NOTE TO USERS

The original manuscript received by UMI contains pages with indistinct print. Pages were microfilmed as received.

This reproduction is the best copy available

HISTORY OF EVANGELICALISM AND THE PRESENT SPIRITUAL SITUATION IN ESTONIA

by

Jyrki RaitiIa

A Thesis Su bmi tted to the Facul ty of PROVIDENCE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS 19% National tibrary Bibliothèque nationale l*l of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON KIA ON4 Ottawa ON KtA ON4 Canada Canada

The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, ban, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or eiectronic formats. la forme de &crofiche/£h, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique.

The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts kom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. Faculty Advisor: Dr. Jonathan J. Bonk

Seminary Dean: Dr. David L. Smith TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1. HISTORY OF THE CWRISTIANIZATION OF ESTONIA ...... 4 1.1. CATHOLIC CRUSADES 1.2. THE REFORMATION AND THE BICETHREN

II. DEVELOPMENT OF EVANGELICALISM BEFORE WORLD WAR 1 ...... 12 2.1. NATIONAL AWAKENING AND THE EARLY STAGES OF INDEPENDENCE 2.2. BAPTISM 2.3. FREE EVANGELICALISM 2.4. METHODISM 2.5. PENTECCSTALISM III. WORLD WAR II AND THE SOVIET OCCUPATION AND THE ANNEXATION OF ESTONIA ...... 30 3.1. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT UNTE THE FIRST OCCUPATION IN 1940 3.2. THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE OCCUPATION IN THE LIFE OF THE CHURCH 3.3. THE END OF THE SOVIET OCCüPATION 3.4. THE SOVIET RECONCUEST OF ESTONIA AND STALINISM IV. FROM KHRUSHCHEV TO THE REBIRTH OF THE ESTONIAN REPIJBLIC ...... 41 4.1. THE THAW AND ANOTHER ASSAULT ON RELIGION 4.2. THE ERA OF STAGNATION 4.3. RESTORATION OF THE CNIC SOCIETY AND INDEPENDENCE

V. TODAY 'S SPIRITUAL SITUATION IN ESTONIA ...... 54 5.1. SOME CBSERVAl?ONS BASED ON RELIGIOUS SURVEYS 5.2. SOME OBSERVATIONS BASED ON THE MINISTRY OF OPERATION MOBILIZATION iN ESTOMA 5.3. SOME OBSERVATIONS ON HOW CHURCHES REACH PEOPLE VI. CONCLUSIONS ...... 65

APPENDIX A: MEMBERSHIP DATA FOR THE MAIN DENOMINATIONS IN ESTONIA ...... 74

APPENDIX B: STATISTICS BASED ON OM'S SUKVEY ...... 79

MAPS ...... 94

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 96 Introduction

Although a good number of studies and surveys on the former Soviet Baltic

Socialist republics have been made, relatively few have dealt with religious development. For Estonia. there is only Michael G. Viise's (an expatriate Estonian) recent dissertation covering the entire Soviet period. There are two main rûasons for the deanh of published materiai on church history.. First, the Soviet regime did not encourage anyone to smdy church history. Second. the govement severely restricted access to sources. '

The primary goal of this study is to help us understand the present spiritual situation in Estonia, in the light of history. A special interest is taken in the anti- religious policy and rnethods of the Soviet Union in Estonia. Recent sociological surveys give more up-to-date. in depth information on how people view spiritual matters and the church.

This snidy is an anempt to find some reasons for the huge percentage of the unreached (at least non-churched) in Estonia. neEvmgelicnl Alliance of Estonin has estimated that about 26% of the population is, at least somehow. affiliated with the

Iocal church (the Orthodox Church included). This does not mean al1 of them are evangelized, that is, exposed to the gospel, however. The author's sincere desire is to find effective ways to present Jesus Christ as the Risen Savior to the whole nation.

Thus. it is hoped that this snidy will also serve the efforts of those actively involved in evangelism. particularly of those coming from abroad. from a different culture and historical background.

Dr.Viise's dissertation gives a solid historical foun&tion from a Lutheran point of view. As recent developments show, however. other Evangelicai churches have made a significant spiritual impact in Estonia; sometimes even greater than the

Ludieran Church. This fact should not be neglected. and that is why the historical development of the main Evangelicai denominations in Estonia are included in this snidy. Endnotes

1. Michael G. Viise, The Estonian Evangelical Lu theran Church during the Soviet

period Wû-1991. A dissertation presented to the graduate faculty of the

University of Virginia, 1995. 1.

CWAPTER ONE:

A History of the Christianïzation of Estonia

1.1. Catholic crusades

The history of the Estonian people predates recorded history. Linguistic evidence,

supponed by archaeological finds. indicates that large areas between the Ural

Mountains and the Baltic Sea were at one time sparsely populated by Finno-Ugnc

peoples. E3etween the 13th and 17th centuries. the entire area that includes both

Estonia and Larvia was known in western Europe as Livonia ('Livland' in German).'

It was not until afkr World War 1 that this area was divided dong ethnic lines.

General histories maintain that Christianity entered Estonia in the 13th century with Catholic cnisades. Archaeological findings, however, suggest that Christianity had ken introduced to Esmnians at least two hundred years earlier.' At that tirne

Estonia was surrounded by several christianized peoples, such as the Russians in the late 10th century and the Scandinavians in 1000.' Linguistic evidence indicates that the earliest Christian influence came from the East and from S~andinavia.~Contacts with christianized neigbors and commercial trafic (the Hanseatic trade routes through

Estonia) introduced Christian ideas into Estonian culture even before the Crusades.

There are indications that some Estonians who lived in the Southwest had voluntarily accepted the Christian faith as early as the beginning of the 1lth century.' Arthur

V66bus States that approximately a century and a half of peacefùl missionary work by the Gotlanders preceded the Crusaded Besides, according to Liivimaa kroonika (the

Chronicle of Livland), Fulco was appointed as Bishop of Estonia in 1165, and the first

Catholic missionary to the Baltics, priest Meynard, started his mission in Liivimaa

(Livland, Livonia) in 1184.'

In the spring of 1200, Bishop Alben (the third bishop of Livonia) set sail for

Livonia with about 500 crusaders in order to conquer 'the pagan land'. in accordance

with a Catholic interpretation of ecclesia militam (the 'Fighting Church'). This was also a clear turning point from peaceful missionary work to the Crusades.' In 1208

Bishop Albert reached Estonia. With knights and volunteers he soon laid the foundation for a feudal system in the area. After four years of inconclusive fighting.

Bishop Albert realized he needed more forces to subjugate the Estonians. Helped by a

Danish fleet (12 19). the Germans were finally able to invade the Estonian mainland.

Then began a furious. cornpetitive baptizing of the natives by the Danes and the

Gemans. Baptism was adrninistered as a kind of oath of ailegiance to the forces whose priests were doing the bapti~ing.~

Once more, however. the Estonians resisted in a massive uprising. killing al1 overlords they could find, and renounced the Christian faith. Symbolically. they washed themselves clean of baptismal water and retumed to their pagan ways. After a counter attack by Bishop Bernard's army and the fdl of the fonress of Tarn (1224). the Estonians were forced to accept Christianity again. By 1227. when the island of

Saaremaa was subjugated. a total of 250.000 people had corne under the influence of the Roman Cath01 ic Church .'O For Estonians. the conquest was a catastrophe in every respect: political, social,

cultural and spirinial. The loss of political freedom cut through their naturd

development toward king a unified nation. People were pressed into the tightening

grip of the colonial power. The conquest also cut very deep spiritual wounds and

fatally harmed the cause of Christian work for many cenruries." Catholicism

obviously had an enorrnous outward impact on the spiritual development in Estonia.

The festive church celebrations of the Mass (in Latin) made a deep religious impression

on people. The Provincial Synod decided that the country people should be taught the

Lord's Prayer, the Hail Mary, the Ten Cornmandments, the Creed and the sacraments

in their own language, but unfortunately, only traveling monks were willing to guide

peasants by giving practical teaching. l2

1.2. The Reformation and the Brethren

The Protestant Reformation reached the Baitic lands early. As early as 152 1

Luther's teachings were disc~ssed.'~The victory of the Reformation in Estonia was oficially declared in 1544.'' The movement never affected the large masses of peasantry, however, because it spread primarily in cities. Only the gentry embraced it, and they acnially succeeded in shielding the peasantry frzm the most radical views of reform. Among i ts posi the contributions, the Reformation produced the earliest written literamre in the Estonian language, Luther's Small Catechisrn.15

The war between the I .ivonian Order and Russia, which lasted from 1558 to

1583, brought great devastation to Estonia. As a result, the whole Livonian territory was divided between Sweden, Poland and Denmark. In the areas under the Polish

govemment, the Catholic church launched a vigorous counter reformarion headed by

the Jesuit Order. Thanks CO this Catholic work, many peasants for the first tirne

learned about the positive side of Christianity, and recieved persona1 teaching on basic

Catholic doctrines. On the other hand, Swedish reforms helped to put church life on

firmer ground after the mrmoil. Still, for most Estonians, the Christian faith remained

foreign, the reasons outlined by Viise:'"

The exclusively German evangelical clergy, almost totally dependent on the patron, a local squire, became even further removed from their Estonian parishioners than the Catholic clergy had ken. As a result the Estonian became even more dominated by his lord and more isolared from his church; the peasant continued practising his 'bloodless' religion essentially as an extemal cultic exercise.17

Whatever stability achieved during Swedish mle was obliterated by the Great

Northern War ( 1700- 172 1). Russians seized the area afkr a scorched land campaign.

As a whole. the Russian mle brought with it a notable deterioration in the peasants'

economic, social and legal stanis. However, this period introduced two centuries of

peace. the longest since the LAiddle Ages. l8

Because of the clergy shonage caused by the Great Northern War. church

authorities had to impon paston from Gemany. Many of these were graduates from

Halle University, the center of the pietistic movement in Gemany. Soon Estonia

proved to be the most fmitful mission field for the Pietists of Halle. Pietistic pastors played a crucial role in translating the Bible into Estonian for the first time. After

some delays, caused by lack of funds. the first Estonian Bible was printed in 1739." Because of access to an Estonian Bible, it was natural that churches were

receptive, and even supponive, to the very missionary minded 'brethren' of Nikoiaus

von Zinzendorf. Consequently. the Moravian Brethren (later in this saidy called the

Brethren or Hermhuters) made their first appearance in Estonia in 1730 (1729 in the

Baltics) when Christian David visited ~allinn." The Brethren movement was

essentially based on lay workers and directed toward common people." Surprisingly

large numbers of Esmnians joined with them and formed Bible snidy groups. Wars,

hunger, diseases and al1 kinds of sufferings had obviously prepared the karts of

people. This was the very first purely religious stimng which gained masses of

adherents from the native population." Professor Salumaa puts it very strongly: 'It is

no exaggeration when we mainmin that the genuine Christianization of Estonia took

place with the Brethren rnovement.")

As the Brethren continued to grow and gain adherents among peasanu. the

Lutheran Church leadership, even the Pietists, gradually withdrew their support and actually tumed against them. Consequently, Brethren meetings were forbidden and

their prayer houses closed in 1743. Despite opposition the movernent did not loose its vision but was forced underground, until it was legalized again among the Lutherans in

1817. Nevertheless, it grew constantly, nurnbering about 30.000 people in the begiming of the 19th century, and remained populv until the Russian occupation in

1940. The number of adherents was as high as 74,000 in 1929."

The Brethren thus constituted the most active and spiritually vital segment of every Lutheran congregation. They stood for conservative and traditional Lutheran theology and against nineteenth century rationalism. Sincerity. simplicity and warmth were the most effecùve weapons in the mission of the Brethren. For the first Ume the felt needs of ordinary peuple were met. A personai, pietistic example of the Brethren lifestyle was a ponetrating sermon in itself, contrasting the German paston who lived like landlords. Besides spirirual and ethical awakening, the Brethren gave indisputable input into an enrichment of education by providing teachers for country schools and by pubiishing Christian literanire. They also impacted cultural and social iife. thus embracing al1 aspects of life? The Brethren movement was the first purely believers' movement in Estonia. preparing the spiritual ground for the late nineteenth cenniry revivais. 26 Endnotes

1. Michael G. Viise, The Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church During the Soviet Period. (A dissertation presented to the graduate facuity of the University of Virginia, L995). 9.

2. Ti ido Gronsrrom, 'Valitud peatiikke Eesti usuajaloos: Mida Mgib arheoloogia?. " (Chosen Chapters of Estmian Church History: What Does Archaeology Say?), Ajakiri Logos 1/85, Tailinn, 26.

3. Johan Kopp, Kirik ja rahvas (The Church and the Nation) (Lund: Eesti vaimulik raamat, 1959), 4.

4. Arthur Vwbus, Studies in the History of the Estonian People. vol. 1 (Stockholm: Estonian Theological Society in Exile, 1969). 17- 18.

5. Ilmar Arens, 'Zur Frage der aItesten Benihrungen mit dem Chrisremturn," Estonia Christiana (Holmiae: Cultura Press, 1965), 26.

6. Vwbus, Studies, vol. 1, 27.

7. Tiido Gr6nstr6rn. 'Valitud peatükke Eesti ajaloost: Kristluse algaastad," (Chosen Chapters of History of Estonia: The First Years of Christianity), Aiakiri Logos 2/85, Tallinn, 26.; Henriku Liivimaa kroonika (The Latvian Henry's Cronicle of Livland), ed. and commentaries Enn Tarvel, trans. Richard Kteis. In Latin and Estonian. (Tallinn: Eesti Raamat, t 982).

8. Ibid.

9. Viise, The Estonian, 16-20.

10. Suiev Vahtre, Muinasaja loojang Eestis: Vabadusv6itlus 1208- 1227 (The Twilight of Ancient Estonia: War for Freedom 1208- 1227), (Tallim: Olion, 1990), 160- 161.

1 1. Vwbus, Studies, vol. 1, 64-65,

12. Kopp, Kirik ja rahvas, 11.

13. Karl Laantee, 'Beginning of Reformation in Estonia, " Church History, Vo1.22, no.4, (December l953):2îl. Otmar Pello, 'Zur Frage der Reformatsioon, " Estonia Christiana, (Holmiae: Cultura Press, 1965), 109.

Viise, The Estonian, 32-34.

Olaf Sild, Eesti kirikuaialugu: vanimast aiast olevikuni (Estonian Church Historv: From the Most Ancient Times to the Present), (Tartu:Akadeemilise Kooperatiivi Kirjasais, 1938). 179.; Toivo U. Raun, Estonia and the Estonians, (Stanford, CA. : Hoover Institution Press, 1!W), 37.

Iaan Barenson, "Valitud peatiikke Eesti usuajaloost: Hallepietism ja hemhuutlus," (Chosen Chapters of Estonian Church History: Pietism of Halle and Hernhutism), Ajakiri Logos 4/85, Tallinn, 5-6.

Voldemar Ilja, Vennastekoguduse (Hermhutluse) ajalugu Eestimaal (p6hja-Eesti) 1730-1743 (The History of the Fratemity of the Moravian Brethren (Hermhuter) in Estonia (North-Estonia) 1730- 1743), (Tallinn: Krisrlik Kirjastus 'Logos'. 1995), 5.

Elmar Salumaa, "Eesti kirikulugu," (Estonian Church History). A typed. unpublished manuscript by a professor at the Theologicai Institute, Tallinn, 1967, 8.

Sild, Eesti kirikulugu, 185.

Salumaa, 'Eesti kirikulugu". 8.

Viise, The Estonian, 37. ; Konrad Veem, Eesti vaba rahvakirik (Independent Estonian National Church), (Stockholm: Eesti vaimuIik raamat, 1988), Second impro1:ed edition, 1990, 6 1.

VWbus, Studies, 1 12.

26. Biirenson, 'Valitud peatükke. " 10. II.

CHAPTER TWO:

The Development of evangelicaiism before World War II

2.1. National awakening and the early stages of independence

nie upheaval of the Napoleonic wan in Russia and the Baltics prompted many people to seek guidance and corn fort in religion. Despite general rationalistic tendencies in science. the Brethren, combined with orthodox Lutheran theology, came into vogue again.'

Although Russia had occupied and ruled over parts of Estonia several times, no mass conversions to the Russian Onhodox faith had occurred. Only during the so called 'Russification' period (1885-mid-1890's) was the Onhodox Church used for political purposes. It is also notable that conversions were voluntary. In the 1840's another curious phenornenon appeared. however. Estonian peasants had been emaxipated in 18 16 (18 19 in Livland). but did not receive any land, only their personal freedom in a legal sense. They still ntzded permission from their lords to move to another area. People were convinced that the tsar was on their side, and that it was only the manor lords who practised tyranny over the peasants. Rumors started spreading that the tsar would gram free land to anyone who would accept the 'Russian faith'. Accelerated by two successive c rop fai lures, thousands of desperate peasan ts abandoned Lutheranism and convened to Russian Onhodoxy, the 'tsar's faith*. The promises of free land did not materialize. however, and the potential immigrants were forced to remain where they were.' The disillusioned people wanted to remm back to

Lutheranism. Only haif of about 65,000 Estonian converts to Onhodoxy were allowed

to change their religion. Then the üar forbade conversion from the Russian faih3

Russification ( 1885-mid- 1890's) interrupted what had been a very successful

development of the parochial public school system in the ~altics.' Local Lutheran

pastors and the Brethren had been very active in educating country people. Now,

Russian became the language of government institutions and schools. Local authorities

came increasingly under the control of the Russian center, so that al1 schools were

transferred to the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education and only religious teaching

remained under the church. Due to the establishment of schools, lireracy among the

peasantry had substantiaily increased so that by 1897, 96 k were able to read. This

prepared the way for the development of journaiism in the Estonian language. This in

tuni, contributed to a rise of national consciousneu that found iu expression in

literature, music and drama.'

In church life, patronage was still a troublesome issue. it was an ancient

method of selecting and appointing ministers for the country parishes in the Lutheran

Church. The institution reinforced firm manorial control of the church. The problern

was not resolved until after the Russian Revolution (in 19 17). followed by the independence of Estonia in 1918.6

The period 1905- 1914 witnessed rapid econornic, cultural and political progress in Estonia. There was an upsurge in books published in Estonian. The first professional theatre groups came into king and the number of Estonian studenu in universities increased rapidly. Consequently, more ethnic nationals were king

educated c becorne pastors.'

The one area highly resistant to change was the leadership in the Evangelical

Lutheran Church. The Lutheran Church had remained essentially German in personnel

and in culairai orientation. Before World War 1 Estonians consûtuted only 13% of

Luberan pastors in Estonia. In contrast, 61 % of Orthodox priests were ethnic

Estonians. Understandably, inflamed Russian nationalism was directed against al1

things German dunng World War 1.'

In 1897, of the 986,000 people living in Estonia. 90.6% were Estonians.

Estonia was one of the most industrialized areas in the Russian Empire, but these

industries operated in the interesu of Russia.'

A new generation of educated people. including politicians, quickly restored a national awareness. In 1905, stormy events in Russia caused an increase in social activism and encouraged the developrnent of democracy. At the beginning of Wo:ld

War 1, the central powers restricted the influence of the Baltic-Gerrnans. As the war dragged on, there arose demands for auronorny. In February 1918, the peace talks benveen Soviet Russia and Germany broke dom. The Russian forces had to flee in the face of the advancing German army. Time was ripe to declare Estonia's independence.

This twk place on February 24. 19 18, and Estonia became the first of the small national republics in Europe to be forrned by oppresmd peoples. After the collapse of

Gemmy (Novernber 19 l8), Soviet Russia attacked Estonia, however. Estonia mobilized al1 its resources to baale furiously for independence and was able to push the Red Amy back. On Febmary 2, 1920, the TmPeace Treq was concluded, wherein Soviet Russia recognized the Republic of Estonia."

In the course of dramatic political changes involved in revolution and independence, the Lutheran Church decided to organize the first 'Estonian Church

Congress' in 1919, in order to form a national Lutheran Church. They considerd it national because the vast majority of Estonians considered themselves Lutherans, even though the Lutheran Church never became a state church, as happened in Sweden and

Finland. The Congress accepted five resolutions to guide the reorganization of the church."

1. The Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church is an independent national church in Estonia and the Estonian settlements in Russia. 2. Its rnembers are considered ail those, resident in Estonia, who have not formally renounced their membership. 3. The Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church is an independent national church and will establish formal relations with the govemment of the province. 4. People of any ethnic origin cm become members of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church. The interests of the national minorities will be fully guaranteed and they will share in the administration of the church on the basis of proportional represenration. 5. The Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church is to enter into synodicai relationship with other evangelical bodies in Russia."

Despite the establishment of the national state, the Lurheran Church continued, for the most part, to be 'German'. Not until 1925 did Estonian pastors become a majority by a margin of 72 to 57. Another major problem facing the Lutheran Church was economic. Under the old sysrem, the gentry provided substantially for the parishes. Another source of income was church lands. Altogether they supported not only the pastor but also the koster, a kind of deacon responsible for music and cornmon assistance of the pastor. Feus of impending economic collapse did not, however.

rnaterialize. With the church membership dues, the Lutheran Church was able to

continue functioning without requiring state su bsidies. By 1930, the economic situation

of the country parishes had improved because the govemment had returned some

expropriated land to the congregations."

With a vigorous campaign for religious education in public schools. the

Lutheran Church played an important role in the newly established smte. After a 1923

referendum. religious instruction retumed to schools on a voluntary bis. ûne could

still question why the Lutheran Church entrusted this important task to a public school system that did not aiways have qualified teachers. l4

As mentioned before, in the second half of the 18th century. the Brethren constituted a significant part of the 'true' believers within the Lutheran Church as ecclesioia in ecclesia while the movement itself was prohibited. However, restrictions and pressure from the Lutheran Church consequently caused Brethren congregations to die out in southern Estonia in the latter part of the 13th cenniry. In the North. also. their influence gradually weakened. Pressed between the two. the Brethren decided to remain part of the Lutheran Church, thus strengthening many Lutheran congregations.

During the Soviet period the presence of these highly rnotivated people was even more crucial. '' 2.2. Baptism

Having realized the danger of king convened to Russian Onhodoxy during the

era of Russification, the approximately 8,000 Swedes, who lived on the West coast and

on the island of Vomsi, expressed their concem to the Swedish King. The Swedish

governent mmed to the Swedish branch of the Evmgelical Alliance for help. They

suggested sending Swedish Bibles to the Swedish speaking minority, but Lars Mozell.

the vicar of St.Michael's Church (Swedish Lutheran), replied: *We have enough

Bibles. Send us teachers who would teach people to read them. "16 Because the

Al 1iance did not have teachers to send, they asked Evungeliska FosterlandssnfleIsen

(the Evangeiical Association of the Native Country). established by C.O.Rosenius

(Lutheran), for help. They, in mm, decided to send five teachers, of which Thorén

and 0sterblom were the first ones. Thorén's primary task was to teach pedagogy

students Church History and Bible, but also some secular subjects. Both of these men

also süined organizing devotional meetings through which a revival began in Laanernaa

in the western pan of Estonia and on the island of Vormsi. It soon spread and greatly

impacted the whole county of Laanemaa. One crucial outcome was that bars were

closed and dmnkenness almost disappeared in some villages. "

The revival of Laanemaa was soon characterized by an emctional-ecstatic

phenornenon. This caused the Herrnhuters, who were actively involved in the

beginning, to distance themselves from the revival. Uevived believers soon started practising Holy Communion outside the Lutheran Church since they considered it, above dl, the remembrance of Christ by believers, rather than a sacrament for dl. lJ The revival in Laanemaa led to the establishing of Free Churches. The first

'believers' onlywchurch was founded in 1882 in Ridala. It was named by the

believers as 'Priikogzuius' (Free Church derived from 'frikyrka' in S wedish). Having

resolved the problern of Holy Communion, a discussion about baptism started. In a

Lutheran country, by tradition. infant baptism was the normal way to join the church.

Thus a different kind of teaching about the 'sacramenu' and the church as a body of

believers caused reaction from the Lutheran side. However sharp the critique was, the

new movement grew rapidly.19

At the end of 1883, the movement split in two: conservative Herrnhuters and

Free Congregationalists. However, there were more people who started opposing

ecstatic phenornena. panicularly arnong those who had visited the German Baptist

Church in St. Petersburg. The pastor of that church, Adam Reinhold Schiewe, was

then asked to corne to Haapsalu to teach the revivalists. Having preached, he baptized some of the members of the Free Church, who ttius became members of the first

Baptist Church in Estonia (Haapsalu) in 1884. Baptism took place in a river, in winter. and naturaily aroused a wave of suspicion and criticism. Schiewe kept coming to western Estonia to preach and baptize, and Iater the same year he established another church in Tallinn. Still in the same year, one more Baptist Church was started by

Julius Herrmann (pastor of the German Baptist Church in Riga), who was asked to corne to baptize a group of believers in Paniu. These baptisms also gained a lot of publicity in the media.?' Theologically, the Bap tist Church stood strongly for personal conversion

('being boni again') and believers' baptism by immersion in order to becorne church

members. It could not accept the idea of the infant bapasm of the Lutheran National

Church. To people who criticized believers' baptism as foreign to Estonia, they

replied: 'Catholicism and Lutheranism came from Germany, as did the Brethren

movement, and the Russian Onhodoxy came from Russia So. Estonian Baptism is

acnially more Estonian than they are. "" By that they meant that the establishment of

the Baptist Church was a result of a local revivat. For the first time, basic Christian

subjects Iike 'holiness'. 'body of Christ', and 'the Holy Spirit within believers', were

being taught clearly .--$3

Soon the Lutheran Church began lwking for reasons for such a radical

development. At first, the focus was on finding people who were guilty for 'allowing'

foreign ideas to enter western deanenes. Naturally, Baptist theologies were pronounced wrong or, at lem, undeveloped. On the other hand, some Lutheran pastors saw that there was a need for self-evaluation within the Lutheran Church as well. Yet the most critical ones, also from the Orthodox Church, condemned the

Baptist Church as a cult. The tsar also took a negative stand regarding the Baptists and restricted their rights by censorship. Their right as a Christian church was not denied or forbidden, however, as was the case with the Free Churches. Later. when many

Free Churches joined with the Baprists, the Union of Baptist Churches ôecame the largest Free Congregational movement in Estonia. Prirnary growth took place through conversions. Terminology wnceming various evangelical or so called 'Free Churches' is

somewhat conhising. Although many Free Churches (PriikugUAILr)joined with the

Baptists or the Brethren, some groups wanted to retain their independence. Later,

when new churches were established, like the Free Church of rhe Evangelical

ChNtians, the whole movement gained the label 'Free Chwch '.

The percentage of Baptists and other free churches grew significandy during the

first decades of the 20th cent~ry.~~As explained above, this was mainly a result of

many local revivais. However, World War 1 brought the first challenge of survival

upon these churches. In 1917 al1 churches of the Brethren, generally called 'houses of

prayer", were closed down by the Russians, and believen were scattered to meet

secretly in homes. Afier the Estonian independence (1918) spiritual awakening

continued again. For example, it has been estimated that by 1936, one third of

Hiiumaa's population was comprised of professing, bom again believers?

2.3. Free Evangelicabm

Eksides theological issues, the Free Churches criticized the Lutherans for their

supenor attitude towards other churches in Estonia. Fiee Congregauonalists felt that, while considenng themselves 'the only distributors of the Divine truth'. the Lutherans hindered spinnial development and cornmitment among the people. The Brethren also were criticized for having tw narrow a doctrine of salvation and worship. Some of these Free Congregatïonalisu viewed that Estonia still did not have a movement that

would join believers from various backgrounds to worship God together, instead of

criticising and even condemning each other 's doctrine^.'^

Ten years before the revival in Tdli~a converted Jew, Iohannes RubanovitS,

staned successfully preaching God's Word in 'the House of the Gospel'

(Evmgeelimimaja). His preaching brought many people to deep repentance and

cornmitment to the Lord. Because of the political situation and the cautiousness of the

Lutherans, this revivd movement was compelled to find a new place for meetings.

RubanoviK rnovement kept drawing people from al1 backgrounds. The work of the

revivalists continued when Eduard Lilienthal offered his summer house in Suoomi

(Lillekuia), on the outskins of Tallinn. Soon Lilienthal becarne the most outstanding

leader of the Free Church of the Evmgelical Qi&h.s. The denomination was

formally estabiished in lune, 1905. The first year of the church was quite stormy

because of opposition, panicularly from the Lutheran side, that caused hem to move

frequently. "

A religious freedom. given by the tsar. Nikolai 11, in 1906. made it possible for this Free Church to be registered. The leaders of the Church aiso reaiized that it was

Ume to organize the life of the church and süm discussions about the main doctrines.

1t was not until 1910 that the Free Church of the Evangelical Christians (Evangeeliwni

Kristlarte Kogudus) was officially registered. An interesting detail was that Liliecthal himself did not becorne an official member in the beginning. It was decided that both

'tme beiievers' and 'serious seeken' would be accepted as church members. Both baptisms, infant and believers' baptism, were acceptable but a person baptized as an

infant should not be baptized again. Those who desired to participate in Holy

Communion were expected to show Christian characteristics in their lives. A lofs, idea of the Evangelical Christians was to avoid mistakes other churches had made. As

Johannes Laks put it: *The Free Churches (Priikogudus) fed excessively on singing; the Brethren, on the other hand, focused on long, preaching prayers, and tiring and longwinded hymns. In many other places people loved to find the first opportunity to criticise and accuse others. "21

Restrictions and pressure on Free Churches during World War 1, in general. brought a real challenge of survival. Having recuperated from the outward oppression. the Church was to face some difficult internai issues. The issue of baptism started dividing members in two groups: for and against the believers' baptism. The dispute berne so sharp that there seemed to be no way to avoid an impending split.

Interestingly enough, the vast rnajority of the members voted against splining. As a result of the resolution not to split, some older leaders, like Lilienthal, who was against the believer's baptism. decided to withdraw. Then an outstanding Free

Congregationalist, Karl Leopold Marley. was appointed as a pas~r.~

After these painful intemal struggles, the church staned to function dynamicall y again, focusing on the preaching of the Gospel. Eager evangelism bore fruit in planted churches and awakened Christians, even ro the point of king ready to send rnissionaries to foreign lands. This was the first foreign mission emphasis among the

Estonian Churches. The Evangelical Christians grew to about 3,500 members in 1936." Baptist membership was over twice this number. Characterisucally,

Evangelical Christians held gdrelationships with the Free Churches in Sweden and

Finland.

The story of Estonian Methodism began in 1907, when two expatriate

Estonians, Vassili Taht and Karl Kuum, dved from St. Petersburg on the island of

Saaremaa. Mr. Taht, who served the British and Foreign Bible Society, and Mr.

Kuum, a Moravia lay preacher, were both sent to start evangelistic meetings in

Estonia. In the amosphere of general spiritual awakening in western Estonia, many people were converted and the first Methodist church was offkially established in

Kuressaare in 1920.31

According to the Methodist monthly, KNrlik Kaiüjo (The Christian Advmte). it is very cl= that Methodism, like other Free Churches, came to Estonia because of the lack of Christian life within the Lutheran ~hurch.~'This kind of attitude was also felt towardc the Orthodox Church. 'True' conversions and 'tuming away from sin' soon became the trademarks of Estonian Methodism. Vital ministries like soup kitchens, work among aicoholics and prostituw (Blue Cross). the temperance movement and the ministry of deaconesses were initiated as well. Methodist churches had Sunday schwls for children and organized informal revival meetings for nominal

The new dled'free churches', which emerged just before Estonia became an independent nation in 1918 and flourished during the first years of the new repubiic. acted on the basis of free choice: freedom to join any church, that is, membership based on free will of people who joined these churches. One of these 'free churches' was the Estonian Methodist Church (officially a mission of the Methodist Episcopai Church) .34

By World War II. the Methodist Church had formed 21 congregations with

1,600 full memben, predominantly as a result of missionary a~hvities.'~

The Pentecostal revival s*irted in Los Angeles at the beginning of the 20th cenniry (1906). However, the sarne kind of outpo~nngof the Spirit, on a smaller scale, had taken place in various places in Europe as well. There were people praying for the Holy Spirit to also corne in Estonia.16

Many revived pastors and church leaders, 'baptized with the Spirit" as they maintained, began working as i tinerant preachers. Som the Pentecostal movement, or

'message' as they put it, reached Estonia. Most likely, the first supporter was the owner of Ahja manor, Mrs. M. von Brasch, who brought it to the city of Tarn. In

1900, having returned from Germany where she had been revived herself, she staned holding meetings in her house. She invited preachers from Germany, Switzerland,

England and some other counuies. Dozens of people became believers and were

'baphdn with the Spirit. Soon Mrs. von Brasch built a church on her own building lot that seated 1,200 people. Although this could be considered the first Pentecostal

Church in Estonia, the organized work of the Pentecostais was established later, in the

1920's. by pastor O~vingssonfrom Sweden." A few years later the movement reached Tallinn and Narva, again by foreign preachers who came from St. Pe~rsburg. In Tallinn, two Geman sisters by the name of Hack, started organizing meetings in their own house. When it became too small, they rebuilt the basement into a church. Unfortunately, as the church grew, disagreements caused a split in the congregation. Neither of these grwps actually started a Pentecostal church, but instead joined with the Baptists. It was not until 1926 that an independent Pentecostal church was established in Tallinn (Tallim Vda

Evangeeliwni K"g&).

In Narva and among Finnish related Ingerian people in Russia the revival was the fruit of the work of Finnish preachers. In 1907, Pekka Hakkarainen came from St.

Petersburg to preach in a Baptist church in Narva. Many people repented and received the gifts of the Spirit. Soon there was a clash with the more conservative Baptist group. however, and Mr. Hakkarainen was asked O lave. Since many people supported him, the only solution was to plant a new church, the Narva Evangeeliwni

Kristlaste Kogudus. During World War 1, al1 Free Churches in general, and Narva

Pentecostal Chu rch in particular. su ffered from severe oppression and vi mal 1y ceased to hnction. 39

With the arriva1 of Swedish missionaries, the Pentecostal movement was revived again. Pastor 01vingsson's work particularl y, was a great blessing for churches in western Estonia among the Swedes. It is interesting that he came to

Estonia to learn Russian, in order to go to Siberia as a missionary. He never wanted to stay longer in Estonia, yet he became a most outstanding preacher during the period berneen the two World Wars. Thus the western part of Estonia was affaed by both

Baptist and Pentecostal revivais."

After World War 1, Finnish and Ingerian pastors remrned to minister in Narva.

Enlhusiastic preaching and revival meetings stsned again. Within 15 years Narva

became a Ieading enter for the Pentecostais. Paxticularly, work among the Ingerians

flourished and the church grew to 300 people. In 1936. Estonia's parliament decided

that independent churches wuld not be registered. The law forced independent

Pentecostal churches to join with a denominational union. This took place the next year wi th the Evangeelimi KrLrtlarre Vabau.suUhingute Liit (the Evangelicd

Christians). By 1937, Pentecostals comprised 1,350 fùil rnernber~.~'

This new period hady began before the war destroyed church structures again.

The Ingerian Pentecostals fled to Finland and funher to Canada or Ausualia. This basically terminated a11 activities of the Narva congregation." 1. Viise. The Estonian. 44.

2. Ibid., 46.

3. Leisrnann, N.. Oigeueusu ajalugu Baltirnaal uuemal ajal (Church Hismry of the Onhodox Church in the Modem Times),- WS 11112-24/1907, 344.; Raun. Estonia, 53.

4. Viise, The Estonian, 49.

5. Sild. Eesti kirikulugu. 216.; Ignar Fjuk, Marje Jtkste, Olo Kaevats eds, Estonia (Once Again a Country on the Map of the World), (Tallinn Estonian Encyclopaedia Publishers, 1992), 32.

6. Veem, Rahvakirik, 128.

7. Raun, Estonia, 90.

8. Veem, Rahvakirik, 94.

9. Ignar Fjuk, Marje Jôeste. Ülo Kaevats eds, Estonia, 32.

10. Ibid., 34.

1 1. Viise, The Estonian, 62.

12. Ibid.

13. Veem, Rahvakirik. 324.; Viise. The Estonian, 75.

14. Sild, Eesti kirikdugu, 221 .; Viise, The Estonian, 75.

15. Sild, Eesti kirikulugu, 23 1.

16. L.J. ~sterblon,Svenskama i 0stersj6provinserna (Swedes in the Baltic Provinces), (Karlshamn: 3. uppl., 1923, 6.

17. Riho Saard, Baptismi Viron ja pohiois-Liivimaan kuvernementeissa 1865- 1920 (Baptism in Estonian and Nonh Livland 1865- 1920). (Helsinki University: Pro Gradu Thesis, 1995), 17-19. 18. Mihkel Busch, Ridala &kamise ajalugu (History of the Revival in Ridala), (Keila, 1928), 13, 26.

19. Saard, Baptismi, 25-27.

20. EB. Eesti Baptisti koguduste ajaloolik Album (The Historiai Album of the Estonian Baptist Chiurches), (Tallinn, 19 1 l), 121- 122.

2 1. R. Kaups ed., 50 aastat apostlite radadel: Jooni Baptisti koguduste eluarengust Eestis (50 Years in the Apodes' Footsteps: Some Features of the Deveplopment the Baptist Churches in Estonia) , (Keila: EBK liidu ki jastus, 1934), 12.

22. Ibid., 10, 12.

23. Saard, Baptismi, 35-38, 47-48.

24. Appendix A, table 2.

25. WOPMEI ERWJ'IMJUIX XPWTIUAH-GAllTLjmB B UXP LtIistov of Evangelical Christians and Baptists in the Soviet Union), (Moscow: The Union of Evangelical Chrisuans and Baptists in the Soviet Union, 1989), 340-34 1.

26. Johannes Laks, Evangeeliumi Knstlaste Vabakoguduse ajalooline Ulevaade 1905- 1930 (Historicai Overview of the Free Church of the Evangelical Chnstians 1905-1930). (Tallinn; EKV kirjastik np. 14, 1930). 7-8.

Ibid., 9-2 1.

Ibid., 22-28.

Ibid., 30-32.

S.T. Kimbrough, Jr., ed., Methodism in Russia and the Baltic States: History and Renewal, (Nashville TN: Abingdon Press, 1995). 13 1.

Martin Prikask, 'Eesti Metodisti kiriku arenemine ja aastakonverentsid, ", Kristlik Kaitsja 14 (1933): 120-123.

Kimbrough, Methodism. 131- 132.

Ibid., 132. 35. Ibid., 145.

36. Evald Kiil, 'Nelipühi &kamine Eestis. " Valgus October/Novem ber, 1994. 18.

37. Ibid,

38. Evald Kiil, 'Nelipühi &kamine Eestis," Valgus December, 1994, 21.

39, Ibid., 22.

40. Evald Kiil, 'Neliptihi &kamine Eestis, " Valgus January/February, 1995, 22.

41. Evaid Kiil, 'Nelipühi iirkarnine Eestis." Valpius Septemberlûctober. 1995. 16.

42. Ibid. III.

CHAPTER THREE:

World War II and the Soviet occupation and the annexation of Estonia

3.1. Poütical development until the fîrst occupation in 1940

The political system of Estonia, which had worked quite well in the 1920's.

cracked under the exuaordinary demands placed on it by the world-wide economic crisis of the 1930's. The highest authority of the state, Konstantin Piits. assurned dictatorial powers in 1934, in order to hinder the extreme right wing from coming to power. He suspended al1 political activity and arrested hundreds of rightist activists.

This action initiated the 'Era of Silence' frorn 1934-40. '

Throughout her history, Estonia has been caught between fighting neighbors.

During the short independence (1918-1940), attempts to break free from both East and

West were made. A rnembership in the League of Nations was gained, and the

Estonian-Lamian League was established. However. the desired orienlation toward

England changed in 1935 when, after the maritime treaty between England and

Germany ended, the Baitic Sea was included in the Gennan sphere of influence. Thus

Estonia became totally isolated from the West and was between two totalitarian superpowers, Gemany and the Soviet Union. According to the Hitler-Stalin secret protocol (August, 1939), Estonia became part of the Soviet Union's sphere of influence. The USSR forced Estonia to sign an agreement on September 28, 1939 which resulted in 125.000 Red Amy soldiers king stationed in the Baltics. 25.000 of these soldiers were in Estonia while Estonia's army numbered only 15,000 men. The pact did not ailow any foreign interference in the economy or govemment of the country. The Baltic-Germans, however, realized the seriousness of the situation and stmd retuming to Germany. In Iune 1940, the Soviet Union, contmy to its solemn promises to respect the sovereignty of the Baitic States. totally occupied these countries.

In Augusr 1940. a newly appointed communist, or 'progressive'. Estonian parliament requested that the country be added to the Soviet Union.'

3.2. The consequenaes of the occupation in the life of the Church

Almost immediately after annexation, churches experienred restrictions by the new regime. Religious education in schools was eliminated. Al1 religious broadcasting and publications were forbidden. The Department of Theology in Tami University was closed down and theologicai books were desuoyed. The Russian Orthodox seminary and other schools of theology, such as the Baptist seminary were also shut down. Thus die formal training of the clergy was terminated.'

A large scale nationalization of ind-rtry, land and buildings occurred. This included al1 church buildings and most parsonages. Congregations were charged rent. which was several times higher than those of ordinary workers. for their own buildings. Taxes and insurance were assessed according to cubic meters, instead of floor space. The cungregations lost their revenue of selling cemetery plots because cemeteries were removed from the oversight of ILdchurches and transferred to the village soviet. The govemment abolished the fixed membership dues and forbade

Funhermore, 24 Lutheran rninisters were lost in deportations, murders, and drafting

into the Red ~rmy.'

So called Free Churches (Baptists, Evangelical Chrisuans, Free Churches,

Pentecostals and Methodists) and the Brethren faced more severe restrictions. Russians

tried to wipe Methodism completely out of Estonia, as they did in the Soviet Union.

Indeed, one third of the Mettiodist clergy was killed in Soviet prisons or labor camps in

Siberia. Yet the Methodist Church snibbomly persevered, and 12 congregations out of

21 survived. Consequently, the membership declined from 1,600 to some 700 by

1945. The Brethren experienced the same furious persecution. In 1940 Brethren

churches numbered more than 100. Following the war, they saw dl their congregations closed down by Soviet authorities. Baptists, Iikewise, lost ten of their pastors as a result of king shipped off to Siberia.'

According to their philosophy, the communist regime wanted to separate the

Church from the State cornpletely. Before, and partiy after World War 1, Lutheran pastors functioned as keepers of vital statistics. In 1940, al1 pastoral fûnctions relared to the State were terminated and pastors were required to tum their records over to the

Ministry of the Interior. What caused more serious apprehension was the announcernent that the RSFSR Criminal Codex in Church-State relations would be applicable also in the Estonian SSR. The Church leadership was concemed about the new law because the rather vague and general wording permitted ruling against alniost any church activityg 3.3. The end of the Soviet occupation

The Red Terror reached iu peak widi the massive anests and deportations in

1941. During the period of one year. over 7,000 people were arrested. Many of these were executed. Then on lune 14, 1941. between 10,000 and 30.000 people were pac ked into canle cars and shipped off to Siberia. 'O Addi tionall y, 1,741 people were later found in mass graves in Estonia." Similar mass deportations took place in Latvia and Lithuania as well.

The categories of people targeted for deportauon were: members of anti- Soviet organizations, former police and prison officials, former higher governmental officials, military officers of independent Esmnia and tsarist Russia, clergy, and spouses and children of the dep~rtees.'~

Approximately two thirds of these people perished either on the way to Sikria. or later in Siberia. The rest retumed after the death of Joseph Stalin in 1953 during

Khnishchev's pst-war amnesty. l3 Altogether. some 60.000 Estonians were arrested. murdered or deported dunng the first Soviet occupation of 1940-1941.14

When Hitler's army stnick the Soviet Union. Moscow called for general mobilization. Estonians were still stunned by the deponations and could not even consider fighting for the Red Amy. Young men tried every possible means to avoid king drafred and sorne joined guemlla groups called the 'Forest Brethren'

(Metsuvennud). Still, the government succeeded in drafüng about 33.000 men. The guemllas fought pitched batties with the retreating 'desuucrion battaiions' who were to leave nothing but 'scorched land* to the advancing Germans.15

German forces crossed the Estonian border on July 5. 1941 and reached Tallinn by the end of August. The Germans did not. however, Mill the hopes of Esmians that the Republic of Estonia would be restored. On the contrary, Estonia became Fart

of Ostland (Germany). l6

Although the Gennan regirne continued the totalitarian rule in Esronia, an

interesting spirinial phenornenon took place. Many Lutherans, as well as Free Chltrch

groups, became active and sought places where they could once again worship openly.

The religious revivai was a spontaneous rnovement by the settiers themselves. Lay

people and some pastors, who had miraculously survived comrnunist execution or

labour camps, initiated an evangelistic circuit riding routine. Old houses of prayer. if

not totally wrecked by the occupants, were refurbished. Some clergymen were

appointed to minister even in churches in the pans of Rubsia now occupied by

Gemany .l7

3.4. Stalinism and the Soviet reconquest of Estonia

When the German army staned retreating, it becarne obvious that Estonia could not defend itself against the Red Amy. In November 1944, Estonia was once again under Soviet control. Fearing another Soviet occupation, approximately 70,000 people. among whorn were 72 Lutheran pastors, fled mainly to Germany and

Sweden." Only 77 of 250 Lutheran clergy remained in Estonia at the end of WorlJ

War 11. l9 During the war the Swedish minority had already been evacuated to

Sweden

Post-war Estonia was a nation in turmoil. Sovietization, which began in 19-40

(during the first occupation) continued, ignored the interests of Estonian society. Forced indusûalization expanded oil shale production, electric power generation, and the machine industry, and dso introduced over 200,000 Russian immigrants to Estonia.

Most of these non-Estonian people were imported to reside in TaIlinn and the nonh eastem county of Virumaa. Collectivization, which started in 1947, caused many young people to leave the countryside for toms and cities in order to find work.

During the closing years of Stalin's nile, urbanization proceeded rapidly and the deportatjon of thousands of fmfamilies to Siberia accelerated the process." On

March 25-26, 1949, at least 20,700 people were deported. In total, approximately

50.000 people underwent repressions in the period 1944-53. Metsavennud (the Forest

Brethren) continued their armed resistance until 1953."

To the relief of the Estonian church, however, the Soviet government exhibited no strident anti-religious actions in 1944, as was the case before the war. Stalin'c main concern was the life and death battle with Germany. Instead of showing open hostility. he created a new agency, the Council of Religious Affairs, to be placed in each Sovier

Republic, in order to keep the churches firmly under conuol. Officiaily the Cou,icil was to function as a liaison between the Moscow Patriarch and Stalin, as in the previous tsarist period. This new institution soon reveaied iu true nature, acting primarily to interfere in and control church life. As an act of bureaucratie harassnient. the Council called for the registration of al1 retigious associates. AI1 congregations. denominational headquarters, pastors and preachers had to comply within a very short tirne, two weeks in toms and four weeks in the villages. The Council then issued work permits? The Council of Religious Affairs threatened not to issue activity permits to congregations that did not have a pastor. This pressure motivated churches to get organized and find suitable people to work as minisrers. Interestingly enough. th= critical shortage of clergy led the Lutheran Church, after a lively discussion. to permit women to be ordained as pa~tors.'~As a whole, the Council continued the pre- or policy of confining the church to the church building and limited its activities to cdtic worship only. Yet the post-war era saw sorne spiritual awakening, especially amoiig people associated with the Brethren. The authorities were panicularly uneasy about this kind of lay movement because it was much more difficult to control. As a direct act against the Brethren, houses of prayer were closed clown and the homes of acrivists were held in check. Fwthermore, confirmation instruction classes by the Lutheran

Church were prohibited in 1949."

Again, evangelical minori ties faced some serious problems wi th the officiais.

The Soviet regime was eager to label active evangelicals. like the Methodists. as

'cults'. The authorities decided not to register smaller Free Congregations. In A~gust

1945. representatives of Free Churches were cailed to Moscow. There ail Baptist.

Pentecostal, Evangelical Christian and Free Churches (Pnibogudur) reformed intn the

Union of Evangelical Christian and Baptists in the USSR (NoukogudeEvangeeliwni

KNrlate t?uphtide Liit). In practise, this meant that frorn this point on. churches had to function according to instructions given from Moscow. Behind this rathrr tolrl-ant offer to register free churches. instead of straight liquidation of these denominatiùns, was a presupposition of theologicd problems and subsequent splits within the union. Yet, in Tallim, churches kept working in their old houses of prayer until 1950. when al1 church buildings were confiscated by the goverment. Actually, the evagelicals became stronger and survived four decades under oppression. For example, the largest

Baptist church in Estonia, Oleviste Chu rch, was fonned of eight smaller congregations in Tallinn in ~950.'~ 1. Viise, The Estonian, 76.

2. Ignar Fjuk, Maj-e J~~sL,Ülo Kaevats eds, Estonia, 37.

3. Viise, The Estonian, 89.

4. Elmar Salumaa, osa III: 194-0-1962: 'Kinkuvastase v6itluse teed ja vahendid, " (The Methods of Anti-Church Struggle), A history of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church in 3 sections: Ni8- 1%2. E. Salumaa was a profesrsor at the Theological Institute in Tdlinn, 19464985. Dean Villu Jü do's privxe collection, Vani, Estonia, 15.

5. Ibid., 16.

6. Veem, Rahvakirik, 324.

7. Viise, The Estonian, 97.

8. Udo Rips, A personal interview, November 8, 19%. Mr. Rips is an eldcr of the Tarn Calvary Baptist Church. Kimbrough, Methodism. 152.

9. EELK (Eesti Evangeelne Luterlik Kirik, the Estonian Evangelical Lutherui Church) konsistooriumi ringkiri nr. 2182, 20 detsember 1940, TLS, kaust nr. IVll 'EELK Piiskopi ja konsistooriumi ringkirjad 1 jaanuar 1939 - 3 1 detsember 196." Eesti Evangeelse Luterliku Kiriku Konsistooriurni Arhiiv (the Achives of the Consistory of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church).

Roos, A Nation Unconquered, 41.

Ibid.

Viise, The Estonian, 96.

Raun, Estonia, 154.; Man Laar, The War in the Woods: Estonia's Stniggle for Survival 1944- 1956, (Washington D.C. : The Compass Press), 8.

Rws, A Nation Unconquered, 4 1.

Laar, The War, 10.

Ignar Fjuk, Marje Jikste, Üio Kaevats eds, Estonia. 37. 17. Ilmar Arens, ' Religioosne vaimsus Eksti kolonaal iihiskondade kandetalana Mis- Venemaa aladel 186 1- 1943 " (Religious Faith as the Foundation of Estonian Settlements in Neighboring Russian Territories 186 1- 1943). Estonia Christiana (Holmiae: Cultura Press, 1%5), 236, 238.

18. Viise, The Estonian, 114.

19. Kimbrough, Methodism, 152.

20. lgnar Fjuk. Marje J&ste, UIO Kaevats eds, Estonia, 38.

21. In 1940 33.6 and in 1953 52.5 percent were urban. Viise, The Esronian, 138.

22. Ignar Fjuk, Marje J&ste, Ülo kvaueds, Estonia, 38.

23. Viise, The Estonian, 12 1, 123-4.

24. Edgar Hark, Achbishop of the Estonian Evangelicai Lutheran Church. Eesti Evangeelne Luterlik Kirik tanapaeval (The Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church Today), (Tallinn: Perioodika, 1982). 15.

25. Viise, The Estonian, 128, 133, 136.

26. Evald Kiil. Nelipühi arkamine Eestis, Valgus, November 1995. 23. IV.

CHAPTER FOUR:

From Khrushchev to the rebirth of the Estonian Republic

4.1. The Thaw and another assault on religion

Nikita Khnishchev's farnous 'secret speech' in 1956 led millions of people to

believe that the Soviet Union had at last begun to move into a more liberal period. As

a result of his arnnesty, political prisoners were set free. which increased the sense of

security. On the other hand, the dethroning of Staiin was the first blow to the

Cornmunisr's doctrine of infallibility.'

In connection with this liberalization. decentralization occurred in the economy.

In 1957, the Estonian SSR National Economic Council was formed as a regional controlling body, and the economic situation improved. Developments took place panicularl y in light industry and agriculture. Collective farm workers began to receive monetary payments, rather than just payments in kind, such as food, clothes, etc.

Reforms in agriculture reduced taxes on the production from the farmers' private plots and increased the prices of products delivered to the state. Very little liberalization occurred in the poli tical sp here, however, because the Russian-Estonians remained in leading positions, despite many new national members of the Estonian Communist

Party.'

Initially, there seemed to be some improvement in church-state relationships.

Many local officials became more reiaxed and the media ended its blatant hostility. The greatest factor which encouraged church attendance was the easing of anti-religious propaganda. Although there was an increase in contributing rnembership within the

Lutheran Church, there was no massive spiritual awakening arnong the population in general.'

To many people, however, church buildings were necessary symbols of the community. Thus severai renovation projects were undertaken. To the sürprise of the leadership of the Lutheran Church, many nominal church members berne active in giving and labour. In a way, this could be seen as a subtle protest against the Soviet regime.'

Although statisticaily the Lutheran Church seemed in a strong position. the commitment of many members was quite weak. One pastor from Paide categorized his congregation of about 1,400 (out of 3,200 inhabitanu) into four groups: the committed. devout believers (300 members); the professing believers who would pray in evenings and in emergencies (400); nominal. passive ones who believed in God's existence

(400); and those who for some reason or another belonged to the church but rarely panicipated (100-200). Many of those belonging to the 1st group were church members merely because their parents used to be. Although there was an obvious shifi towards ignorance and Iooser commitment among the church rnembers driring the post- war decades, most people retained their positive attitude toward the Lutheran Church as their national church and the ultimate supporter of tmth. As a whcile. despite widespread indifference, govemment hostility, superficial spirituality. adthe common view of the Church as a mere tradition, true piety survived, especially aaong the 'core

congreganons* and Free Churches.'

During Khrushchev's reign, Free Churches grew more successfully than the

Lutheran Church. For example, the Tallinn Methodist Church tripled in size between

1953 and 1%2. AIso, over a longer time frame, the small Methodist congregations in

the country doubled their ranks. Rev. Heigo Rirsbek from the Tallinn Methodist

Church described the situation: 'In Estonia we had practically no underground

churches. but al1 churches had underground minisuies. w6

Toward the end of Khrushchev's reign the government decided to tighten its

grip on churches. In 1960, the govenunent raised renu and electriciry rates charged

for churches. For example. the electricity rate was 14 Urnes more for churches than

for ordinary citizens.'

The anti-religious propaganda proved to be an effective means to confuse the children of believing parents. The media, tighrly controlled by the Communist Party, presented king active in church as a worse sin than king guilty of vaxidism or drunkenness. Quite often pastors were interpreted negatively çven in the most innocent circumstances. For exarnple, buying a car was judged as 'greedy acquis, tion ' .'

This ami-religious campaign was not confined to verbal anackr cnly. The believers were harassed in the workplace and threatened widi loss of tiieir jobs. A common method used to discourage church attendance was to deny the nipans of transportation, thus particularly penalizing elderly and country peoplc. hnother popular method was to rhedule church evenu on unfavourable days, such as special holidays, or to change High Holy Qys to work days, or to organize szcular events

parallel to church meetings. Sometimes the authorities resorted CO disirf~rmation,

announcing that a meeting had ken cancelled. The habit of working on Sundays also

became the nom. Besides long working weeks, people found it hard io find time for

church because whenever they had time they would work on their prhate plots of land

that provided an important source of in~ome.~

The children of clergymen were often singled out for special atxntion and their

way to higher education was blocked. If young people wanted to make sure they could

enter universities, they did not want to take any risks by maintaining çhurch

connections. 'O

The decline in church participation in the Lutheran Church did not stem only

from increased governmental pressure. Rapid urbanization and the Righi of the young

people from the countryside left fewer members in country congregztims. Seldom did

they join another church in urban communities. Secular rites and ceremonies also

became a factor in causing church decline. They were to show that th^ church was not

needed even for the basic ceremonies and tradition. Finally, ever-incr -ashg aicohol abuse shattered farnilies and lives of individuals and drew people away from the church. ''

4.2. The era of stagnation (1958-1988)

A renewed anti-religious campaign in 1958 started a long pericd cf religious decline in Estonia. It was later cailed the 'era of stagnation' by Gorbachev's administration. thus describing the ineffective economy. The 13a5 reform meant a renim to cenualized economic control. As a result, in the 1980's. Moscow conuolled more than 90% of Estonian industry. Possibilities for extensive devd7prnent were exhausted. and Esmia fell further behind developed countries. The c~nditionof the environment deteriorated because of large deproduction without an y enviramental plans. Regarding productivity as a whole, however. Estonia was stii! head of other parts of the Soviet Union.12

The conuol of the Estonian Communist Party over society grew dxing the

1970's. Censorship increased and creative freedom was restricted. A.1 of this caused more dissatisfaction and the dissident movement began. The Estonian leadership had not considered the interests of the Estonian people because of their ohcdience to

Moscow. Through neglecting the interests of the majority popu1atio:i Jiey deepened the social-economic crisis. l3

During this era, membership within the Lutheran Church dec'ixd dramatically.

It dropped from over 176.000 in 1958 to about 50.0 in 1988. It i3 !lotable that the decline was primarily confined to the Lutheran Church. Srnaller chcr-zhes seemingly had more dedicated members who remained faithful despite persecurh. According to

Mr. Teder (the Commissioner of the Religious Affairs). Methodists adRoman

Catholics even gained members (see Appendix A, Table 1). Howev-r. iri the 196û's and 1970's. statistical evidence pointed toward the withering away o; :Ji re:ipious denominations within a generation or two? Another problem the Lutherans were facing was the aging OF bxh the clergy and general rnernbership. Becoming a clergyman did not anract young poplz because, practically speaking, it meant becoming a second class citizen with i(-w dary and long working hours as well. Young people did not want to become rnemk:~of the church because they feared they wouid be singled out by the govement as .religious'.15

As explained before, the Communist regirne had multi-facea~lzrxegies. First. the Communists confined churches to their buildings. Later they tried tc pro-~ethem unnecessary elements in society. The governrnent developed an elahrate conuol structure to resuict the influence of the church and to inform the Par.! oi trends and thinking among the believers. Most important were 'monitoring coc.rnittees7 in each district. These cornminees hired agents, even from among the churcb rnmbers. to give reports on religious activities and pastors' sermons. In genera'. 2 AG% department was responsible for controlling the churches.16

Arbitrariness and disregard for their own regulations charactei.ized the

Communist officiais. The unwritten policy of the Commissioner sems [O have ken to keep the churches off balance and guessing the real intentions of the authorities. On the other hand, churches were required to observe strict legaiity, am; lvri:. p~nishedfor even minor errors. The governnient showed remarkable creauvity in i~vzntingnew ways to harass congregations. Churches had to give financial reports or1 each collection they took and had al1 church funds kept in the state bank. *f his was to complicate fiscal transactions and projecu that required money fastci thâ? the bank was

'able' to disburse. " Another frequent contlict had to do with pastoral services in i rmes. Funerals

and offering communion to the sick were easily Iabelled as 'unautho~keG' mzetings.

The Baptists proved to be more persistent than Lutherans. When w#>i::hipservices in

homes were forbidden. they would gather under the guise of a 'birth:hy pw'.

Sometimes they openly defied the authorities, despite various ~anctio.1~.u sua! i y fines or

the suspension a minister's/leader's work permit. la

As a whole, the oficials felt quite uneasy with the Baptist's iiil~ni~alservices

that were more difficult to wntrol. Often testimonies and short 'sha: ngs' dtveloped

into a sermon delivered by people not approved by the Council of R~iligi~~sAffairs.

Actually, the monitoring wrnmittees were blamed for failure to rnon':vr crrwin

'sectarian' groups, such as Baptists and Methodists, who were espec:e :ly wccessful in

working with children and youth. Parents belonging to these churcbc: rdde pledges 10

raise their children in the Christian faith. In contrast. many Luthera.1: Iickea that kind

of cornmitment and rather shirked their responsibility in order to avcic çc~nfrmtation

with the authorities. Even the instruction of baptized and confirrned rrerr.'krs was

fairly poor. Their knowledge of the Bible. hymnody and basic tenetb .~iClirktianity was woefully limited. The shortage of Christian Iiterature. includick 3ib;es. contributed to common ignorance. l9

The Communist regime encountered unexpected resistance fio.il !an :people in its anti-religious work. The youth had not experienced the Stalini:.. terror. and thus did not have the paralyzing fear of the police. Viewed as corrupted, :i~din ciany respects failed. the Communist ideology became thoroughly discrediei. I;i * iis ideological vacuum, some young people took interest in the church. p:.nii.ulariy in high

holy days. Some churches. particularly Baptist and Methodist but ab=:ne Lutheran.

saw the opportune time to start organizing youth camps in the latter 81: rr of tke 1970's.

These camps, of course, were strictly illegal. Usually they were eitk o:ganized in

.secret or with an unofficial 'silent agreement' with local officiais. Iio glev:-r, some

pastors paid heavily for 'illegal' camps in losing their work pennirs ,e.g. Villu Jü 00,

Dean of Von1 Deanery).'O

Soviet Estonia and the enure Soviet Union were headed towa:~ c ri-isic of major

mord, social, and economic dimensions. Reform was no longer ai pion: ir was

reform or perish. Al1 segments of the population, including the church people. had to

be hamessed by the renewal if there was still a chance to salvage m.: i.witrj. -'

4.3. Restoration of the chic sockty and independence

The year 1988 proved to be truly revolutionary in Estonia. 3 cr.%ns rigain

became aware that they once were an independent nation, and the ptia~5~1struggie to

restore independence began. When the forbidden blue-black-white r.31ioril c ?lors were

unfurled in Tartu in April, tens of thousands were caught up in patrwr-i: ~ingingand

waving of flags. Some elderly people said 'they could now die in pral-c'. Ttie spirit of change so gripped the nation that previously antagonistic groups ancl iios:: vrimjoined

together to resolve the common problems. "

In the yean 1989-91, civic society was restored. A free press +;as =sxiblished, political parties were fonned, free elections took place, and society LP :mi 2 1 ixe open. The Estonian Communist Party broke up and losr its political power. The new

Supreme Council declared Soviet power to be illegal in Estonia and proclaimed a

transition period for the restoration of independence."

Independence from Moscow increased step by sep: the Estonian police was formed, paymenrs into the Soviet Union state budget were cut dom, economic border was established. Transirion to market economy and different foms of property began. In Ianuary 1991, Moscow interfered directly with the interna1 affairs of Estonia, but this did not lead to the fa11 of the legal government. On the referendum of March 3, 1991, 77.8 % of die population (including 113 of the immigrants living there) supported restoring the independence of Estonia. During the August 19, 1991 coup in the Soviet Union, the Estonian organs of state power decided that the orders of the Cornmittee for the State of Emergency that had seized power in the USSR were not to be carried out in Estonia. On August 20, 1991, the Supreme Council passed a resolution on national independence. On August 24, Russia acknowiedged the restored independent Estonian Republic."

Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnosr had generated the unintentional side effects of opening the floodgates of long supressed religious activities. The eventful year 1988 saw public recognition of al1 religious denominations as legitirnate insritutions. People truly revelled in things they considered 'Estonian'. of which the

Lutheran Church was one. It seemed that the whole nation became invoIved in a series of spontaneous, which were more or less spirinial-patriotic. rituals. Virtually al1

Lutheran pastors and clergy were invited to participate actively in various dedication

Many Communist officiais were stunned by the rapid changes in Church-State relations. Pastors no longer bothered to apply for special approval from the Council of

Religious Affairs. The regime al1 but abandoned repression and began making concessions. Churches started publishing their own newsletters and even some unregistered religious groups. such as Pentecostals. began to hinction. This kind of

fast liberalization in religious affairs was only possible because of the changes in the

poli tical sphere.

The year 1989 could be labelied as the first genuinely free year for the church,

at least as far as the Lutheran Church is concerned. Literally thousands of people

'rediscovered' religion. Families flocked to Lutheran churches to be baptized or

confirmed or have their marriages blessed by the church. The Lutheran clergy was

overwhelrned. They had been short on staff and space for decades. Besides, they had

no instruction material, not even Bibles or hymnals, because al1 such publication had

virmally been forbidden for 50 years. Suddenly, the church needed to find personnel

for Sunday schools. youth ministries, and ministries arnong the poor. the sick and

pri~oners.~'

An influx of foreign visitors also began in 1989, touching even remote country

churches. Most visitors came frorn the Lutheran Church in Finland, which has strong

linguistic and culniral ties with Estonia. The Cierman Lutheran Church staned

restoring its previously strong ties with the Estonian Lutheran Church as well. The

Free and Pentecostal Churches had more delegates frorn countries like Sweden.

Germany, and even from the USA. but also from Finland. Many contacts developed

into parmer church programs. based on foreign aid that was urgently needed, particularly in the beginning. This aid took many forms: clothes, food, money for church buildings. office equipment. supplies, vehicles, sponsorship of pastors, Bibles and Christian literamre. etc. It is hard to estimate the total aid rendered, but in the 1994 budget of the Estonian Ludieran Church headqumers in Tallinn. foreign aid constimted 35 percent of the total .x

In the midst of general rejoicing, some thoughtful pastors wondered about the real meaning of this massive back-to-theîhurch movement. Statistical evidence supponed the cautious attitude. The number of contributing members. including 'the core congregation', those who were baptized, confirmed, and paid taxes, increased only a linle within the Lutheran Church. The Baptists and Methodists acrually did not make any gains at all. The number of baptisms alrnost doubled, however. This implies that new members did join. but at the sarne tirne others lefi the church. or were removed from the membership books as 'inactive members'. These statistics clearly indicate that the Estonian Lutheran Church was the main beneficiary of the awakened religious interest. Nevertheless, this trend did not refiect any deep religious conviction. repenmce of sin. personal conversion, or cornmitment to a biblical lifestyle. It was more connected with ethnic identi ty. Most Estonians, if identified with any church, still considered thernselves ~utherans.'~On the other hand. many new churches, especially Pentecostal or charismatically oriented, have ken established since 1989, and their evangelistic zeai has begun to bear spirinial fruit as well.

Political independence offered new oppomnities for churches, and yet created new dilemmas. The cash econorny, skyrocketing energy prices, the education of the clergy, the retum of nationalized church property, and the need to evangelize masses of people were al1 challenges facing the ch~rch.~' Endnotes

1. Nikita S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers, translated and edited by Strobe Talbot with an Introduction, Commentary and Notes by Edward Crankshaw, (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1970). 350-353. ; Viise, The Estonian, 150.

2. Ignar Fjuk, Marje J6este. Ülo Kaevats eds, Estonia, 42.

3. Salumaa, osa III, 'Kirik s6jajârgsel perioodil," 47.

4. Ibid., 45.

5. Viise, The Estonian, 153-154.

6. Kimborough, Methodism, 155.

7. Viise, The Estonian, 169.

8. Ibid., 162.

9. Ibid., 163-164.

10. Ibid., 168.

11. Ibid., 173, 176.

12. Ignar Fjuk, Marje Jdeste, 010 Kaevats eds, Estonia, 42.

13. Ibid.

14. Viise, The Estonian, 198.

15. Ibid.

16. Rips, personal interview.

17. Viise, The Estonian, 187.

18. Ibid., 203, 207.

19. Ibid. 20. Ibid., 209.

21. Ibid., 221.

22. Rein Taagepera, Estonia: Return to Independence, (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, I993), 132.

23. Ignar Fjuk, Maje Jikste, Ülo Kaevau eds, Estonia. 42.

24. Ibid., 43.

25. Taagepera, Estonia: Renirn to Independence, 138.

26. Viise, The Estonian, 243.

27. Ibid., 245.

28. Eesti Kirik, (Tartu). 12 January 1994, p. 6.

29. Viise, The Estonian, 251-253.

30. Ibid.. 254. v.

CHAPTER FIVE:

Today's spiritual situation in Estonia

Having looked at Estonian evangelicalism historically, it is also important to

know how people actually perceive Christianity to&y. Unfomnately, there is no

research material available from pre or post war periods. Only recently have the first

surveys and studies been made. On the other hand, the primary goal of this study is

not to do a historical overview of the development of Christianity in Estonia, but rather

to help us understand the present day spiritual situation. So, these observations are

mainly based on 'A Sociological Survey" by the Evangelical Alliance of Estonia. and

on the ministry of OM Estonia' (Operation Mobilization).

5.1. Some observations based on religious surveys

'A Sociological Survey' was designed to cover the Estonian speaking population of Estonia (see Appendix A, Table 4) over 18 years of age. A similar survey is planned to be done among the Russian speaking as well. The sample was taken randomly and 1,900 questionnaires were sent anonyrnously. The response (900 replied) satisfied normal statistical standards for the random sample (e.g. Valkonen

1981).' The medium errors for the parameters were not calculated, however, because of the anonymity of the research.' Despite the long period of oppression. 52% of Estonians were baptized as

infants. and 5 1 % have a positive opinion of religion (Lutheranism). On the other hand, younger generations are obviously more alienated from the church: only about

20% have received any religious instruction. 41 % know their parents belong(ed) to the church, while 53% do not even know whether their parents were church members or n~t.~

Alienation is even more obvious in church attendance: 27% never go to church, 53 % go once or twice a year; 13 % go 3-4 times a year; and only 3 % participate every

Sunâay. Reasons. for not Çhayt 1: 'How oflisn do you go to church?' panicipating, like 'no rime*. 'tm busy' . 'church too far away' indicate clearly common indifference. StiII. two thirds prefer the Lutheran Church to other denominations (see Appendix A. Table 6).

Another interesting, yet sad, factor is syncretism that seerns to fil1 the spiritual vacuum:

37% believe in a personal God, 16% believe that Satan exists, 46% believe that souls are eternal, 19% believe in the resurrection of the dead, 45% believe in reincarnation.

33% believe in horoscopes. 29% in UFOs. 16% in shamanism, 17% in mediums. and

33% believe that one gets healed through prayer/ This research supports the

conclusion that Estonian society has

become spiritually rootless and

ethically shanered. Free sex is fully

accepted by 30%. with only 18 % Chart 2: 'bwOtbMi da you prry?' against it. On the other hand, three

out of four marriages 76% in 1994) end up in divorceg. 14% do not have a Bible

their homes. and 45 % have only one copy for the household. Only 2 % of Estonians

read the Scriptures every day, 6%once a week, 60% seldom, and 33% never. 47%

never pray. 9% pray very seldom. 19% pray once or twice a year, 14% pray once a

week. and 12% pray every &y. In cornparison. a 199î Gallup Poll reponed that 78%

of Americans prayed at least once a week and 57 % every day. '%ss than 20% of

Estonians are interested in religious radio or TV prograrns."

5.2. Some observations based on the ministry of Operation Mobüization in Estonia

An OM team used questionnaires as a means of evangelization arnong universiry

students in the city of Tarn. Tartu is the main university city comprising a11 branches of science. The total snident body was about 8.000 in 1994. OM Estonia has kept al1 the forms filed, and has sorted them out by sex, main subject of smdies. and mother tongue. Thus, this material is available for the same type of analysis as done above.

In itsel f, the questionnaire was very simple. containing questions about church attendance. Bible reading, Christ, religious instmction. and definition of 'Christian' (see Appendix B). The ground work was done in dormitories, through personal

interviews by various team and church members. Although most dormitories were

visited, only those people at home were interviewed, i.e. no follow up on the missing

was done. Unfonunately, there was not enough time or resources to cover the rest of

the students. Because this method was designed for evangelism, not for obtaining

research material, it does not meet smtistical standards conceming the sample," since it

is not genuinely systematic." The material is quite extensive. however, and thus

supplements other analyses.

Due to the statistical problems, as mentioned above, some categories contain too

few questionnaires to enabie one to draw reliable conclusions. That is why it was decided to handle al1 snidents as one category for conclusions. However, maie and female were differentiated. A more detailed categorization is presented in Appendix B.

Russian speaking snidents, for example, were used as a 'test category' ü, see whether demographic factors would indicate any differences in the answers.

In general. this survey seems to support the hypothesis that young pmple are more alienated from the church than the elderly. at least in terms of belonging to the church and church attendance. Yet there seems to be a clear difference between men and women: men anend much less frequently, on a regular basis, than women. Less than 1 % of men artend church W Wver services weekly, compared to 3.2% of 11-2. Fr women; and almost 60% never go to If Once r mnth church. compared to 42% of women. la Evsry week MIIO Chatt 3: 'How ottsn do you go to church?"' Less than 10% of men belong to any church, compared to 24% of women. In general, about 20% of people in Estonia belong to church of any kind (see Appendix A, table Chut 4: 'Hou oîîen do you rwd the Bible?"' 6). The Bible is a foreign book for the vast majority of the students. as it is for other people as well. Only about 1 % of men read the Scriptures regularly, almost 60% have never opened the book. and the rest might have read some pans of it or have read a children's picnire Bible which also wems to be quite popular among the adults. In contrast, 3% of women read the Bible daily, about 5 % read it regularly, and 42% never.

As many as 30% of men and 42% of women indicate they have received religious instruction. This surprisingly high percentage is explained by how snidents understand 'religious instmction'. The majority of the instructed have heard occasional visirors. such as a Lutheran pastor or a foreigner, speak at school. On the other hand. some consider conversations with Jehovah's Witnesses as 'religious instruction'. The small percentage of students who have received proper Christian teaching, has ken taught by believing grandparents or by parents if they are believers. Very few acnially kncw any 'tme believers' personally.

The students were also asked who they think Jesus is, and were given a list of options frorn which to choose. About one third of [hem (28% of men) believe He is the Son of God. Funher discussions revealed no real spiritual understanding of what the Sonship of Jesus would mean, that is. it remained a religious term only.

Nevertheless, one third of men believe that Jesus is a historical person, compared to

19% of women. Almost 23 % of women, but less than 11% of men, believe that lesus is the Savior of the world. Again, i t became obvious that students were not sure of the meaning of tems like 'saving' or 'salvation' or saving 'from sin'. Only LU-13% thought Jesus was a fictitious person. About 20% considered Him a good example.

It proved to be much more difficult to define a 'Christian', as no options were given. One founh of respondents considered somebody a Christian if he simply believed in God. Another 25 % thought a Christian was anyone 'who follows

Jesus'/BibieTsteaching', in other words, one who behaves like a 'Christian'. The Ten

Commandments were seen as important indicators to measure whether somebody is a

Christian or not. On the other hand, many (almost 24%) did not know what it means to be a Christian.

This kind of questionnaire proved to be a great help in initiating conversations with students. Many wanted to ask questions and were willing to listen to the gospel as well. Of course the results of conversations are not measurable, but as a method, the survey is very recomrnendable. The main weakness revolves around following up of contacts and guiding hem to any Christian fellowship. 5.3. Some observations on how churches mach people lIsu thrn For rnost, it is no surprise that 16 m17-20 church membership is rather old, 0214 particularly in the Lutheran. Methodist ovar 61 and Baptist Churches. Only the Chart 5: Aga & prrticiption in chu1'ch ~cuin 6aptist churcher '' Pentecostals and so calied new 'Free

Churches' have gained more 'members' from among the youth. Some of these churches are not registered, or participants may belong to some other denominations. however. Thus, it is rather difficult to keep track of real rnem bers. On the other hand. al1 evangelical churches seem to have children's ministry as a main prioritiy. l7

So. potentially, if the church succeeds in keeping the newest generation, the membership should become younger in the future. Even so. this wilI not fil1 the present gap of the middle aged, who do not seem to be interested in going to church.

Another great challenge for the evangelical church is reaching out to men. The majority of churches have four women to every man in their congregations. The situation seems to be a littIe better in the

Baptist Church where neariy one third of the mernbers are men. The problem appears as early as children's Sunday school where only 30% of the children are boys."

As for evangelism. it is very obvious that rnost evangelical churches lack both a strategy and the resources for evangelization. The Pentecostal Church (Eesti KRstlik

Nelipiihi Kirik) and some new free churches are exceptions. however. They have al1 ken established as a result of missionary activities during the first years of the regained independence. As the statisucs show (see Appendix A, Tables 2, 6). those churches are growing . Unfortunately, some of them are not presenting theologically sound doctrine.19 Most are very much evangelistically oriented and have more resources. often from abroad, for doing evangelism. Traditionally. the gospel is preached only in the church building, and too often to social 'drop outs*, that is, ro people who are unhappy, in serious troubles, or otherwise oppressed. According to recent statistics, however, only about 10% of people living in Estonia regard themselves as 'unhappy'." Thus. a challenge to offer the gospel to ordinary and

'upper class' people still rernains.

Realistically speaking, many traditional evangelical churches, among hem Baptisa, O Mmthrn 96 Methodists and Lutherans. have to

resources. For some it is really a life and death struggle. Most Baptist ministers see a lack of personnel as the main hindrance for the functioning of the church in general. and church growth in panicular. The Iack of money and having church members scattered are other serious problems the church is facing. Training, teaching and evangelism are considered the most imporrant ways to impact the development of the church. Prayer and discipleship are viewed as the most effective means of spiritually strengthening the church? Endnotes:

1. Sotsioloogiline uurimus: Usust ja elust (A Sociological Survey: About Faith and -Life), by the Alliance of Evangelical Churches of Estonia, the Estonian Bible Society and the Council of Churches of Estonia, (Tallinn: Kirjastus Logos, 1995)

2. OM Estonia (Operation Mobilization) has had permanent missionary work in Estonia since 1993. Besides that it has been organizing short term outreaches every year since 1990. The headquaners of OM Estonia is in the city of Tartu. and ministry and development are directed by Jyrki Raitila.

3. T. Valkonen, HaastatteIu- ja kyselyaineiston analyysi sosiaalitutkimuksessa (The Analysis of Materials Obtained by Interviews and Questionnaires in Social Surveys), (Helsinki: 6th edition. 198 1).

4. M. Liedes & P. Manninen, Otantamenetelmiit (Sample Methods), (Helsinki: 2nd edition, 1975). 29-32.

5. Joosep Tammo karjasekiri EKB liidu kogudustele (President loosep Tarnmo's circular for the churches in the Union of Evangelical Christian and Baptist Churches of Estonia, 1995.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. Alland Parman, KursusetW: Sündmusi EKB liidu kogudustes (Seminarv Thesis: Happenings in the Churches Within the Union of EKB), (Tarni: Theological Seminary, 1995). 22.

9. Ilona Veike. 'Lahutus - kas oskamatus perekriisist viiija tulla?" (Divorce - not knawing how to resolve farnily problems?), Pere ja Kodu (Family and Home). 12/95, Tallinn, 29.

10. James Dobson. When God Doesn't Make Sense. (Wheaton IL: Tyndale House Publishers, Inc., 1993), 93.

1 1. Joosep Tarnmo karjasekiri; Parman, Sündmusi. 23.

12. The total number of completed questionnaires was 347. 13. Valkonen, Haastanelu- ia kyselyaineiston; Jyrki Raitila. Pro Gradu Thesis for the Master Degree in Forestry: Kuusamolaisten ja suomussalmelaisten asennoiniminen Kitkamiemen suojeluun, (Helsinki: Yliopiston painaniskeskus, 1988)- 9-11.

14. Based on OM's survey (see Appendix B, Table 43).

15. Ibid.

16. Parman, Sündmusi, 28.

17. Ibid., 35.

18. Ibid,, 28, 29.

19. For example 'prosperity theology' is strongly beine taught by new churches like the Word of Life (Elu S6m) that has its roots in Uppsala, Sweden (Livets Ord). American based prosperity teaching has dso influenced many Estonian and Russian churches in Estonia.

20. Ibid., 23.

31. Ibid., 28.

22. Ibid., 31.

23. Ibid., 35. VI.

CHII1PTER SIX:

Conclusions

Over the centuries man has tned to intervene in God's design for mankind.

Christianity has been misused out of sheer selfishness to reach man-made goals. 'The ends justify the means' has reaily marked the history of christianization. On the other hand, true faith and godliness have ken refined through opposition, oppression and open persecution by mling powers. God has proved His faithfulness to those who cal1 on His name. In these respects Estonia is no exception.

For centuries the Christian faith remained foreign to native Estonians who had ken forced to submit to the Roman Catholic Church. It was not until the Brethren established a network of 'houses of prayer' and extensive lay ministry. that Estonians gained an understanding of personal faith in the Savior and a relationship with God.

Again, the tme christianization of Estonia was hindered by political upheavals. The

Russian Revolution, followed by World War I and, among other things, the independence of Estonia, started a power struggie that produced another World War.

Active proclamation of the gospel had hardly begun when evangelical churches, smaller

Protestant ones in particular, found thernselves sandwiched benueen restrictions. The final collapse of religious freedom took place and the most difficult period in the history of the church began while the Red Amy occupied Estonia. Newly spread evangelicalism was forced to stan battle for mere suwival, forsaking its primary goal

of reaching out to the lost.

Probably the most negative consequence of Communist rule in Estonia was a

fundamental change in moral standards. Although the fifty year anti-religious

campaign was not able to destroy the Evangelical Church, it effectively pushed the

church to the periphery of life. The church's moral standards and value systems

became irrelevant symbols of a by-gone era. '

The Communist authorities rhought that isolation and state control would

gradually weaken the church, and finally wipe it out completely. The long period of

decline in the Lutheran Church, particularly from 1958 to 1988, showed that such

anticipations were not unrealistic. Before the Second World War, 99% of the

inhabitants belonged to Christian churches (78% Lutheran). but by the end of 1991

only 15-20 % of the population identified with any church (see Appendix A. Tables 1

and 6). On the other hand, so called 'believers' churches or 'free churches', and tore

congregations' within the Lutheran Church demonstrated unshaken faith. Their lives

showed the ultimate victory of Gd's rule in such a snibborn way that the officiais had only linle success in convincing their members to lave the church. Yet the change in public attitudes became statisticaily discernible in less than 30 years of Soviet mle.

People became increasingly reconciled to secular rimais or to the absence of ceremonies, including high holy days like Christmas and Easter. For exarnple, in

1937. xûst parents felt a compuisi~iito have ûhcir infants baptized in the Lutheran

Church, with 11,440 receiving the rite of baptism that year. A generation later (1969). only 990 people were baptized. The sarne trend may be seen in confirmations: in

1937. rhere were 10,530 confirmations. but only 450 in 1969.~Marriage suffered the

same way, and came to be viewed as a social cornmitment without any spiritual

significance. The only church rite to remain in high demand was the burial service.)

According to the Soviet Constitution of 1977. there was reiigious freedom in

the USSR and, for propaganda reasons. authorities were eager to maintain such a

facade. They also realized that oven repression of the church, as in the 1930's and

early 1940's. would only drive believers underground where they would be much more

difficult to control. Nevenheless, the Communist government was very creative in

finding ways to harass churches and believers.'

The so called ' back-to-thethurch' phenornenon in 1989- 199 1 started not in

response to active evangelization but rather as pan of the general national political

revival. New church rnembers seemed to be motivated mostly by overall national

heritage rather than personal spiritual awakening. Many Estonians still, at least

subconsciously, considered rhemselves Lutherans and that is why the Lutheran Church

made such dramatic mernbership gains. Som the concept of the 'Estonian national church' was popularly spoken of again. Because of spiritual superficiality, it is no surprise that the movement produced no immediate change in the nation's moral or spirinial stance.

Emerging from an era of rel igious repression. the Evangelicai Church faces many challenges. There is a shortage of workers. the State is slow in returning church owned property. and. above dl, the Church is critically short of funds. Yet the mission of the Church is as multi-faceted as ever.

The Lutheran Church also struggles with a serious identity problem. Some clergy would like to restore the unoficial national church of Estonia. as it was from

1918-1940. This view visualizes the Lutheran Church as an institution for the majority of Estonians. The proponents of this idea hope that the spiritual and ethical standards, once upheld by the Church. will eventually become accepted and practised by the whole nation. A real weakness of this ideology lies in the fact that most such mem bers. through baptism and confirmation, would be members in name only . without any personal cornmitment to the Lord. Hence. it is questionable whether such people would be changed by the proclamation of the gospel of the Church. In the Soviet period the hostile climate forced individuals to examine their beliefs and decide whether it was worth enduring the negative consequences of church membership.

While having sometimes only a limited understanding of doctrine. some mernbers belonged to the Church as a protest against the regime. and were ready to endure ridicule and harassrnent for their beliefs. Consequently. the entire Lutheran Church berne 'confessionai' which made a qualitative difference frorn the first era of independence.

Some major changes in circumstances speak strongly against the restoration of the Lutheran Church as it was before the War. The country's demographic composition, for instance. has changed significantly. While in 1945 the population consisted of 92-94% ethnic Estonians. by 1989 the percentage had dropped to 6 1.5' (see Appendix A, Table 5). It is also unlikely that a large Russian speaking minority

would join the Lutheran Church. It is highly unlikely that the non-churched ethnic

Estonians, which make up nearly 80% of al1 ethnic Estonians. would join. For them

there is simply no need for the church. Hence, the funire viability of the Estonian

Lutheran Church will depend on how strongly it is able to stress the confessional

element in church membership and how it is able to reach the unchurched. Children's

minisuies and teaching at school will play an essential role in that.

In the midst of rapid changes and stmggling with limited resources. evangelicals

face an enormous challenge to bnng the gospel to people who seemingly have no need

for the church. Rmtlessness and a multitude of social problems show that people do

need the Lord. Ignorance, on one hand, and a striving for economic growth, on the

other, are common ways to cover up inner ernptiness. Widespread interest in

mediums, horoscopes and spiritism speaks strongly for that. While sects and new

religions are king introduced, people in Estonia feel more and more alienated frorn the

Bible and praying to the triune God. Especially noteworthy is the fact that the middle-

aged group is largely missing from the church. In the Soviet era they were people

whose livelihood and career would have been seriously threatened if they had become

involved in church activities.

Natu rall y, religious repression forced congregations to retreat to church

buildings. Open hostility toward al1 religious proclamation is not easily wiped out of people's minds. Thus, it is no wonder that Evangelicals find it very difficult to witness to people they do nor know. Many still believe the church or 'the house of praycr' is the only right place to preach the gospel. This has proved to be a real dilemma since, having been manipulated to believe that the church is an unnecessary element of

Society, the non-churched are not naturally attracted to come to church. Most

Estonians (and Russians) do not know any Christians personally. unless they have believing parents or grandparents. Ignorance of a personal God has created a spinnial vacuum that seems to produce indifference or sceptical attitudes toward Christianity.

Unfortunately, at least in some areas cults and proponents of false or extreme teaching have been more active than Evangelicals in making themselves known.

While the 'back-to-the-church' movement proved to have very linle spiritual depth. recent missionas, efforts have succeeded reasonably well, panicularly through new Pentecostal and Free Churches; who have established about one hundred new congregations in Estonia (see Appendix A, Table 6). Probably the best fmit has come from spreading the mission vision among the Estonians who, for their pan. have begun reaching out to the Iost. According to some estimates, the number of believers arnong teen agers has doubled since 1989.6 This indicates that the Evangelical church does have great potential to multiply its resources and develop many new dynamic church minisuies. Although the influx of foreign visitors has subsided recently, foreign support. both material and spiritual, still plays an active role in church life as a whole.

In the near haire, more stress should be put on discipling and taking care of new believers and churches. A short history has already shown that clashes between individuals and theologies. caused by spiritual immaturity. may have devastating effects within the church. resulting in resentment and splits. The spiritual climate of Estonia has reached another plateau after the long repression and the euphoric national awakening. People no longer rush to churches because of the spirit of nationalism or with hopes of short cuts to material success. The

Funire holds both great challenges and unprecedented opportunities for the church to reach the whole country for Christ. 1. Jaan Kiivit, 'An Update on the Situation of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church in Estonia Covering the Period frorn 1989 to 199 1 with Retrospeci Prior Evenu. " An unpu blished typewritten manuscript, the author was consecrated ~rchbishi~of the ~sionianEvangelical Lutheran Church in 1994, 2.

2. Arno Lahtinen, Teuvo Laitila, Ernst Chr. Sultner, Usko. Toivo ia Vallankumous: kristinusko ja kirkot Neuvostoliitossa (Fai th, Hope and Revolution: Christianity and Churches in the Soviet Union), (Helsinki: Sidonta Ohtrind, 1990). 330.

3. Viise, The Evangelid, 261-262.

4. Ibid.

5. Raun, Estonia, 182.

6. Peeter V6su. an introduction of Estonia given to the crew of MIV LOGOS (a ship of OM). Tdlim, May 3 1, 1995. Mr. Vdsu is the director of YWAM Estonia. APPENDICES APPENDIX A

Table 1: Membership of the main congregations in Estonia in 1934 and 1969- 1972'

Member- 1934* 1969 1970 1971 1972 shb Lu therans 85 1,060* 103,265 97,856 94,035 89,882 Orthodox 2 12,700* 19,600 20,375 19,500 19,COO Baptists 7,183 8,146*** 8,145*** 8,189*** 8,023*** Methodists 1,242 2,131 2,149 2,169 2,240 7-Day 2,3 10 1, 850 1,818 1,766 1,703 Adventists Old 1,m 1,030 825 800 Believers Roman 750 750 950 1,m Catholics Pentecostais 1,350** Jews 4,38 1 450 450 400 375 Evangelical 4,438 * Christians (Pentec. & Free Ch. inc,) - - * 1939 **Accordhg to Valgus (The Light: a Pentecostal periodical) ***From 1945 on Baptisr, Free, Pentecostal and Evangelical Christian Churches belonged to the same union, here referred to as 'Baptists'

Table 2: Membership of the Baptist in 18%- 1933'

Member 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920 1925 1930 1933 ship Baptists 3 16 1,434 2,164 2,448 3,122 3,423 5,187 i 5,656 6,183

Table 3: Membership of the main Evangelical Churches in 1984-1990)

Member- 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 ship Lutherans 52,747 50,094 48,590 49,354 50,510 59,376 62.455 , Baptists* 6,324 6,247 5,997 5,891 Methodists 2,040 1,965 1,886 Pen te- 132 285 costais Adventists 1,147 1,130 1,116 1,087 1,070 1,041 1,134 Ylhe Union of Evangelical Christians and Baptists Table 4: Membership of the Lutheran Church in 1991-1994'

1 Membership ( 1991 1 1992 1 1993 1 1994 1

1 Estonians 1 963,2811 61.5 1 Others 602.38 1 38.5 Slavic 550,8 16 35.2 Russians 474,834 30.2

Table (chan) 5: The dernography of Estonia'

Table 6: Al1 registered churches. religious groups and unions. and their membership and official workersklergy in 1999

Registered Congregation or Union Congregations Armeenia Apostliku Kiriku Eesti 1 Wha Gregoriuse Kogudus (The Amenian Apostolic Church of St. Gregory in Estonia) Eesti ~poslik-ÜigeusuKirik (The 33 Estonian Orthodox Church Eesti Evangeeliumi Kristlaste ja 87 Baptistide Koguduste Liit (The Union of Evangelicai Christian and Baptist Churches of Estonia) Eesti Evangeelne Luterlik Kirik 165 (The Evangelical Lutheran Church of Estonia) Eesti Evangeelne Vennastekogudus- (The ~stonianBrethren) Eesti Evangeelsete Karismaatiliste Koguduste Liit (The Union of Evangelical Charismatic Churches ~f Estonial 1 Eesti Islami Kogudus (The Islamic 1

Koguduste Liit (The Union of the Jehovah' s Wimesses of Estonia) Eesti Kristlik Nelipühi Kirik (The Christian Pentecostal Church of E-) 1 Eesti Kristiike Vabakoguduste Liit ('Eh Sena') (The Union of Christian Free Churches of Estonia 1- 'the word of Life') Eesti Kveekerlik Piiha Miikaeli Ilmutuse Kogudus (The Church of the Revelation of St-Michael in Estonia - 'the Quakers') Eesti Metodisti Kirik (The Methodist Church of Estonia) bsti Tai sevangee1 se te Kogu du ste Liit (The Union of the Full Gospel Churches of Estonia) Eesti Vanausuliste Koguduste Liit (The Union of Old Believers of Est.) Evangeeliumi Knsdased ~postlite Vaimus (The Evangel ical Christians in the Spirit of the Apostles) Juudi Kogudused Eestis (The Jewish 3 1 about ZOO Congregations in Estonia) Krishna Tunnetuse Tdlinna Kogudus (The Congregation of the Knowledge of Khrishna in Tallinn) Rooma katoliku Kirik (The Roman CathoIic Church) Seitsrnenda Piieva Adventistide Eesti Liit (The Union of the

Seventh Day Adventists of Estonia) - Taarausuliste ja Maausuliste Maavalla Koda (Believers of Taara,

Baha' i Congregation of Ta11 inn) Ukraina K reeka-Katoli ku Kiri ku 1 300 1 I Tallinna Kogudus (The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in Tallinn) 1 Uusapostlik Kirik Eestis (The New 1 Amstolic Church of Estonid l l0 1 Vene Oigeusu Kirik (The Russian about 30 Orthodox Church) I Viimase Aja Pühade Jeesuse Kristuse Kinku Tallinna Kogudus ('Monnoonid') (The Church of the Laner Day Saints of Jesus Christ in Talhm - 'Mormons')

Table 7: How people view different churches, cults and religions7

1 What is vour o~inionof different churches and relieions? 1 Supportive Indifferent Negative Lu theran 67.3 % 23.8% 3.3 % Orthodox 22.6% 59.8% 7.6% Catholic 21.9% 57.6% 9.8 %

Methodi st 5.7% 63.1 % 20.7% Pentecosta1 8.5 % 57.6% 23.7% t 111 Advenrist 19.9% . . New Free Churches 10.5 % 56.0% 23.9% Total Christian 19.0% 55.1% 16.2% islam 1 5.3 % 55.9% 28.3% Buddism 13.9% 53.6% 22.0% Hinduism 8.0% 58.9% 22.0% lehovah's Wimesses 6.0% 46.9% 36.7 % New religions 4.9% 50.4% 33.0% 1 Total non-Christian / 7.6% 1 53.1 % 1 28.4% 1 Endnotes:

1. Viise, The Evangelical, 80-82.; Jaan Biirenson, Archives of the Union of Evangelical Christian and Baptist Churches of Estonia.

2. Archives of the Consistory of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church. : Jaan Barenson, the Archives of the Union of Evangelical Christian and Baptist Churches of Estonia-

3. Ibid.

4. Parman, Siincimusi, 1 1.

5. Siseministeerium, Usuasjade talituse arhiiv (Archives of the Department of Religion in the Ministry of Interior Affairs), October 1995.

6. Parman, Sündmusi, 2 1.; based on 3otsioloogiline uurimus: Usust ja elust (The Sociological Survey: About Faith and Life)," by the Alliance of Evangelical Churches of Estonia, the Estonian Bible Society and the Council of Churches of Estonia, 1995. APPENDIX B:

Statistics based on OM's survey

Table 1 How often do you go to church? I students*Medical - , Russian Never 1-2 a year Once a month Every week Male 9.1 % 72.7% 9.1% 9.1% I 1 Female 1 53.0% 1 23.5% 1 23.5% 1 0% 1 *n = 28

Table 2 Medical 1 How ofien do you read the Bible? srudenrsRussian - I Never Seldom Regularly Every day Male 18.2% 81.8% Female 58.8% 41,2?

Table 3 - - Medical Do you belong to any church? Do you have a Bible or New students - Testament at home? Russian Yes* No Yes No 1 Male 36.4% 81.8% 18.2% I I 63.6% 1 1 1 Female 17.6% 1 82.4% 1 64.7% 1 35.3% 1 * The Russian Orthodox Church was the most common

Table 4 Medical Has anyone given you religious instruction? Russian -No Yes Who? . Male 72.7 27.3 Church, family, friends % % Female 82.4 17.6 (in order of frequency) % % Table 5 Medic Who is Jesus?* Rus. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 I Male 9.1% 9.1% 18.2 9.1% 72.7 18.2 % % % ,- Femaie 5.9% 5.9% 5.9% 29.4 5.9% 23.5 17.6 17.6 % % % % *Many options possible 1 = A fictitious person 2 = A good example 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the world 5 = A historical person 6 = A teacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know 9 = Something else (e.g. dead, a syrnbolic der)

Table 6 Medical Who is a Christian?* Russian 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Male & 21.4% 13.4% 14.3% 14.3% 17.9% 32.1% 25.0% Female L *Many options possible Who believes in God Who believes in Jesus Who goes to church A good person Who follows Jesus'fBible's teaching (especially the Ten Commandments) Does not know Something else (e.g. a fanatic, who listens to one's conscience. ordinary. wears a cross, rads the Bible)

Table 7 Medical 1 How ofien do you go to church? students* 1 Estonian 1 Never 1 1-2 a year 1 Once a month 1 Every week Maie 46.8 % 46.8 % 6.4% Femaie 15.9% 71.1% 10.1 % 2.9% Table 8 Medical How often do you read the Bible? students - Estonian Never SeIdom Re gui arly Every day MaIe 3 1.3% 68.7% Female 34.8% 53.6% 5.8% 5.8%

Table 9 Medical 1 Do you belong to any church? 1 Do you have a Bible or New 1 students - Testament at home'? 1 Estonian Yes* No Yes No Male 6.2% 93.8% 87.5% 22.5%

Female 26.1% 73.9% - 91 -3% 8.7% *The Lutheran Church was the most cornmon (Baptist and Methodist also Listed)

Table 10 Medic 1 Has anyone given you religious instruction? Eston. 1 No 1 Yes 1 Who'! Male 78.2% 2 1.8% Church. school, farnily, £%ends, JWIW's(?!) Femal 62.3% 37.7% (inorder of frequency) .

Table 1 1 Medic Who is Jesus?* Est. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Male 12.5% 118.81 6.3% 6-38 37.5% 9.4% 31.2% 15.64 9.4% Femal 13.7% 1.2.9% 24.6% 13.0% 11.6% 44.9% 14.5% 4.3% *Many options possible 1 = A fictitious person 2 = A good example 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the worId 5 = A historical person 6 = A teacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know Y = Something else (eg a legend, a supernatural man, unknown, a personal Savior) Table 12 Medicd 1 Who is a Christian?* Estonian 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Male & 24.8% 10.9% 12.8% 13.9% 24.8% 9.9% 34.7% Femaie *Many options possible 1 = Who believes in God 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A good person 5 = Who follows Jesus'/Bible's teaching (especiaily the Ten Comrnandments) 6 = Does not know 7 = Something else (e.g. ordinary, reads the Bible, baptized, religious lifestyle, a çhurch member, 'real' believer, 'bom again')

Table- - 13-- S tudents of How often do you go to church? natural sci? Never 1-2 a year Once a month Every week Male 54.1 % 40.5% 5.4% Fernale 25.7% 70.0% - 4.3% *n = 60

Table 14 1 Natural 1 How often do vou read the Bible? 1 sciences Never Seldom Regularly Every day Male 64.9% 32.4% 2.7% Female 34.8% 60.9% 4.3% i

Table 15 1 Naniral 1 Do you belong to any church? 1 Do you have a Bible or New 1 sciences Testament at home'! Yes* NO Yes I NO Male 5.4% 94.6% 83.8% 16.2% FemaIe 17.4% 82.6% 95.7% 4.3% *The Lutheran Church was the inost cornrnon Table 16 Nritural Has anyone given you religious instruction? sciences -NO l Yes I WIIO? Male 73 .O 27 .O School. church. farnily , friends % 1% I Femaie 56.5 43.5 (in order of frequency) % 1% 1 Table 17 Nat. Who is Jesus?* sci. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Male 8.1% 18.9 18.9 13.5 35.1 10.8 16.2 13.5 16.2 % % % % % % % % Female 17.4 21.7 8.7% 8.7% 13.0 43.4 26.1 % % 75 % % *Many options possible A fictitious person A good exarnple A founder of a religion Savior of the world A historical person A teacher The Son of God Does not know Something else (e-g. dead. a syrnbolic ruler)

Table 18 Who 1 Nat. 1 is a Christian?* d1 sci. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Male& 21.7% 16.7& 5.0% 10.0% 28.3% 18.3% 35.0% Female *Many options possible 1 = Who believes in God 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A gwd person 5 = Who follows Jesus'/Bible's teaching (especially the Ten Commandrnents 6 = Dues not know 7 = Something else (e.g. a religious person, ordinary, baptized, a church member, who 'feels' so) Table 19 ------Students OP How often do you go to church? agric. &forestry Never 1-2 a year Once a month Every week Male 44.0 % 54.0% 2.0% Female 26.3 % 73.7% *n =69 . - Table 20 Agriculture & How often do you read the Bible? forestry Never Seldom Regularl y Every day Male 72.0% 28.0% Fernale 42.1% 57.9% Table 2 1 Agriculture & Do you belong to any church? Do you have a Bible or New forestry Testament at home? Yes* No Yes No \ Male 10.0% 90.0% 82.0% 18.0% Female 5.8% 94.2 % 89.5 % 10.5% *The Lutheran Church was the most common (the Catholic Church also listed)

Table 22 Agriulntre & Has anyone given you religious instruction? forestry No Yes Who? 1 A Male 64.0 36.0 School, church. friends, family, % % books Fernale 63.2 36.8 (in order of frequency) % %

1 Agric. Who is Jesus?* for. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Male 16.0 14.0 12.0 12.0 24.8 10.0 14.0 18.0 26.0 % % % 76 % % % % % Female 10.5 5.3% 31.6 26.3 10.5 31.6 10.5 22.4 % % % % % 9% % *Many options possible 1 = A fictitious person 2 = A good exarnple 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the world 5 = A historical person 6 = A tacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know 9 = Something else (e-g. a supematural power, does not exist, a good person. as the Bible tells) Agric. , Who is a Christian?' . for. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Male & 27.5% 11.6% 11.6% 20.3% 17.4% 17.4% 24.6% Femaie L *Many options possible 1 = Who believes in God 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A good person 5 = Who fol lows Jesus' /Bible's teaching (especially the Ten Commandments 6 = Does not know 7 = Something else (e-g. religious, ordinary, baptized, weak, good enough for heaven, 'bom again')

Table 25 Students of How often do you go to church? econornics* Never 1-2 a year Once a month Every week Male 34.8 % 60.9% 4.3 % Female 44.8 % 51.7% 3.4% *n =51 Table 26 - Economics How ofien do you read the Bible? fiNever Every day MaIe 56.5 % 43.5 % Femaie 48.3% 51.7%

Table 27 - Economics Do you belong to any church? Do you have a Bible or New Testament at home? Yes* No Yes No Male 4.3 % 95.7% 82.7% 17.3 % Female 31.0% 69.0% 86.2% 13.8% meLutheran Church was the most common (the Russian Orthodox also listed)

Table 28 ' Economics Has anyone given you religious instruction? No Yes Who? Male 73.9 26.1 School visits. church, grandparents % % Femaie 48.3 5 1.7 (in order of frequency) % % Table 29

Econ. l Who is Jesus?* 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 ' 8 9 Male 17.4 39.1 13.0 8.7% 34.8 17.4 26.1 2 1.7 % % % % % % % Fernale 26.7 27-6 6.9% 20.9 24. t 20.7 44.8 10.3 10.3

% % % % % % % %J *Many options possible 1 = A fictirious person 2 = A good example 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the world 5 = A historical person 6 = A teacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know 9 = Something else (e.g. a supernanird man, creator/helper/power, a person in the Bible. somebody to believe in) Table 30 IEcon. 1 Who is a Christian?' 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 l Male & 27.5% 15.7% 15.7% 23.5% 37.3% 17.6% Female ------*Many options possible 1 = Who believes in God 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A good person 5 = Who follows Jesus'lBible's teaching (especially the Ten Commandrnents 6 = Does not know 7 = Something else (e.g. ordinary, religious, has Christian parent(s), rads the Bible, 'received Christ into one's life*)

Table 3 1 J Students of How often do you go to church? philology* Never 1-2 a year Once a month Every week L Male 33.3% 67.7% Female 35.0% 45.0% 15.0% 5.0% *n =23 Table 32 Philology How often do you read the Bible? Never Seldom Regularly Every day Male 100% Fernate 35.0% 50.0% 15.0% Table 33 Philology Do you belong to any church? Do you have a Bible or New

r Testament at home? I Yes* I NO yes I NO Male 100% 100% Fernale 25.0% 75.0% 90.0 % 10.0% +The Russian Orthodox Church was the most common (the Lutheran Church also listed)

Table 34 Philology Has anyone given you religious instruction? I NO I Yes I Who? Sunday school, school visits, friends, fam. (in order of frequency)

Table 35 Philol. Who is Jesus?* I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Male 67.7 33.3 33.3 100% 67.7 67.7 95 % 0 % % Female 10.0 20.0 15.0 30.0 30.0 15.0 25.0 5.0% 5.0% % % % % % % % *May options possible 1 = A fictitious person 2 = A good example 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the world 5 = A historical person 6 = A teacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know 9 = Something else (e.g. does not exist) Table--- - 36- - Philol. Who is a Chrisuan?* 7 1 -7 3 4 5 6 7 , Maie & 21.7% 17.4% 4.3% 21.7% 30.4% 21.7% 4.3 %

Female - . , - - , *Many options possible 1 = Who believes in Cod 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A gdperson 5 = Who follows Jesus'/E3ible's teaching (especidly the Ten Commandments 6 = Does not know 7 = Something else (e-g. considers 10 be a Christian)

Table 37 Srudents of How ofren do you go to church? theology * Never 1 1-2 a year 1 Once a monib 1 Every week Male 100% Female 33.3% 67.3%

Table 38 Theology How often do you rad the Bible? Never Seldom Regularl y Every day Male 100% Female 33.3% 1 67.7%

Do you belong to any church? Do you have a Bible or New 1 Testament at home? Yes* No Yes No Male 100% 100% Femaie 67.7% 33.3% 100% J *The Lutheran Church was the most common (the ~ethodk~hurchalso listed)

Table 40 Theology Has anyone given you religious instruction? NO I Yes I MO? Male 100 % University. family , friends Female 100% (in order of freauencv) Theol. Who is Jesus?* 7 1 2 3 .- 4 5 6 8 1 9 Male 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% Female 33.3 33.3 67.7 33.3 67.7 33.3 % % % % % % L *Many options possible 1 = A fictitious person 2 = A gdexample 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the world 5 = A historical person 6 = A teacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know 9 = Somerhing else

Table 42 1 Theol. 1 Who is a Christian?* 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Male & 25.0% 25.0% 50.0% Femaie * Many options possible 1 = Who believes in God 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A good person 5 = Who follows Jesus'lBible's teaching (especially the Ten Commandrnents 6 = Does not know 7 = Something else (e.g. ordinary. personal acceptance of the Lord as Savior)

Table 43 - - Al1 students* How often do you go to church? Never 1-2 a year Once a month Every week Maie 43.0% 52.3% 3.8 % 0.9% Femaie 29.0% 58.7% 9.1% 3.2 % *n =347 of which 161 men (46.4%) and186 women (53.6%)

Table 44 I Al1 snidents How often do you read the Bible? Never Every day r Seldom Regularl y Male 58.4% 44.7% 1.2% Female 41 -9% 50.0% 4.8% 3.2 % Table 45 - - Al1 students Do you belong to any church? Do you have a Bible or New Testament at home? Yes* I No Yes I No Male I - 9.3 % 90.7% 1 83.9% 16.1% Femaie 24.2 % 75.8% 1 88.7% 11.3% %e Lutheran and Russian Orthodox Churches were the most common (the Methodist, Baptist, Pentecostal Churches, and the Church of Satan also listed)

Table 46 Al1 as anyone given you religious instruction? Students No Yes Who? Male 70.8 % 29.2 % Church. school (visitors), f'ily, friends Fernale 57.5 % 42.5 % (in order of frequency)

Table 47 AI 1 Who is Jesus?* stude. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Male 13.0 20.5 13.0 10.6 32.3 9.9% 28.4 11.8 17.4 % % % % % % % % Female 10.2 18.3 4.3% 22.6 19.4 12.9 34.4 14.0 8.1% % % % % % % % *Many options possible 1 = A fictitious person 2 = A gmd example 3 = A founder of a religion 4 = Savior of the world 5 = A historid person 6 = A tacher 7 = The Son of God 8 = Does not know 9 = Something else (e.g. a supernatural man/power, a good person/helper, a legend, dead, a symbolic ruler. does not exist, creator. a character in the Bible. personal Savior) Table 48 Al1 Who is a Christian?* T smde. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 b Mate & 25.6% 12.7% 10.7% 15.3% 26.2% 13.5% 23.9% Female *Many options possible 1 = Who believes in God 2 = Who believes in Jesus 3 = Who goes to church 4 = A good person 5 = Who follows Jesus'/Bible's teaching (especially the Ten Commandments) 6 = Does not know 7 = Something else (e.g. ordinary, religious, weak, reads the Bible. a church member, baptized, Iifestyle 'Christian', personal acceptance of the Lord as Savior) A translation for the following questionnaire of OM:

What do you study? Age?

Are you a member of any church? What kind of church? Do you ever go to church? How ofen? (sometimes. once a month, every week)

Do you have a Bible or a New Testament? Do you ever read it? How often? (sometimes. regularly. every &y)

Who is Jesus? (fictitious person. good example, founder of religion, Savior of the world, historical person, tacher, God's Son. does not know. something eise) Has anyone given you religious instruction? Who?

Who is a Christian? Cl 42 O 12-18 O 18-25 Il 25-35 O 35-50 CI 50> U mees O naine O eesti O vene O ......

-- -- - 21 Oled sa kogudus liige? O jah O ei 2b Mis koguduse? b ......

2c Kas sa Uldse idid kirikus? O jah D ei 2d Kui tihîi? b d manikord aastas b kord kuus Cl iganadal

------3a On sul Mus Piibel vOi Uus Testament? L7 jah CI ei 3b Kas sa ioed seda? B O jah D ei 3c Kui tihti sa ioed seda? b ci m6nXxd O regulaarselt 0 igapev

4a Mida sina arvad, kes Jeesus on? O valjarn6eIdud isik O ajalooiine isik 0 heaeeskuju 0 6petaja O religioonialustaja O JmalaPoeg O maaiha Lunastaja U ei tea O miciagi muud ......

5 Kes on sinu arvates kxistlane? ......

Operatioon Mobilisatioon Ecsti Oktoober 1994 Viljandi

Valga 0

ESTONIA UNDER SWEDISH RULE,

Toivo U. daun, Sstonia and the Zstonians, p.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Articles

Arens, Ilmar. 'Religioosne vaimsus Eesti kolonaai Uhiskondade kanderalana mis- Venemaa aladel 186 1- 1943" (Religious Faith as the Foundation of Estonian Senlernents in Neighboring Russian Temtories 1861 - 1943). In Estonia Christiana, 227-24 1. HoIrniae: Cultura Press, 1965.

Barenson, Jaan. 'Valinid peatükke Eesti usuajaloost: Hallepietism ja hermhuudusw (Chosen Chapters of Estonian Church History: Pieusm of Halle and Hermhutism). Ajakiri Logos (Periodical Logos) 41855-6.

Gr6nstr6m, Tiido. 'Vaiitud peatiikke Eesti usuajaloos: Mida raiigib arheoloogia?" (Chosen Chapters of Estonian Church History: What Does Archeology Say?). A jaki ri Logos (Periodical Logos), 1/85:26.

Kiil, Evald. 'Nelipiihi &kamine Eestisw(The Pentecostal Revival in Estonia). Valgus (The Light), (August/September 1994):2 1-23. (OctoberINovember 1994): 1%. (December 1 994):2 1-22. (JanuarylFe bruary 1995):2 1-22. (MarchlApril 1995): 15. (JulyIAugust 1995): 17-18. (September/October 1995): 16. (November 1995):23.

. Yalitud peatiikke Eesti ajaloost: Kristluse algaastadw (Chosen Chapters of History of Estonia: The First Years of Christianity). A jakiri Logos (Periodical Logos). 2/85: 26.

Laantee, Karl. 'Beginning of Reformation in Estonia." Church History, Vo1.22, no.4. (December l953):269-278.

Pello, Omar. 'Zur Frage der Refomatsioon."In Estonia Christiana, 105-1 14. Holrniae: Cu Itura Press, 1965.

. "Zur Frage der altesten Berühmngen mit dem Christemrum." In Estonia Christiana, 25-43. Holmiae: Cultura Press, 1%5.

Prikask, Martin. 'Eesti Metodisti kiriku arenemine ja aastakonverentsid" (The Development and Annual Conferences of the Estonian Methodist Church). Kristiik Kaiuja (Christian Advocat), 14 ( 1933):120- 123.

Veike, Ilona. 'Lahunis - kas oskamatus perekriisist valja tulla?" (Divorce - not knowing how to resolve family problems?), Pere ja Kodu (Family and Home), 12/95, Tallinn, 29. 2. Books

Fjuk, Ignar, J&ste, ÜIO Kaevats, eds. Esmnia (Once Again a Country on the MV of the worlJ).Tailinn: Estonian Encyclopaedia Publishers, 1992.

Ilja, Vol&mar. vennas~komd~~e(Hermhutluse) ajalugu Eestimaal (p6h ja-Eesti) 1730-1743 (The ~Iistoryof the Fratemity of the Moravian Brethren (Hermhuter) in ~stonia(North-Estonia) 1730- 1743). Taiiim: Kristlik Ki jastus 'Logos', 1995.

Kaups R., ed. 50 aasÿit apostlite radadel: Jooni Baptisti koguduste eluarengut Eestis (50 Y~~~~A~os~I~s'Footsteps: The Deveplopment of Jooni Baptist

Kimbrough, S.T. Jr, ed. Methodism in Russia and the Baltic States: History and Renewal. TN: Abingdon Press. 19%. Kopp, J&n. Ki& ja &vas- (The Church and the Nation). Lund: Eesti vaimulik raamat, 1959).

Laar, Mm. The Wx in the Woods: Estonia's Svuggle for Survival 1944- L 956. Washington D .C .: The Corn pas Press. 1992.

Lahtinen, ~rno,~euvo ~aitila, Ernst Chr. Sultner. Usko. Toivo ja Vallankumous: kristinusko ja kirkOt Neuvostoliitossa (Faith, Hope and Revolution: Christianity and Churches in he Soviet Union). Helsinki: Sidonta Ohtrind, 1990. Sild, Olaf. Eesti kiribajalugu: vanimast ajast olevikuni (Estonian Church History: From the Most Ancient Times to the Present). Tartu: Akadeemilise Kooperatiivi Kijastus, 1938.

Taagepera, Rein. Estonia: Retum O Independence. Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, 1993.

Vahtre, Sulev. Muinasaja loojang Eestis: Vabadusv6itlus 1208- 1227 (The Twilight of Ancient Estonia: War for Freedom 1208- 1227). TdIim: Olion, 1990.

Veem, Konrad. Eesti vaba rahvakirik (Independent Estonian National Church). Stockholm: Eesti vaimulik raamat, 1988. Second improved edition, 1990.

Vwbus, Arthur. Studies in the History of the Estonian People. VOL I Stockholm: Estonian Theological Society in Exile, 1%9.

Osterblorn, L. J. Svenskarna i 0stersj6~rovinserna(Swedes in the Baltic Provinces). Karlshamn: 3. uppl., 1927.

3. Chronicles and Memoirs

EB, Eesti Baptisti koguduste aialoolik Album (The Historical Album of the Estonian Baptist Churches). Tallinn: EKB Liidu Arhiiv, 19 1 1.

Khmshchev, Nikita S., Khrushchev Remembers. Translated and edited by Strobe Talbot with an Introduction. Commentary and Notes by Edward Crankshaw. Boston: Little. Brown and Company, Inc., 1970.

Kiivit, Jaan. 'An Update on the Situation of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church in Estonia Covering the Period from 1989 to 1991 with Retrospect to Prior Events." An unpublished typewritten manuscript, the author was consecrated Archbishop of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran Church in 1994.

Saard, Riho. Baptismi Viron ja pohjois-Liivimaan kuvemementeissa 1865- 1920 (Baptism in Estonian and North Livland 1865- 1920). Helsinki University: Pro Gradu Thesis, f 995.

Salumaa. Elmar. "Eesti kirikulugu," (Estonian Church History). A typed, unpublished manuscript by a professor at the Theological Institue, Tallinn, 1967.

Tarvel, Enn, ed. Henriku Liivimaa krwnika (The Lanrian Henry's Cronicle of Livland). Tram. Richard Kleis. In Latin and Estonian. Tallinn: Eesti Ramat, 1982. Viise, Michael G. The Estonian Evangelicai Lutheran Church during the Soviet period 1940- 199 1. A dissertation presented to the graduate faculty of the University of Virginia, 1995.

4. Documents

EELK Konsistooriumi avaldamata dokumendid 1935-199 1. (The Unpublished Documents of the Archives of the Consistory of the Estonian Evangelical Lutheran C hurch 1935- 199 1). Eesti Evangeelse Luterliku Kiriku Konsistooriumi Arhiiv.

Eesti Kirik (Estonian Church), Tartu.

Logos (Word), Tallinn.

Teekâija (Pilgrim), Tallinn.

Valgus (Light), Tallinn.

6. Personal Interviews

Rips, Udo. Elder of the Tartu Calvary Baptist Church. Personal interview, Notes. Tartu, November 8, 1995.

V6su. Peeter. Director of YWAM (Youth With A Mission) Estonia. Personal interview. An introduction of Estonia given to the crew of MN LOGOS (a ship of OM), Tdlim, May 3 1, 1995. TEST TARGET (QA-3)

APPLIEO - IMGE. lnc -= 1653 East Main Street , -. Rochester. NY 14609 USA I - ---- Phone: 71 6J482-0300 ------Fa: 7161288-5989

O 1993, Applied Image. tnc.. All Rights Resenred