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Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, Book Five
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter 12-1986 The Lives of the Peripatetics: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, Book Five Michael Sollenberger Mount St. Mary's University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, and the History of Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation Sollenberger, Michael, "The Lives of the Peripatetics: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosophorum, Book Five" (1986). The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter. 129. https://orb.binghamton.edu/sagp/129 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in The Society for Ancient Greek Philosophy Newsletter by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. f\îc|*zx,e| lîâ& The Lives of the Peripatetics: Diogenes Laertius, Vitae Philosoohorum Book Five The biographies of six early Peripatetic philosophers are con tained in the fifth book of Diogenes Laertius* Vitae philosoohorum: the lives of the first four heads of the sect - Aristotle, Theophras tus, Strato, and Lyco - and those of two outstanding members of the school - Demetrius of Phalerum and Heraclides of Pontus, For the history of two rival schools, the Academy and the Stoa, we are for tunate in having not only Diogenes' versions in 3ooks Four and Seven, but also the Index Academicorum and the Index Stoicorum preserved among the papyri from Herculaneum, But for the Peripatos there-is no such second source. -
The Language of Union in Jewish Neoplatonism
Chapter 5 “As Light Unites with Light”: The Language of Union in Jewish Neoplatonism Like their Christian and Muslim counterparts, Jewish writers between the 10th and 13th centuries increasingly expressed the soul’s transformation and prog- ress towards God in Platonic, Neoplatonic, and Neo-Aristotelian terms. These philosophical systems provided models that not only allowed the human soul to come close to God, but also enabled union with Him, through mediating spiritual or mental elements. In the early writings of Jewish Neoplatonists, under the direct influence of Arab Neoplatonism, the notion of mystical union was articulated for the first time since Philo. The Neoplatonist “axis of return”, which constitutes the odyssey of the soul to its origin in the divine, became creatively absorbed into rabbinic Judaism. Judaism was synthesized once again with Platonism, this time in the form of the Platonism of Proclus and Plotinus and their enhanced idea and experience of mystical henōsis with the “Nous” and the “One”.1 In their classic study on Isaac Israeli (855–955),2 Alexander Altmann and Samuel Stern, claimed that this 10th-century Jewish-Arab Neoplatonist artic- ulated for the first time a Jewish-Arabic version of henōsis as ittihad. In his Neoplatonic understanding of Judaism, Isaac Israeli incorporated the ideas of spiritual return and mystical union into his systematic exposition of rabbinic Judaism. Israeli interpreted this spiritual return as a religious journey, and viewed the three stages of Proclus’s ladder of ascension—purification, illumi- nation, and mystical union—as the inner meaning of Judaism and its religious path. His synthesis paved the way for the extensive employment of the termi- nology of devequt—but significantly, in the Neoplatonic sense of henōsis—in medieval Jewish literature, both philosophical and Kabbalistic. -
The Alleged Activity of Active Intellect: a Wild Goose Chase Or a Puzzle to Be Solved?1
The alleged activity of active intellect: A wild goose chase or a puzzle to be solved?1 Sonia Kamińska Summary Trying to describe the activity of Aristotle’s active intellect, we will sooner or later realize that we cannot find its right description, because Aristotle did not provide for one. He left us with many ir- reconcilable statements and questions with no answers. In the fa- | LIV • 2014 w Nauce Zagadnienia Filozoficzne mous text Aristotle’s Two Intellects: a Modest Proposal Victor Cas- ton claims that Aristotle did not describe the activity, because there simply is no such activity and we should therefore identify nous poietikos with God, because God too does nothing. Trying to find this lacking description is like going on a wild goose chase – Caston argues. In my text I will show that his solution, albeit tempting, is in fact a kind of “dissolution” and that a wild goose chase, although for many doomed to failure, can be fruitful. I will do so by present- ing three groups or clusters of views on active intellect which – I believe – are philosophically significant. Caston’s proposal will be 1 �����������������������������������������������������������������This publication was supported by Copernicus Center for Interdis- ciplinary Studies under grant "The Limits of Scientific Explanation" founded by the John Templeton Foundation. 79 Sonia Kamińska one of them, but not the privileged one. These three types of inter- pretations will hopefully provide us with an imagery that will help us somewhat come to terms with Aristotle’s succinctness. Keywords nous, nous poietikos, nous pathetikos, soul, intellect, God, Deity, actuality, potentiality, philosophy of mind, Aristotle, Thomas Aqui- nas, Franz Brentano, Victor Caston 1. -
A History of Cynicism
A HISTORY OF CYNICISM Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com A HISTORY OF CYNICISM From Diogenes to the 6th Century A.D. by DONALD R. DUDLEY F,llow of St. John's College, Cambrid1e Htmy Fellow at Yale University firl mll METHUEN & CO. LTD. LONDON 36 Essex Street, Strand, W.C.2 Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com First published in 1937 PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN Downloaded from https://www.holybooks.com PREFACE THE research of which this book is the outcome was mainly carried out at St. John's College, Cambridge, Yale University, and Edinburgh University. In the help so generously given to my work I have been no less fortunate than in the scenes in which it was pursued. I am much indebted for criticism and advice to Professor M. Rostovtseff and Professor E. R. Goodonough of Yale, to Professor A. E. Taylor of Edinburgh, to Professor F. M. Cornford of Cambridge, to Professor J. L. Stocks of Liverpool, and to Dr. W. H. Semple of Reading. I should also like to thank the electors of the Henry Fund for enabling me to visit the United States, and the College Council of St. John's for electing me to a Research Fellowship. Finally, to• the unfailing interest, advice and encouragement of Mr. M. P. Charlesworth of St. John's I owe an especial debt which I can hardly hope to repay. These acknowledgements do not exhaust the list of my obligations ; but I hope that other kindnesses have been acknowledged either in the text or privately. -
Philosophy As a Path to Happiness
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Helsingin yliopiston digitaalinen arkisto Philosophy as a Path to Happiness Attainment of Happiness in Arabic Peripatetic and Ismaili Philosophy Janne Mattila ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Helsinki in auditorium XII, University main building, on the 13th of June, 2011 at 12 o’clock. ISBN 978-952-92-9077-2 (paperback) ISBN 978-952-10-7001-3 (PDF) http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/ Helsinki University Print Helsinki 2011 2 Abstract The aim of this study is to explore the idea of philosophy as a path to happiness in medieval Arabic philosophy. The starting point is in comparison of two distinct currents within Arabic philosophy between the 10th and early 11th centuries, Peripatetic philosophy, represented by al-Fārābī and Ibn Sīnā, and Ismaili philosophy represented by al-Kirmānī and the Brethren of Purity. These two distinct groups of sources initially offer two contrasting views about philosophy. The attitude of the Peripatetic philosophers is rationalistic and secular in spirit, whereas for the Ismailis philosophy represents the esoteric truth behind revelation. Still, the two currents of thought converge in their view that the ultimate purpose of philosophy lies in its ability to lead man towards happiness. Moreover, they share a common concept of happiness as a contemplative ideal of human perfection, merged together with the Neoplatonic goal of the soul’s reascent to the spiritual world. Finally, for both happiness refers primarily to an otherworldly state thereby becoming a philosophical interpretation of the Quranic accounts of the afterlife. -
Aristotle on Thinking ( Noêsis )
Aristotle on Thinking ( Noêsis ) The Perception Model DA III.4-5. Aristotle gives an account of thinking (or intellect—noêsis ) that is modeled on his account of perception in Book II. Just as in perception, “that which perceives” ( to aisthêtikon ) takes on sensible form (without matter), so in thinking “that which thinks” ( to noêtikon ) takes on intelligible form (without matter). Similarly, just as in perception, the perceiver has the quality of the object potentially, but not actually, so, too, in understanding, the intellect is potentially (although not actually) each of its objects. Problem This leaves us with a problem analogous to the one we considered in the case of perception. There we wondered how the perceiver of a red tomato could be potentially (but not actually) red (prior to perceiving it), and yet become red (be actually red) in the process of perceiving it. Here the question is how the intellect that thinks about a tomato (or a horse) is potentially a tomato (or a horse), and then becomes a tomato (or a horse) in the process of thinking about it. The problem about thinking seems more severe: for although there is a sense in which the perceiver becomes red (the sense organ becomes colored red), there does not seem to be a comparable sense in which the intellect becomes a tomato (or a horse). (1) there is no organ involved, and (2) there does not seem to be room in there for a tomato (let alone a horse). The Differences from Perception As we will see, there are important differences between perceiving and understanding, beyond the fact the one involves taking on perceptible form and the other intelligible form. -
Erotic Devotional Poetry: Resisting Neoplatonism in Protestant Christianity Sarah M
Seattle aP cific nivU ersity Digital Commons @ SPU Honors Projects University Scholars Spring June 1st, 2019 Erotic Devotional Poetry: Resisting Neoplatonism in Protestant Christianity Sarah M. Pruis Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.spu.edu/honorsprojects Part of the Christianity Commons, English Language and Literature Commons, European History Commons, Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, History of Christianity Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Liturgy and Worship Commons, Philosophy Commons, Practical Theology Commons, Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons, and the Theory and Criticism Commons Recommended Citation Pruis, Sarah M., "Erotic Devotional Poetry: Resisting Neoplatonism in Protestant Christianity" (2019). Honors Projects. 109. https://digitalcommons.spu.edu/honorsprojects/109 This Honors Project is brought to you for free and open access by the University Scholars at Digital Commons @ SPU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ SPU. EROTIC DEVOTIONAL POETRY: RESISTING NEOPLATONISM IN PROTESTANT CHRISTIANITY by S. M. PRUIS FACULTY ADVISOR, JENNIFER MAIER SECOND READER, YELENA BAILEY A project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the University Scholars Honors Program. Seattle Pacific University 2019 Approved Date ABSTRACT A genre best known for its appearance in Eastern religions, erotic devotional poetry uses sensual imagery to access an experience of the -
The Agent Intellect As" Form for Us" and Averroes's. Critique of Al-Farabi
Tópicos, Revista de Filosofía ISSN: 0188-6649 [email protected] Universidad Panamericana México Taylor, Richard C. The Agent Intellect as "form for us" and Averroes's. Critique of al-Farabi Tópicos, Revista de Filosofía, núm. 29, 2005, pp. 29-51 Universidad Panamericana Distrito Federal, México Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=323027318003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative The Agent Intellect as "form for us" and Averroes's Critique of al-FarabT Richard C. Taylor Marquette University This article explicates Averroes's understanding of human knowing and abstraction in this three commentaries on Aristotle's De Anima. While Averroes's views on the nature of the human material intellect changes through the three commentaries until he reaches is famous view of the unity of the material intellect as one for all human beings, his view of the agent intellect as 'form for us' is sustained throughout these works. In his Long Commentary on the De Anima he reveals his dependence on al-Farabi for this notion and provides a detailed critique of the Farabian notion that the agent intellect is 'form for us' only as agent cause, not as our true formal cause. Although Averroes argues that the agent intellect must somehow be intrinsic to us as our form since humans 2tieper se rational and undertake acts of knowing by will, his view is shown to rest on an equivocal use of the notion of formal cause. -
The Presocratics in the Doxographical Tradition. Sources, Controversies, and Current Research*
THE PRESOCRATICS IN THE DOXOGRAPHICAL TRADITION. SOURCES, CONTROVERSIES, AND CURRENT RESEARCH* Han Baltussen Abstract In this paper I present a synthetic overview of recent and ongoing research in the field of doxography, that is, the study of the nature, transmission and interrelations of sources for ancient Greek philosophy. The latest revisions of the theory of Hermann Diels (Doxographi Graeci 1879) regarding the historiography ought to be known more widely, as they still influence our understanding of the Presocratics and their reception. The scholarly study on the compilations of Greek philosophical views from Hellenistic and later periods has received a major boost by the first of a projected three-volume study by Mansfeld and Runia (1997). Taking their work as a firm basis I also describe my own work in this area and how it can be related to, and fitted into, this trend by outlining how two important sources for the historiography of Greek philosophy, Theo- phrastus (4th–3rd c. BCE) and Simplicius (early 6th c. AD) stand in a special relation to each other and form an important strand in the doxographical tradition. Introduction In this paper I present a review of recent research on the study of the Presocratics in the doxographical tradition, and how my own work in progress is connected to this area of research. By setting out recent, ongoing and forthcoming research I hope to make a con- tribution to mapping out some important characteristics of the field by way of a critical study of its main sources, since it is quite important that these new insights are more widely known. -
Metamorphoses of a Platonic Theme in Jewish Mysticism
MOSHE IDEL METAMORPHOSES OF A PLATONIC THEME IN JEWISH MYSTICISM 1. KABBALAH AND NEOPLATONISM Both the early Jewish philosophers – Philo of Alexandria and R. Shlomo ibn Gabirol, for example – and the medieval Kabbalists were acquainted with and influenced by Platonic and Neoplatonic sources.1 However, while the medieval philosophers were much more systematic in their borrowing from Neoplatonic sources, especially via their transformations and transmissions from Arabic sources and also but more rarely from Christian sources, the Kabbalists were more sporadic and fragmentary in their appropriation of Neoplatonism. Though the emergence of Kabbalah has often been described by scholars as the synthesis of Neoplatonism and Gnosticism,2 I wonder not only about the role attributed to Gnosticism in the formation of early Kabbalah, but also about the possi- bly exaggerated role assigned to Neoplatonism. Not that I doubt the im- pact of Neoplatonism, but I tend to regard the Neoplatonic elements as somewhat less formative for the early Kabbalah than what is accepted by scholars.3 We may, however, assume a gradual accumulation of Neoplatonic 1 G. Scholem, ‘The Traces of ibn Gabirol in Kabbalah’, Me’assef Soferei Eretz Yisrael (Tel- Aviv, 1960), pp. 160–78 (Hebrew); M. Idel, ‘Jewish Kabbalah and Platonism in the Middle Ages and Renaissance’, in Neoplatonism and Jewish Thought, ed. L. E. Goodman (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993), pp. 319–52; M. Idel, ‘The Magical and Neoplatonic Interpretations of Kabbalah in the Renaissance’, Jewish Thought in the Sixteenth Century, ed. B. D. Cooperman (Cambridge, MA, 1983), pp. 186–242. 2 G. Scholem, Origins of the Kabbalah (tr. -
Platonic Influence on New Testament
Platonic Influence On New Testament Tribalism Aleck mitring sleekly while Johnathan always misconjectures his Teutonization coshers scantily, he daffs so sagittally. Gustavus is unitive: she choke closely and aims her moonflowers. Ugrian and long-headed Tobiah always contests ineluctably and overinsures his offing. In the program, as a christian institutions, if it is, he does not exist after the platonic influence upon arriving in both what best. Elenchos as eternal and mt athos, legal corpora of new testament is one method has forsaken me! Christianity by platonism is true existential aspect has written. Some hinds above all this earth shall see that thou art, advancing beyond essence affirm that life that is one another reason as. Obviously a platonic view in following question are examples show on platonic influence on new testament, as we otherwise are red. Did not just at least in which he never completely different from whom christianity came before using the platonic period, since at the profound influence. Thus became dominant conception, or a changing that god is. As platonic influence, new testament scriptures, and not dissolvedbut has made by william heinemann ltd. While its traditional religion is a lot they worked with him with its tradition during this respect and son into existence on platonic influence on new testament that he opposed to christianity? And platonic influence and for a platonistic conceptions to the apostle paul and both those things ought to the bible begins to it allows us turn shaped. Christianity became flesh of men were being about philo, platonic influence on new testament. -
Theories of the Soul Vs. Medical Knowledge: Averroës As an Authority in Thirteenth-Century France
Theories of the Soul vs. Medical Knowledge: Averroës as an Authority in Thirteenth-Century France Heather Thornton McRae, University of Missouri The intellectual florescence of thirteenth-century France, and Paris in particular, was vibrant, yet it confronted scholastic thinkers with a range of both new and continuing problems. The most famous of the continuing problems was the how to fully reconcile Aristotelian philosophy with revealed scripture. Both had lengthy commentary traditions that complicated the attempt. Christian doctrine had the four Church Fathers as well as key medieval works, such as Peter Lombard’s Sentences, while Aristotle had commentaries from both the late antique and Islamic worlds as well as Christian commentaries for those few works available in Latin in the early Middle Ages. The most famous of the Muslim Aristotelian scholars in Europe was Ibn Rushd, known in Latin as Averroës, or often simply The Commentator. A twelfth-century Andalusi Islamic jurist, physician, theologian, and philosopher, Averroës presented curious and thoughtful scholars, such as Albertus Magnus, with the difficult question of how to use and learn from the knowledge that Averroës provided while not stumbling over his religiously problematic positions. At the heart of this conflict was the changing notion of auctoritas (authority). As late as the early twelfth century, men like William of St. Thierry were writing that knowledge was acquired through the intellect while auctoritas was exclusively the means for acquiring faith. 1 However, this long-held view changed at the turn of the twelfth century, which saw the end to what is sometimes called the Age of Authority, because men noted that authority was the weakest form of proof, as Thomas Aquinas observes time and again in his famous Summa 1 Heinrich Fichtenau, Heretics and Scholars in the High Middle Ages: 1000-1200, trans.