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The 1990 Election in Tonga

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" . , I •.! ·1 The 1990 Election in Tonga Rodney C. Hills Rlitics in Tonga is never easy to follow, and the world remains unin­ formed on the real nature of political events there. Since 1986, the political environment has changed very quickly.l One result of the February 1990 election was a rush of rumor including that of a possible coup. This was symptomatic of the local population sensing change in the air. The coup stories were reported in New Zealand, and some comment appeared in the Australian press. Unfortunately, it was difficult to obtain a true pic­ ture of the course of events from naturally conservative Tongan sources, so there was no subsequent follow-up or analysis. The rumors died, and with them the news stories. Events related to the election would be unimportant if they had no wider significance. But they do, in that they reveal new trends in modern Tonga, and demonstrate the growing influence of outside events and ideas upon the evolution of one of the most insular Pacific societies. One might say that if these influences are at work in Tonga, Pacific ideals and life­ styles are indeed changing fast. THE TONGA PARLIAMENT The Tonga Parliament was established by the Constitution of 1875 (Latu­ kefu 1975) and is unicameral. Each parliament sits for three years between general elections. Members of Parliament meet for six months in each year, usually from mid-May to October or November. The Parliament consists of three groups: Cabinet ministers, nobles' representatives, and people's representatives. The proportions ofeach have been amended over the years by ministerial appointment as well as by constitutional amend- The Contemporary Pacific, Volume 3, Number 2, Fall I99I , 357-378 © I99I by University ofHawaii Press 357 M'._" aRU .... MVm IMBil4 &.09'Q9 .'n".....,....,.,.,'.. THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1991 ment. At the time Parliament was dissolved in 1989, there were eleven Cabinet members, including the prime minister; nine nobles' representa­ tives; and nine people's representatives. Cabinet, of course, sits indepen­ dently, and when the King presides, becomes the Privy Council, the high­ est executive body. The Parliament of Tonga is named the Legislative Assembly. The word parliament is used throughout this paper because of its accepted international use. Cabinet members, including the prime minister, are appointed by the monarch, without a specified term of service. Members of the Cabinet sel­ dom retire, and, as a result, many ministers have held Cabinet positions for more than a generation. Cabinet is a mix of appointments from the nobility and of well-qualified commoners. The people's representatives stand for election every three years, on a geographic constituency basis, and the turnover is often quick. Because Tongan society does not allow direct questioning of social superiors, the role of commoner parliamentar­ ians has been more one of supplication than of opposition. Nobles'repre­ sentatives are elected from among, and by, the noble titleholders, also for three-year terms on the same geographic constituency basis. Because there are only thirty-three noble families, most nobles can have a turn in Parlia­ ment if they want one, and the election system can encompass informal arrangements to secure seats. But this is by no means always what hap­ pens. The balance of power in the Parliament is not as clear-cut as the num­ bers suggest. Both nobles' and people's representatives can and do divide over issues, and combined they can stop government business. Each group in Parliament is able to claim, when it fails to win on any issue, that it is an ineffective minority. Neither the King nor the prime minister can act by fiat, although foreigners often think they can. Outside the Parliament it is obvious that nobles, who are also traditional leaders and were senior chiefs before 1875, wield considerable influence and, where legislation is weak or nonexistent, can act in an imperious manner. However, this has become increasingly difficult as commoners become more aware of their constitutional rights and of the capacity of the courts to protect the indi­ vidual. When in session, the Parliament sits daily from 10 AM. Each parliamen­ tary year begins with a budget debate. Cabinet or Privy Council meets weekly (a regent is usually appointed when the King is overseas). Because the Parliament meets for six months consecutively, members have to be HILLS. THE 1990 ELECTION IN TONGA 359 away from their constituents for half the year. In all its proceedings the Tonga Parliament closely follows the Westminster system. It has a Speaker and a chairman of committees, who acts for the Speaker when necessary. A daily account of parliamentary proceedings is available for a minimal charge. A very detailed record, the proceedings are published only in Tongan and do not include work of the Committee of the House. Since 1987, there has been a daily radio report on activity in the Parliament. BACKGROUND TO THE 1990 GENERAL ELECTION The previous Parliament, dissolved in 1986, had experienced paroxysms in its final months, following significant changes to the taxation system of Tonga. In July 1986, a sales tax had been introduced simultaneously with income tax reductions, resulting in short-term inflation of up to 30 per­ cent. A large proportion of the population did not pay income tax and did not see commensurate savings from the reductions. Pockets were hard hit, and the parliamentary representatives were sent on official consultative visits to explain the policy changes in the villages. To do this, the parlia­ mentarians were permitted to draw enormous allowances for overtime. This was publicized in a new and, at that time, underground quarterly newspaper, Kele<a. Two Tongans involved closely with Kele<a, 'Akilisi Pohiva and Laki Niu, were elected to the Parliament in the 1987 election. Both have university education and were elected on the issue of parliamen­ tary abuses. With such new blood coming into the House, the 1987-1989 Parliament was very active. There were innovations in procedure: for example, in order to inform themselves on issues, parliamentarians made visits to outer islands and to government and quasi-government institutions. In particular, within the Parliament there developed a forceful debate on issues of public accountability. In the course of this, some of the people's representatives spoke in terms that were widely regarded as impolite and therefore un-Tongan, at least when used about nobles and ministers appointed by the Crown. The climax to the session came in the last few months of the Parliament when there was a walkout of the people's representatives from 13 to 26 September. Members had become increasingly dissatisfied with the quality of ministerial answers on issues of public interest. Ministers were some­ times evasive in answers and appeared to members to use international fF_ f."W" ......'W.B60..€".'f@@Wlf!MliRII..'!. H"" THE CONTEMPORARY PACIFIC· FALL 1991 travel as a means of avoiding parliamentary responsibility. In response, on 13 September, all the people's representatives who were present walked out. The majority returned only on the day they would have forfeited their seats. During the walkout, radio interviews with Tongan citizens at large indicated widespread support among the younger generation for the action their representatives had taken. But there was evidence of a back­ lash among older people, suggesting that, at least in public, they did not wish to be associated with what was recognized as a fairly radical action. When they returned to Parliament on 26 September after their walkout, the people's representatives introduced and requested a vote on a parlia­ mentary motion calling for a redistribution of seats in their favor. Their first request, for a reduction in the number of nobles' representatives, was defeated and a second request, for an increase in people's representatives, was withdrawn when it became obvious that it would be defeated also. Not long after, on 29 October, the King closed the Parliament, and the scene was set for the 1989-1990 election campaign. As the election approached, Tonga appeared to be a divided nation. Signs indicated that the campaign would be a bitter one. THE ELECTION ISSUE Regional and international press and radio reports at the time interpreted the 1990 election result as a challenge to the traditional order, but this interpretation resulted from a dearth of knowledge of the real events in the Parliament. An election in Tonga can encompass many issues, but the out­ come of this one showed that only accountability was really significant. To understand this, it is necessary to know that public and parliamentary accountability had been sensitive issues during the 1987-1989 Parliament. In those years, three issues were debated over and over: parliamentary allowances, passport sales, and national financial management. On each issue, people's representatives thought the ministers responsible either evasive or misleading. Ministers could not be brought to account. Parliamentary Allowances In Tonga, parliamentary allowances became an issue after disclosures fol­ lowing village consultations on tax-law changes in 1986. The disclosures were a consequence of the Tonga system of payment to ministers and other parliamentarians that provides a basic salary of between T$27,000 HILLS· THE 1990 ELECTION IN TONGA for ministers and T$IO,OOO for members2 (Kele'a, May-June, 1989). However, in the course of a parliamentary session this is supplemented by overtime payments. A member is paid a full daily allowance for each hour of overtime worked after 5 PM. The Parliament frequently sits late into the evening. In addition, for overseas travel, significant daily allowances are paid to ministers (T$300-500 per day) and somewhat less to other parlia­ mentarians (T$200-400).
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