Type Shifting with Semantic Features: a Unified Perspective
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Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals As Windows Into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer
University of Massachusetts Amherst From the SelectedWorks of Angelika Kratzer 2009 Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer Available at: https://works.bepress.com/angelika_kratzer/ 6/ Making a Pronoun: Fake Indexicals as Windows into the Properties of Pronouns Angelika Kratzer This article argues that natural languages have two binding strategies that create two types of bound variable pronouns. Pronouns of the first type, which include local fake indexicals, reflexives, relative pronouns, and PRO, may be born with a ‘‘defective’’ feature set. They can ac- quire the features they are missing (if any) from verbal functional heads carrying standard -operators that bind them. Pronouns of the second type, which include long-distance fake indexicals, are born fully specified and receive their interpretations via context-shifting -operators (Cable 2005). Both binding strategies are freely available and not subject to syntactic constraints. Local anaphora emerges under the assumption that feature transmission and morphophonological spell-out are limited to small windows of operation, possibly the phases of Chomsky 2001. If pronouns can be born underspecified, we need an account of what the possible initial features of a pronoun can be and how it acquires the features it may be missing. The article develops such an account by deriving a space of possible paradigms for referen- tial and bound variable pronouns from the semantics of pronominal features. The result is a theory of pronouns that predicts the typology and individual characteristics of both referential and bound variable pronouns. Keywords: agreement, fake indexicals, local anaphora, long-distance anaphora, meaning of pronominal features, typology of pronouns 1 Fake Indexicals and Minimal Pronouns Referential and bound variable pronouns tend to look the same. -
Semantic Types and Type-Shifting. Conjunction and Type Ambiguity
Partee and Borschev, Tarragona 3, April 15, 2005 Semantic Types and Type-shifting. Conjunction and Type Ambiguity. Noun Phrase Interpretation and Type-Shifting Principles. Barbara H. Partee, University of Massachusetts, Amherst Vladimir Borschev, VINITI, Russian Academy of Sciences, and Univ. of Massachusetts, Amherst [email protected], [email protected]; http://people.umass.edu/partee/ Universidad Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona, April 15, 2005 1. Linguistic background:....................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Categorial grammar and syntax-semantics correspondence: centrality of function-argument application . 1 1.2. Tensions among simplicity, generality, uniformity and flexiblity........................................................... 1 2. Conjunction and Type Ambiguity (from Partee & Rooth, 1983)....................................................................... 2 2.0. To be explained: cross-categorial distribution and meaning of ‘and’, ‘or’. .................................................2 2.1. Generalized conjunction.............................................................................................................................. 3 2.2. Repercussions on the type theory: against uniformity, for "simplicity" and type-shifting.......................... 3 2.3. Proposal:...................................................................................................................................................... -
RELATIONAL NOUNS, PRONOUNS, and Resumptionw Relational Nouns, Such As Neighbour, Mother, and Rumour, Present a Challenge to Synt
Linguistics and Philosophy (2005) 28:375–446 Ó Springer 2005 DOI 10.1007/s10988-005-2656-7 ASH ASUDEH RELATIONAL NOUNS, PRONOUNS, AND RESUMPTIONw ABSTRACT. This paper presents a variable-free analysis of relational nouns in Glue Semantics, within a Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) architecture. Rela- tional nouns and resumptive pronouns are bound using the usual binding mecha- nisms of LFG. Special attention is paid to the bound readings of relational nouns, how these interact with genitives and obliques, and their behaviour with respect to scope, crossover and reconstruction. I consider a puzzle that arises regarding rela- tional nouns and resumptive pronouns, given that relational nouns can have bound readings and resumptive pronouns are just a specific instance of bound pronouns. The puzzle is: why is it impossible for bound implicit arguments of relational nouns to be resumptive? The puzzle is highlighted by a well-known variety of variable-free semantics, where pronouns and relational noun phrases are identical both in category and (base) type. I show that the puzzle also arises for an established variable-based theory. I present an analysis of resumptive pronouns that crucially treats resumptives in terms of the resource logic linear logic that underlies Glue Semantics: a resumptive pronoun is a perfectly ordinary pronoun that constitutes a surplus resource; this surplus resource requires the presence of a resumptive-licensing resource consumer, a manager resource. Manager resources properly distinguish between resumptive pronouns and bound relational nouns based on differences between them at the level of semantic structure. The resumptive puzzle is thus solved. The paper closes by considering the solution in light of the hypothesis of direct compositionality. -
Appendix 1 Type-Shifting
Appendix 1 Type-Shifting Since a formal exposition of type-shifting theory is beyond the scope of this dissertation, I offer here only a brief sketch of the principle components, as presented in Partee 1987.1 The general motivation is roughly that Montague's ‘one category: one type’ restriction can be loosened to allow a single syntactic category to correspond to a family of semantic types. Partee suggests that the traditional distinction between referential, predicative, and quantificational noun phrases can be captured formally by allowing noun phrases to be interpreted, respectively, as individuals (type e), predicates (type <e,t>), or generalized quantifiers (type <<e,t>,t>). She suggests specifically that particular types of referring expression can receive the translations shown in (i): (i) NP TRANSLATION TYPE a. John MG: λP[P(j)] <<e,t>,t> je b. hen MG: λP[P(xn)] <<e,t>,t> xn e c. every man MG: λP[∀x[man'(x) → P(x)]] <<e,t>,t> d. the man MG: λP[∃x[∀y[man'(y) ↔ y = x] & <<e,t>,t> P(x)]] i. ιx[man'(x)] e ii. λx[man'(x) & ∀y[man'(y) ↔ y = x] <e,t> e. a man MG: λP[∃x[man'(x) & P(x)]] <<e,t>,t> i. man' <e,t> ii. Kamp-Heim: xi e cond: man'(xi), xi “new” f. dogs2 i. Chierchia: ∧dog' e ii. Carlson, in effect: λP[P ∧dog')] <<e,t>,t> iii. dog' <e,t> 1See especially Partee and Rooth 1983 on type-shifting and the semantics of noun phrase coordination, and Partee 1986 on type-shifting and the semantics of pseudoclefts. -
Chapter 1 Basic Categorial Syntax
Hardegree, Compositional Semantics, Chapter 1 : Basic Categorial Syntax 1 of 27 Chapter 1 Basic Categorial Syntax 1. The Task of Grammar ............................................................................................................ 2 2. Artificial versus Natural Languages ....................................................................................... 2 3. Recursion ............................................................................................................................... 3 4. Category-Governed Grammars .............................................................................................. 3 5. Example Grammar – A Tiny Fragment of English ................................................................. 4 6. Type-Governed (Categorial) Grammars ................................................................................. 5 7. Recursive Definition of Types ............................................................................................... 7 8. Examples of Types................................................................................................................. 7 9. First Rule of Composition ...................................................................................................... 8 10. Examples of Type-Categorial Analysis .................................................................................. 8 11. Quantifiers and Quantifier-Phrases ...................................................................................... 10 12. Compound Nouns -
September 15 & 17 Class Summary: 24.902
September 15 & 17 class summary: 24.902 could not be replaced by depend, because depend bears the distinct feature [+ __ NP PP]. The week actually began with some unfinished business from last week, which is OK, painful detail. What is interesting to us is a constraint proposed by Chomsky on the contained in the previous summary. Then we moved on... ability of a subcategorization rule to control the environment in which it applies. 1. Preliminaries Chomsky claimed that the environment of the subcategorization rule for X makes A word often cares about its syntactic environment. A verb, for example, may reference to all and only the sisters of X. More simply still: the subcategorization property require two, one or zero complements, and (seemingly -- see below!) may specify the of X cares only about the sisters of X. syntactic category of its complement. Terminological note: As mentioned in class, a slightly different way of speaking has arisen in the field of syntax. We say that a verb like put "subcategorizes for" an NP and a • Examples: put requires NP PP, devour requiresNP, depend requires PP, eat takes an optional NP. PP. Likewise a verb like eat "subcategorizes for" an optional NP. • Chomsky's constraint has interesting implications for language acquisition. Granted (1) a. Sue put the book under the table. that a child must maintain some record of the syntactic environment in which lexical b. *Sue put the book. items occur (or else subcategorization information would not be acquired), Chomsky's c. *Sue put under the table. constraint suggests that this information is quite limited. -
Spatial Cognition and the Semantics of Prepositions in English, Polish and Russian
Slavistische Beiträge ∙ Band 237 (eBook - Digi20-Retro) Alan J. Cienki Spatial Cognition and the Semantics of Prepositions in English, Polish and Russian Verlag Otto Sagner München ∙ Berlin ∙ Washington D.C. Digitalisiert im Rahmen der Kooperation mit dem DFG-Projekt „Digi20“ der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, München. OCR-Bearbeitung und Erstellung des eBooks durch den Verlag Otto Sagner: http://verlag.kubon-sagner.de © bei Verlag Otto Sagner. Eine Verwertung oder Weitergabe der Texte und Abbildungen, insbesondere durch Vervielfältigung, ist ohne vorherige schriftliche Genehmigung des Verlages unzulässig. «Verlag Otto Sagner» ist ein Imprint der Kubon & Sagner GmbH. Alan J. Cienki - 9783954792047 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 03:53:55AM via free access S l a v is t ic h e B e it r ä g e BEGRÜNDET VON ALOIS SCHMAUS HERAUSGEGEBEN VON HEINRICH KUNSTMANN PETER REHDER • JOSEF SCHRENK REDAKTION PETER REHDER Band 237 VERLAG OTTO SAGNER Alan J. Cienki - 9783954792047 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 03:53:55AM MÜNCHEN via free access ALAN J. CIENKI SPATIAL COGNITION AND THE SEMANTICS OF PREPOSITIONS IN ENGLISH, POLISH, AND RUSSIAN VERLAG OTTO SAGNER • MÜNCHENAlan J. Cienki - 9783954792047 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 03:53:55AM 1989 via free access ISBN 3-87690-421-8 ©Verlag Otto Sagner, MünchenAlan 1989 J. Cienki - 9783954792047 Downloaded from PubFactory at 01/10/2019 03:53:55AM Abteilung der Firma Kubon & Sagner, Münchenvia free access Preface and Acknowledgments .Sose say that knowledge it toaething tbit you never hive־ Some say that knowledge it somethin( sitting in your lap. 1 a u tt admit. Just when I think Г а king. -
Non-Root Modals for the Past and Temporal Shifting in Mandarin Chinese Zhiguo Xie
Xie Lingua Sinica (2015) 1:2 DOI 10.1186/s40655-014-0002-0 RESEARCH Open Access Non-root modals for the past and temporal shifting in Mandarin Chinese Zhiguo Xie Correspondence: [email protected] Department of East Asian Abstract Languages and Literatures, The Ohio State University, 360 Hagerty This paper has two major goals. First, it provides a detailed empirical description of Hall, 1775 College Road, Columbus, how the epistemic and metaphysical readings of the “non-root modal + Perf(ect) OH 43210, USA have” construction in English (e.g., John might have won the game yesterday) are expressed in Mandarin Chinese. The two readings both involve non-root modals for the past, i.e., non-root modals with either a past temporal perspective or a past temporal orientation. Certain languages express the two readings via manipulating the scope relation between the modal and the perfect aspect. In this paper, I show that Mandarin Chinese, by contrast, resorts to the presence/absence of such aspectual adverbs as 仍 reng ‘still’ and 还 hai ‘still’, to determine the reading of non-root modals for the past. Second, I propose that aspectual adverbs like reng and hai are operators that can back-shift the temporal perspective of a non-root modal from the speaker’s utterance time to a past time. The back-shifting gives rise to a metaphysical reading of the non-root modal. In spite of surface differences, English and Mandarin Chinese actually employ similar strategies in expressing metaphysical modality with a past temporal perspective. Keywords: Modality; Temporal shifting; Aspectual adverbs; Counterfactual implicature; Mandarin Chinese 1 Background It is well-known that certain “non-root modal + Perf(ect) have” sentences in English are ambiguous between an epistemic reading and a metaphysical reading (Mondadori 1978, Condoravdi 2002). -
Verb Tense Shifts
Verb Tense Shifts Type your information in the space below. Student Name: Date: Instructor: Course: About This DLA Important Note All the activities (3) in the DLA must be completed in their entirety before meeting with a tutor and receiving credit. Where indicated, complete your work on this sheet. If your instructor wants evidence of this completed DLA, return this form to him or her with the tutor’s signature included. Learning Outcomes Through computer exercises and other independent work, this activity will help you understand when and how to maintain verb tense consistency and how to correct inappropriate verb tense shifts to improve clarity in your writing. Activities (approximately 1 hour) Read the information, complete the activities that follow, and be prepared to discuss your answers when you meet with a tutor. What Are Verb Tense Shifts? A shift in verb tenses is a change in the time frame within a text. For instance, a writer may use present tense verbs in the beginning of an essay to introduce the definition of a concept and then switch to past tense verbs when describing something that happened or existed in the past only. Look at the excerpt below and notice the tense of the verbs in bold: is, combines, was, believe, used, and could practice. (1) Capoeira is a typical Brazilian art form that combines elements of dance, music, acrobatics, self- defense and combat. (2) It was common among slaves in the 19th century. (3) Many believe that the slaves used the element of dance in capoeira as a disguise so that they could practice self-defense techniques without raising suspicion from the slave masters. -
Lecture 14. NP Interpretation, Quantification, and Type-Shifting
The Structure of Meaning, Lecture 14 Barbara H. Partee, May 3, 2006 Lecture 14. NP Interpretation, Quantification, and Type-shifting. 1. Linguistic background:....................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Tension between simplicity and generality, between uniformity and flexiblity...................................... 1 1.2. General processing strategy proposal:.......................................................................................................... 1 2. NP Type Multiplicity.......................................................................................................................................... 2 2.1. Montague tradition: ...................................................................................................................................... 2 2.2. Evidence for multiple types for NP's........................................................................................................... 2 2.3. Some type-shifting functors for NPs. ........................................................................................................... 3 2.4. "Naturalness" arguments: THE, A, and BE.................................................................................................. 3 2.4.1 THE ........................................................................................................................................................ 4 2.4.2 A and BE ............................................................................................................................................... -
When and Why Can 1St and 2Nd Person Pronouns Be Bound Variables? the Problem with 1St and 2Nd Person Pronouns
When and why can 1st and 2nd person pronouns be bound variables? The problem with 1st and 2nd person pronouns. In some contexts (call them context A), English 1st and 2nd person pronouns can be used as bound variables (Heim 1991, Kratzer 1998) as in (1). (1) Context A: 1st person (data based on Rullmann 2004) a. Only I got a question that I understood. = (i) !x [x got a question that x understood] = (ii) !x [x got a question that I understood] b. Every guy that I’ve ever dated has wanted us to get married. = (i) "x, guy(x) & dated(I, x) [x wants x & I to get married] = (ii) "x, guy(x) & dated(I, x) [x wants us to get married] Rullmann (2004) argues that such data are problematic for Déchaine & Wiltschko’s (2002) analysis (henceforth DW), where it is claimed that English 1st/2nd person pronouns are DPs. According to the DW analysis, 1st/2nd person pronouns have the status of definite DPs (i.e., definite descriptions) and consequently are predicted not to be construable as bound variables. DW support their claim with the observation that in some contexts of VP-ellipsis (call them context B), 1st/2nd person pronouns cannot be used as bound variables, as in (2). (2) Context B: 1st person (data based on Déchaine & Wiltschko 2002) I know that John saw me, and Mary does too. # (i) ‘I know that John saw me, and Mary knows that John saw her. !x [x knows that John saw x] & !y [y knows that John saw y] = (ii) ‘I know that John saw me, and Mary knows that John saw me.’ !x [x knows that John saw me] & !y [y knows that John saw me] As we will show, the (im)possibility of a bound variable reading with 1st and 2nd person is conditioned by a number of factors. -
Syntactic Categories in the Speech of \Bung Children
Developmental Psychology Copyright 1986 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 1986, Vol. 22, No. 4,562-579 00l2-1649/86/$0O.75 Syntactic Categories in the Speech of \bung Children Virginia Valian Columbia University This article demonstrates that very young children have knowledge of a range of syntactic categories. Speech samples from six children aged 2 years to 2 years, 5 months, with Mean Lengths of Utterance (MLUs) ranging from 2.93 to 4.14, were examined for evidence of six syntactic categories: Deter- miner, Adjective, Noun, Noun Phrase, Preposition, and Prepositional Phrase. Performance was eval- uated by the conformance of the children's speech to criteria developed for each category. Known syntactic diagnostics served as models for the criteria developed; the criteria exploited distributional regularities. All children showed evidence of all categories, except for the lowest MLU child, whose performance was borderline on Adjectives and Prepositional Phrases. The results suggest that chil- dren are sensitive very early in life to abstract, formal properties of the speech they hear and must be credited with syntactic knowledge at an earlier point than heretofore generally thought. The results argue against various semantic hypotheses about the origin of syntactic knowledge. Finally, the methods and results may be applicable to future investigations of why children's early utterances are short, of the nature of children's semantic categories, and of the nature of the deviance in the speech of language-deviant children and adults. The grammars of mature speakers consist of rules and princi- Levin, 1985). Unless children can select the proper phrasal cate- ples that capture generalizations about the language.