NAPSNET Week in Review 30 May, 2000
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Buraku We Współczesnej Japonii – Wpływ Stosowania Kategoryzacji Społecznej Na Życie Ludzi Z Grupy Burakumin
Kultura i Historia nr 35/2019 (1) ISSN 1642-9826 Buraku we współczesnej Japonii – wpływ stosowania kategoryzacji społecznej na życie ludzi z grupy burakumin Rafał Orzechowski Biogram: Rafał Orzechowski – ur. 1987, magister historii, etnologii i antropologii kulturowej, doktorant na wydziale Nauk Historycznych i Pedagogicznych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, zainteresowania badawcze: eugenika, transhumanizm, stereotypy, władza, pamięć, ludobójstwo, kultura japońska, historia średniowiecza. Abstract: Discrimination can take on various forms, and moreover, with the passage of time, new elements of the discourse stigmatizing a given group appear. A similar practice can be observed in the case of Japanese burakumin. In their case, the current discrimination was both the effect of a stereotypical image of its members and the maintenance of the traditional social division. Despite the fact that the factors that led to the separation of this minority in the past have disappeared, the functioning of former divisions is still visible. The aim of the article is to present the current problems of the burakumin in Japan and to describe the most important factors that allow a person to qualify for this community. Keywords: burakumin, impurity, blood, eta/hinin, Japan , koseki Abstrakt: Dyskryminacja może przyjmować najróżniejsze formy, co więcej wraz z upływem czasu pojawiają się nowe elementy dyskursu piętnującego daną grupę. Podobną praktykę można zaobserwować w przypadku japońskich burakumin. W ich przypadku obecna dyskryminacja stanowiła zarówno efekt stereotypowego wyobrażenia na temat jej członków, jak i podtrzymywania tradycyjnego podziału społecznego. Pomimo tego, że współcześnie doszło do zaniknięcia czynników, które doprowadziły do wyodrębnienia tej mniejszości w przeszłości, to w dalszym ciągu widoczne jest funkcjonowanie dawnych podziałów. Celem artykułu będzie zaprezentowanie obecnych problemów burakumin w Japonii oraz opisanie najważniejszych czynników, pozwalających zakwalifikować daną osobę do tej społeczności. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
Hybrid Identities of Buraku Outcastes in Japan
Educating Minds and Hearts to Change the World A publication of the University of San Francisco Center for the Volume IX ∙ Number 2 June ∙ 2010 Pacific Rim Copyright 2010 The Sea Otter Islands: Geopolitics and Environment in the East Asian Fur Trade >>..............................................................Richard Ravalli 27 Editors Joaquin Gonzalez John Nelson Shadows of Modernity: Hybrid Identities of Buraku Outcastes in Japan Editorial >>...............................................................Nicholas Mucks 36 Consultants Barbara K. Bundy East Timor and the Power of International Commitments in the American Hartmut Fischer Patrick L. Hatcher Decision Making Process >>.......................................................Christopher R. Cook 43 Editorial Board Uldis Kruze Man-lui Lau Syed Hussein Alatas: His Life and Critiques of the Malaysian New Economic Mark Mir Policy Noriko Nagata Stephen Roddy >>................................................................Choon-Yin Sam 55 Kyoko Suda Bruce Wydick Betel Nut Culture in Contemporary Taiwan >>..........................................................................Annie Liu 63 A Note from the Publisher >>..............................................Center for the Pacific Rim 69 Asia Pacific: Perspectives Asia Pacific: Perspectives is a peer-reviewed journal published at least once a year, usually in April/May. It Center for the Pacific Rim welcomes submissions from all fields of the social sciences and the humanities with relevance to the Asia Pacific 2130 Fulton St, LM280 region.* In keeping with the Jesuit traditions of the University of San Francisco, Asia Pacific: Perspectives com- San Francisco, CA mits itself to the highest standards of learning and scholarship. 94117-1080 Our task is to inform public opinion by a broad hospitality to divergent views and ideas that promote cross-cul- Tel: (415) 422-6357 Fax: (415) 422-5933 tural understanding, tolerance, and the dissemination of knowledge unreservedly. -
The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan's Quantitative
Bound by a Hidden Agenda: The Birth and Consequences of the Bank of Japan’s Quantitative Monetary Easing Tetsufumi Arita July 2007 THE WALTER H. SHORENSTEIN ASIA-PACIFIC RESEARCH CENTER (Shorenstein APARC) is a unique Stanford University institution focused on the interdisciplinary study of contemporary Asia. Shorenstein APARC’s mission is to produce and publish outstanding interdisciplinary, Asia-Pacific– focused research; educate students, scholars, and corporate and governmental affiliates; promote constructive interaction to influence U.S. policy toward the Asia-Pacific; and guide Asian nations on key issues of societal transition, development, U.S.-Asia relations, and regional cooperation. The Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94306-6055 http://shorenstein.stanford.edu 2 About the Author Tetsufumi Arita has been a reporter for the Japanese newspaper, Asahi Shimbun, since 990. He has extensive experience in reporting business and political news. Arita was a visiting fellow at the Walter H. Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center between 2004 and 2005. 2 3 4 Abstract For the past five years, the Bank of Japan (BOJ) has employed an unconventional monetary easing policy, called quantitative monetary easing. Under a zero interest rate regime, the BOJ shifted its tool for monetary easing from interest rates to quantity of money, thus providing the money market with much more money than it needs. It is difficult to find evidence that this monetary easing has contributed to the current economic recovery. What we can show is that this quantitative easing diluted the functions of interest rates in the money market, with the following consequences: quantitative easing hid the risks of the huge amount of fiscal debt and supported troubled commercial banks. -
Japan’S View of Itself in the World and Its Role in the Asian Region
CHAPTER 4 JAPAN’S VIEW OF ITSELF IN THE WORLD AND ITS ROLE IN THE ASIAN REGION An expanded international political role 4.1 The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) submitted that: For some years Japan has been seeking, albeit incrementally, an expanded international political role, more commensurate with its economic weight. Japan’s role as the world’s leading creditor nation, the major aid donor and a major investor in the region, combined with its security alliance with the United States, means that Japan is already a significant player in world affairs, and likely to remain so.1 4.2 As with debate on domestic issues, Japan’s foreign relations have been subject to some uncertainty and attempted revaluation in the 1990s. Japan has substantial international influence, befitting its overall economic significance, but it is still constrained by the legacies of World War II, which have involved both constitutional constraints on its capacity for external involvement in security issues and some ongoing problems in relations with neighbouring states. Debate is continuing on how Japan can move towards being a more ‘normal state’ in international terms and on how it can consolidate its international position, for example by attaining a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. 4.3 Under the leadership of Prime Minister Hashimoto (January 1996–July 1998), Japan’s improvement in its relations with China and Russia, its initiatives on Cambodia, and its active participation in UN peacekeeping activities were impressive. Mr Hashimoto’s initiatives in these areas were progressed by his successors, Prime Ministers Obuchi and Mori, and Prime Minister Koizumi is continuing to build on them.2 4.4 The relationship with the US remains the cornerstone of foreign policy but Japan has been disquieted at the rise of China and (at times) at the growing scale of US-China relations. -
Japan-China Relations: Going Nowhere Slowly
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Japan-China Relations: Going Nowhere Slowly James J. Przystup∗ Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Repeated efforts by the Abe government to engage China in high-level dialogue failed to produce a summit meeting. While Tokyo remained firm in its position on the Senkakus, namely that there is no territorial issue that needs to be resolved, Beijing remained equally firm in its position that Japan acknowledge the existence of a dispute as a precondition for talks. In the meantime, Chinese and Japanese patrol ships were in almost daily contact in the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands region, while issues related to history, Japan’s evolving security policy, Okinawa, and the East China Sea continued to roil the relationship. By mid-summer over 90 percent of Japanese and Chinese respondents to a joint public opinion poll held negative views of each other. Business and economics In early June, Japanese automakers Honda and Nissan released May sales figures. Both Honda and Nissan sales exceeded May 2012 numbers. Honda sold 54,564 vehicles, a 4.6 percent increase, while Nissan sold 103,000 vehicles, a 2 percent increase. Together with Toyota, Japan’s big three experienced an increase in monthly sales over 2012 for the first time since the Noda government nationalized the Senkaku Islands in September 2012. After experiencing 40 percent declines in October and November 2012, the upturn in sales suggests that better times are ahead for Japanese automakers position in the China market. Meanwhile, Japan experienced a sharp drop in Chinese tourists since September 2012. -
The Brookings Institution Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES WHITHER JAPAN? NEW CONSTITUTION AND DEFENSE BUILDUP Mr. Tomohiko Taniguchi CNAPS Japan Fellow, 2004-2005 May 2005 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20036-2188 Tel: 202-797-6000 Fax: 202-797-6004 www.brookings.edu Contents Introduction Constitution Timeline Power dynamic in the Diet Article 9 Collective self-defense Areas of contention Defense Buildup Operation Enduring Freedom Operation Iraqi Freedom Missile Defense One could wonder why New Defense Thinking Security environment Multi-Functional Flexible Defense Force Tanks and fighter aircraft are passé An Asian equivalent of the United Kingdom? The China Factor U.S. emphasis on Asia Taiwan: a worst case scenario Scenario 1: Japan losing America Scenario 2: Japan losing China Whither Japan: Policy proposals In the short term Mid to long term: avoid becoming an enfant terrible Taniguchi – Whither Japan? 2 Introduction This paper explores the changes to the Constitution and defense strategy currently underway in Japan and considers where the nation is headed. To address these questions, it will focus on those changes that could seriously affect or alter Japan’s relations with the United States and neighboring countries. The revisions to the Constitution and the ongoing defense buildup certainly meet this criterion, and are therefore drawing attention from the rest of East Asia, as well as from the United States. This paper attempts to make the case that Japan is proceeding rapidly on both of the aforementioned fronts, as if to confirm the wisdom that when things eventually start moving in Japan, they tend to do so rather rapidly.1 For instance, within a relatively short period of two to three years, Japan has: (1) sent Self Defense Force (SDF) troops to Iraq; (2) begun maintaining a quasi-permanent maritime presence in the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea; (3) decided to implement sea-based missile defense, the first country among the U.S. -
Tanter, “Japanese Remilitarisation Today”, in Sally Totman and Scott Burchill (Eds.) Global Crises and Risks, (Oxford University Press, 2008)
Richard Tanter, “Japanese remilitarisation today”, in Sally Totman and Scott Burchill (eds.) Global Crises and Risks, (Oxford University Press, 2008) Prologue Two events within a few months of each other in 2007 symbolize the fluctuating and unstable political dynamics of Japanese re-militarization. The first was the prime minister’s speech welcoming the replacement of the Defence Agency by a full Ministry of Defence. The second was that same prime minister’s resignation over an inability to fulfil a promised military commitment to the United States as a result of a decline in the ruling party’s electoral fortunes. In a ceremony on January 9th 2007 to mark the upgrading of the Japan Defence Agency to the Ministry of Defence, then Prime Minister Abe Shinzo called the passage of the enabling legislation "a landmark event that marks the end of the post-war regime and will lay the groundwork for building a new state."1 Even allowing for the need for political leaders to push their own barrows – modesty is usually not part of the job description - Mr. Abe’s remarks about the rather prosaic act of establishing a new government department might seem to be rather grand claims for a bureaucratic reorganization and expansion. But Mr. Abe was entirely serious, and there can be no doubt that both critics and supporters understood exactly why he was making these claims. Like his immediate predecessor Koizumi Shinichiro, and unlike most of their predecessors, Mr. Abe belongs to the nationalist stream of foreign policy. The key words in Mr. Abe’s remarks for what has been until recently a minority position in the Japanese political elite were “the postwar regime” and “a new state”. -
Maritime Security—The Architecture of Japan's Maritime
Naval War College Review Volume 72 Article 5 Number 4 Autumn 2019 2019 Maritime Security—The Architecture of Japan’s Maritime-Security System in the East China Sea Kentaro Furuya Follow this and additional works at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review Recommended Citation Furuya, Kentaro (2019) "Maritime Security—The Architecture of Japan’s Maritime-Security System in the East China Sea," Naval War College Review: Vol. 72 : No. 4 , Article 5. Available at: https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/nwc-review/vol72/iss4/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Naval War College Review by an authorized editor of U.S. Naval War College Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Furuya: Maritime Security—The Architecture of Japan’s Maritime-Security S THE ARCHITECTURE OF JAPAN’S MARITIME- SECURITY SYSTEM IN THE EAST CHINA SEA The Dual-Layer Security System and the Role of the Japan Coast Guard Kentaro Furuya ecurity operations in the East China Sea (ECS), particularly around the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, have become a very high priority for the Japanese Sgovernment� Its stance on the Senkakus is that the islands constitute an integral part of Japanese territory, both historically and under international law, and that the Japanese government has administered the islands effectively�1 In contrast, the Chinese government began to assert ownership over the islands after the United Nations (UN) -
Individual Claims: Are the Positions of the U.S
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Individual Claims: Are the Positions of the U.S. and Japanese Governments in Agreement in the American POW Forced Labor Cases Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8mt1g1ww Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 21(1) Authors Tokudome, Kinue Tokudome, Azusa K. Publication Date 2003 DOI 10.5070/P8211022164 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California ARTICLES INDIVIDUAL CLAIMS: ARE THE POSITIONS OF THE U.S. AND JAPANESE GOVERNMENTS IN AGREEMENT IN THE AMERICAN POW FORCED LABOR CASES? Kinue Tokudome* Azusa K. Tokudome** I. INTRODUCTION During World War II, some 27,000 American soldiers were captured by the Japanese military, and of those, over 11,000 died.1 Many of these POWs were enslaved for the benefit of pri- vate Japanese companies. After more than half a century, surviv- ing POWs are seeking compensation from these companies in American courts. On February 6, 2003, the Court of Appeal of California, Fourth District, Division Three, dismissed one of the cases in which Mitsui and Mitsubishi were named defendants. 2 It ruled that the San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951 had waived the claims of the plaintiffs, although it acknowledged the suffering of * Japanese journalist; graduate of the University of Chicago, with a Masters in International Relations (1988); graduate of the University of Illinois at Chicago with a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science (1985). ** Juris Doctor Candidate, Chapman University, School of Law; graduate of the University of California, San Diego, with a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and Japanese Studies (2002). -
Japan -- Media Environment Open; State Looms Large
UNCLASSIFIED 18 August 2009 OpenSourceCenter Media Aid Japan -- Media Environment Open; State Looms Large Guide to Traditional and Interactive Digital Media 2009: A Resource for Strategic Communication This OSC product is based exclusively on the content and behavior of selected media and has not been coordinated with other US Government components. UNCLASSIFIED UNCLASSIFIED Table of Contents 1. Overview ............................................................................................................................. 5 1.1. How Open is Japan's Media Environment? ................................................................... 6 1.2. Press Clubs Create Cozy Ties With Official Sources..................................................... 7 1.3. Media Conglomerates Become Last Bastion of Japan, Inc............................................ 8 2. Major Dailies, NHK, Kyodo Form Journalism's Inner Circle.................................... 10 2.1. NHK Emblematic of Non-Adversarial Media Establishment....................................... 10 2.1.1. Audience for Daily Papers..................................................................................... 11 2.2. National Dailies............................................................................................................12 2.2.1. Yomiuri Shimbun.................................................................................................... 12 2.2.2. Asahi Shimbun ...................................................................................................... -
An Aspect of Politics in Japan, 1999–2006
International Journal of East Asia Studies, 22(2) (2018), 86-105. Decision-Making Process of Revision to the Basic Act on Education: An Aspect of Politics in Japan, 1999–2006 Norifumi Takeishi1 1 College of Nursing, St. Luke’s International University, Japan Corresponding Author: Norifumi Takeishi, College of Nursing, St. Luke’s International University, Tokyo 104-0044, Japan E-mail: [email protected] 86 Abstract By analyzing revision process of the Basic Act on Education (BAE), this study examined jockeying among political actors in Japan, 1999-2006. Particularly, we discuss this process’s meanings to three important political actors, the Diet mem- bers’ group of the LDP with a special interest in education (Bunkyozoku), the struc- tural reformist group of the LDP, and another ruling party, the Komeito Party. This revision to the BAE, believed the most difficult educational reform to coordinate within the LDP and among coalition parties, was resolved with few unpleasant feelings among actors because each received some satisfying benefits. However, from the long-term standpoint, for ruling parties overall, this “achievement” was not necessarily positive. Citizens did not desire such an ideological educational re- form as this revision; thus, it pulled many votes from ruling parties. That is to say, the revision’s “success” resulted in accelerating diminished approval ratings for ruling parties, especially the LDP. Keywords: political actors, ruling coalition parties, Junichiro Koizumi and Shinzo Abe, Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP), election 87 International Journal of East Asia Studies, 22(2) (2018) Introduction Globalization’s advances have created two domestic trends. The first is cre- ation of markets for neoliberalism and movements toward deregulation.