Written Evidence Submitted by Link For
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Written evidence submitted by Link for Freedom Foundation (UKI0017) We are a diverse group of ordinary citizens, brought together by our support for Iranian citizens who seek democratic and non-sectarian freedom in their homeland. We formed the Link for Freedom Foundation (LFF) to safeguard our own democratic values and perform what we see as our civic duty: to mobilise and co-ordinate other ordinary citizens to help us challenge our government, international agencies such as the UN, and the media about their policy decisions. LFF Answer to Question 1 - Relations between the UK and Iran, and vice versa: history, evolution, and aims In February 1979, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini hijacked the popular revolution which saw off the Shah. Driven by a number of factors, not least the enduring need to secure energy supply, Western powers including the US and Britain supported him. They didn’t want to see oil nationalised as it had been by Mosaddegh in 1952. Khomeini offered the people a referendum to establish Iran as an Islamic Republic, and this was almost unanimously voted for. However, the people’s vision of a republic, in which the majlis (parliament) would play a prominent role, swiftly led to disillusion and worse when Khomeini betrayed the democratic parliamentary process by overlaying it with his concept of velayat e-faqih (absolute rule of the clergy), honed in his 13 years of exile in Iraq. Hard- wired into a new constitution was the principle of Sharia Law, an Islamic justice system which gave absolute authority to the religious leaders, with Khomeini and, since his death in 1989, Khamenei as Supreme Leader. Sharia also constitutionalised misogyny, defining the status of women as less than that of men in every respect. Rights for women in marriage were cancelled, Islamic dress codes introduced and reinforced with impromptu, often violent 'justice'. Western cultural influence was banned and music and performance stopped. The documented suppression of religious and other minorities has continued, with new inhuman innovations further oppressing Iranian women. Who can forget the acid attacks by the regime's Basij thugs on motorcycles? All of this has continued, with a number of the original regime members remaining in high office today. The parliament was reduced to an ineffectual sham where, to ensure the purity of the Islamic system and using a false bifurcation to limit candidate choices whilst claiming to support democracy, the Guardian Council allowed to stand for election only those candidates who passed a rigid filtering process. Enforcement of the principles of this theocratic dictatorship was handed to thugs and bullies, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, the Basij (militia) and the like. Although clearly not what the people of Iran had envisaged or wanted, the general need for oil to power modern economies has had unpleasant effects in Iran, as it has in all the oil-rich countries, with most world governments turning a blind eye to wholesale repression and abuse of human rights in order to maintain the regime as a lucrative trading partner. The absolutist structure and consequent baleful simplicity of the parliamentary system become impossible to influence or change, and have set the tone of the theocratic regime ever since. Long prison terms await any would-be reformist. The specious claims of Iran’s supporters that hardliners be opposed and supposed ‘reformists’ be supported are a long- running tactic laid bare when all are seen to be siphoning off the Iran National Development Fund wealth. As by definition dictators normally don’t willingly give up power, the structure stays in place until others remove the regime, replacing it with something hopefully better. It’s time for the UK Government’s policy of appeasement and collusion with the regime to change. The 2020 election process reached new lows, evidencing the inherent weakness of a system that can brook no opposition; over 90 sitting parliamentarians were barred from seeking re-election. There can be no real reformists in this system. It is a brutal theocratic dictatorship and it’s time for the people in Iran to be empowered to change it. From day one, from Khomeini to Khamenei, this regime has murdered, imprisoned, tortured, assassinated, kidnapped, and stolen from marginalised or otherwise oppressed Iranian citizens, including women and children. It has on multiple occasions broken every single one of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)’s 30 articles; many of these breaches are documented and witnessed. Whilst external intolerance of the regime’s unacceptable practices has increased, the regime’s inner circle at home has sought to protect itself through a strategy of creating war abroad, fomenting unrest throughout the Middle East. It has assisted Syria’s President Assad to kill hundreds of thousands of Syrian civilians, including countless women and children, kidnapped Western foreigners and dual nationals in a very successful formal 40- year-long economic warfare programme, fomented unrest in Iraq, Lebanon, Yemen, Nigeria and elsewhere, and murdered dissidents in other countries. It has imprisoned, tortured and murdered thousands of prisoners of conscience. We highlight the imprisonment of 56 water conservationists, and 50 or so dual nationals taken from Canada, USA, France, Britain and elsewhere over the years. One may recall the 1988 massacre of 30,000 prisoners (see Justice for the Victims of 1988 Massacre in Iran (JVMI) iran1988.org). In 1989 Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini issued a fatwa ordering Muslims to kill Salman Rushdie (see UDHR Articles 5, 19, 28, 30). The fatwa still stands 31 years later, with money continuing to flow in to find and pay an assassin. The Iranian people want none of this. In spite of brutal oppression, with 1,500 dead after the November 2019 petrol price hike protests and thousands of citizens newly incarcerated, the pace of uprisings continues to rise, despite the on-going coronavirus crisis. At an unnamed parties’ meeting at Chatham House in August 2016 regarding Iran’s Politics and Foreign Policy, one speaker said: ‘Building on these frustrations and suspicions, another speaker stated that ‘Saudi Arabia excels in the region when there is order while Iran excels in the region when there is chaos.’ The speaker noted that from the Gulf Cooperation Council’s perspective, it does not appear that Tehran is interested in regional peace and stability.’ Human Rights Watch has reported continuing foreign human rights abuses, stating that ‘Shamefully, many of those unlawfully detained were often working hard to connect Iran to the global community in order to benefit Iranians.’ High profile detentions include those of Ghoncheh Ghavami (sentenced for two years and now disappeared without trace), Aras Amiri, and the conservationists. There are others held. Should there be any doubt about the Iranian regime’s intentions towards seizing dual nationals, we suggest that the Select Committee Google the following keywords: Iran dual national detention Many take the side of the Iranian regime, some of them with apparent oil and gas industry connections. These include the presently-disbanded All Party Parliamentary Group on Iran, of which the Rt Hon Jeremy Corbyn was a member for several years, including whilst Leader of the Opposition. He resigned when newspapers reported on this. (Mr Corbyn himself has an uncomfortably deep connection with the Iranian regime, leading to around 15 documented incidents well beyond the Press TV appearances.) See: https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmallparty/171108/iran.htm In this list, Mr Corbyn’s APPG co-member Lord Lamont is supportive of the oil industry. See: https://www.qmul.ac.uk/ccls/media/ccls/docs/events/Iran-and-the-West-Final-Thought- Leadership-Piece.pdf and deeply connected with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps through his longstanding association with the British Iranian Chamber of Commerce. See: http://www.bicc.org.uk/ab-bicc-board.html (Since the shooting down of Ukrainian Airlines flight 752 by the Iranian regime on 8 January, the APPG has apparently not reconstituted itself.) Then there is the INSTEX 3E membership, working to avoid US sanctions and expand trade with the Iranian regime, where oil and gas sales were a declared, if presently frustrated aim. Whilst acknowledging the heinous nature of the Iranian regime, newspaper coverage of COVID-19 around 29 April 2020 strongly condemned US sanctions as threatening the Iranian people. It also ignored the fact that the regime will intercept all help; the people will not see any it, as they saw none of the $50Bn freed up after the signing of the JCPoA, where infrastructure improvement was part of the deal. Several Foreign Affairs Select Committee members will recall first-hand the Iranian regime’s iron-hard response towards Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe following the consequences of Boris Johnson’s appearance in front of yourselves, when he wrongly stated: “When I look at what Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe was doing, she was simply teaching people journalism as I understand it”, see BBC 6 November 2017 - ‘Fears for Nazanin Zaghari- Ratcliffe after Boris Johnson remark’ https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-41890885 This remains the Iranian regime’s official line. We show here two examples; there are many others (note dates): ‘The 39-year-old mother-of-one was arrested after it became clear that she had run an illegal course to recruit and train people for the BBC Persian Television, a channel Iran deems is an extension of Britain’s