The Role of Nobility

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The Role of Nobility ACTA UNIV. SAPIENTIAE, EUROPEAN AND REGIONAL STUDIES, 16 (2019) 123–134 DOI: 10 .2478/auseur-2019-0015 The Role of Nobility A Review of the Volume László Zubánics: Vitézi végek dicsérete. A nemesség szerepe a XVI–XVIII. századi Északkelet-Magyarország társadalmi fejlődésében1 [Laudation of Heroic Deaths . The Role of Nobility in the Social Development of 16th–17th-century North-Eastern Hungary] Attila JÓZSA National University of Public Service, Doctoral School of Public Administration Sciences 1083 Budapest, Ludovika Sq . 2 . PhD student, e-mail: attila@sapientia .ro ‘Not knowing the past makes it more difficult to find one’s way in the future. Families belonging to various social strata and different cultural areas perceive this simple statement as a very differing lifestyle direction and a tradition regulating the details of everyday life’ – formulates György Mikonya the essence of the subject . Research on family history – in our case, the history of noble families – can enrich historiography by adding a number of fine details that seemed to have been lost almost entirely by the second half of the 20th century . In recent times, there has been a considerably increased interest in research on nobility as an important social category, which cannot be accidental, however, as history talks about the past while addressing the present, and by relying on research results it tries to help us better understand the path leading up to the present as well as the principles of development . Nevertheless, we may have a unified relationship with our history only if, besides an education of an adequate standard, we are able to acquire the historicity of thinking – namely that we always take stock of people, events and contexts while taking account of the pace, time, and circumstances . It is by all means necessary that we review the events of the Late Middle Ages–the Early Modern Period within the appropriate context and raise awareness of the fact that the nobility – as representative 1 Edited by Intermix Kiadó, Budapest–Ungvár, 2016 . 124 Attila JÓZSA of a significant social group – played an integral part in shaping the events. Unfortunately, not even the socialist period of Hungarian historiography was able to overcome the ‘teething troubles’ in connection with studying the history of nobility . Only those noblemen and aristocrats could become socially ‘accepted’ who were in some way linked to a liberation movement (István Bocskai, Imre Thököly, Ferenc Rákóczi II, etc .) . There is a considerable Hungarian-language literature on the subject . Among the general works, there is a ten-volume writing that stands out, entitled Amagyar nemzet története [The History of the Hungarian Nation] . The series was published in the edition of Sándor Szilágyi (1827–1899) on the thousandth anniversary of the foundation of the Hungarian state, and its authors endeavoured to take into account socio-historical aspects besides romantic nationalism as well as political history and history of ideas .A major trend of the era was the so- called economic and social history school with Károly Tagányi, Sándor Takáts, Ignác Acsády, and Ferenc Kováts as the most important representatives, who primarily dealt with issues of economic and social history . Among the historical schools of the early 20th century, the Geistesgeschichte school hallmarked by the name of Gyula Szekfű is definitely worth mentioning, which may be basically considered as having a conservative approach . The four-volume work of Hóman and Szekfű, Magyar történet [Hungarian History], somewhat polarizes the oppositions of the political and popular concepts of nation . The post-1945 Hungarian historical science in many ways carried on the traditions and trends of the interwar period. Institutional forms remained unchanged at first, but soon historiography too had to adopt the Marxist historical approach of the government . In this context, the nobility was ‘assigned’ the role of the oppressive, parasitic social order in the service of the Habsburg oppression, betrayer of national interests, to which the leaders of feudal uprisings (disregarding their aristocratic status) were the only exceptions. Besides the specifically Marxist– Stalinist historiographical trends, at first, some other trends were also given a growing space . Among these, the constitutional and legal history trends and the so-called history of ideas trend are noteworthy . Owing to its specific social development, the Kingdom of Hungary had undergone a transformation by the beginning of the 15th century, shifting from the western edge of Eastern Europe to the eastern edge of Western Europe . The Ottoman conquest itself as well as the actions taken against it have repeatedly confirmed the necessity of nobility as a social class providing protection for the country . Based on the ideological background of ‘noble nation’, the nobility has forged an extremely strong sense of self . Imbued with Christian ideology, the Hungarian nobility was unable to reach a compromise with the Ottoman Empire, but it retained certain possibilities of cooperation and manoeuvring, and as a state policy instrument thereof the Principality of Transylvania came into existence, Book Review 125 carrying in itself all characteristic features of East-European dichotomy: while recognizing the sultan’s sovereignty, it continued to be a representative of Western values . Joining the Habsburg Empire was some sort of historical necessity as the maintenance of border strongholds in time of peace practically consumed the annual income of the country, leading up to a situation where a potential Turkish incursion could only be repelled with the support of foreign funds and with the use of military force. Given that neither the nobility nor the dynasty had sufficient resources to get the upper hand, the period under discussion is technically an age of forced cooperation and compromise up until the shift in the balance of power that took place in the 1560s–70s . As postulated by Géza Pálffy, researcher of 17th-century Hungarian history, the investigated period was a time full of conflicts and quests for compromises, which the nobility could successfully exploit for its own benefit. What poses the biggest problem in terms of the objective consideration of the matter is that the majority of historians look into the processes exclusively from the perspective of the Principality of Transylvania as ‘the bastion of Hungarian national independence and the symbol of independent Hungarian statehood’ . However, as Pálffy correctly observes, ‘the (political, military, and administration) history of the two states, the kingdom and the principality, led mostly by Hungarians cannot be put down – even despite their frequent contacts – within the framework of a model or a concept’ . Naturally, the history of the three regions cannot be strictly separated, all the more so because their struggles took place on each other’s territories, in the one-time unified Kingdom of Hungary. Recent studies throw into the shade the concept of the country’s unification as setting out from Transylvania, a view consistent with the earlier romantic historical approach, and the various armed conflicts are more and more often classified into the category of anti-Habsburg struggles . 16th–17th-century feudal Hungary was founded on the separation of powers between the ruler and the estates, and the stability of this power-sharing arrangement was occasionally tested by external factors (wars, the Reformation, etc .) . Historian László Szegedi believes that on the model of Rzeczpospolita Polska we may talk about a certain republic of nobles within the Kingdom of Hungary too, where power was divided among the different spheres (the monarch and the nobility) of the feudal state. In their efforts to resolve conflict situations arising within the feudal society as a result of dissatisfaction with the monarch’s policy, the nobility had recourse to external forces and endeavoured to create a balance of power, for which an important prerequisite was seeking compromise . Out of political necessity, the nobility of the Kingdom of Hungary and the Habsburg dynasty pursued a policy of compromise on numerous occasions (1608, 1622, and 1647) . The will to maintain border protection against the Turks, thus ensuring the survival of the Kingdom, and the political, military as well as 126 Attila JÓZSA financial (administration) interdependence existing since the 16th century were the primary factors giving the grounds for adopting such measures . There is an immense historical record of the ‘oppression’ theory in the Carpathian basin according to which, due to the Hungarian character (majority population) of the state dominating the area from the 9th century, both the indigenous minority and the immigrant population entering the region in later periods recognized early on that they could attain social advancement only if they tried their best to adapt and assimilate to some extent to the state-forming nobility of mostly Hungarian ethnic origin. It is therefore a good idea to clarify the concepts first, meaning that the causes of assimilation are not to be searched for in oppression but in the intention to seek social advancement. As historian László Tőkéczky suggests, the ‘oppression’ theory is nothing but one version of the conflict-centred (‘class struggle’) historical approach – and not without a good reason as throughout the existence of class societies there have always been disagreements and conflicts. Nevertheless,
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