educational or other non- commercial purposes is authorized without any prior written permission from the copyright holders provided the source is fully acknowledged. Reproduction for resale or other commercial purposes, or translation for any purpose, is prohibited without the written permission of the copyright holders. Applications for such permission should be addressed to the Public Health Section of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) at [email protected] This document is commissioned by UNHCR and posted on the UNHCR website. However, the views expressed in this document are those of the authors and not necessarily those of UNHCR or other institutions that the authors serve. The editors and authors have taken all reasonable precautions to verify the information contained in this publication. However, the published material is being distributed without warranty of any kind, either express or implied. The responsibility for the interpretation and use of the material lies with the reader. In no event shall the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees be liable for damages arising from its use. Suggested citation: Cavallera, V, Reggi, M., Abdi, S., Jinnah, Z., Kivelenge, J., Warsame, A.M., Yusuf, A.M., Ventevogel, P. (2016). Culture, context and mental health of Somali refugees: a primer for staff working in mental health and psychosocial support programmes. Geneva, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Cover photo: Dollo Ado, South East Ethiopia / Refugees are waiting for non-food items like plastic sheets and jerry cans. -
The Foreign Military Presence in the Horn of Africa Region
SIPRI Background Paper April 2019 THE FOREIGN MILITARY SUMMARY w The Horn of Africa is PRESENCE IN THE HORN OF undergoing far-reaching changes in its external security AFRICA REGION environment. A wide variety of international security actors— from Europe, the United States, neil melvin the Middle East, the Gulf, and Asia—are currently operating I. Introduction in the region. As a result, the Horn of Africa has experienced The Horn of Africa region has experienced a substantial increase in the a proliferation of foreign number and size of foreign military deployments since 2001, especially in the military bases and a build-up of 1 past decade (see annexes 1 and 2 for an overview). A wide range of regional naval forces. The external and international security actors are currently operating in the Horn and the militarization of the Horn poses foreign military installations include land-based facilities (e.g. bases, ports, major questions for the future airstrips, training camps, semi-permanent facilities and logistics hubs) and security and stability of the naval forces on permanent or regular deployment.2 The most visible aspect region. of this presence is the proliferation of military facilities in littoral areas along This SIPRI Background the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa.3 However, there has also been a build-up Paper is the first of three papers of naval forces, notably around the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, at the entrance to devoted to the new external the Red Sea and in the Gulf of Aden. security politics of the Horn of This SIPRI Background Paper maps the foreign military presence in the Africa.