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"Centrale Idéologique" Et Relations Avec Le RN. Où Vont Les Identitaires ?
"Centrale idéologique" et relations avec le RN. Où vont les https://www.contretemps.eu identitaires ? redaction Sûrement confortés par leur relaxe en appel le 16 décembre dernier, les militant-e-s de Génération Identitaire (GI) réitèrent leur opération de communication anti-réfugiés en montage. C’est cette fois dans les Pyrénées que le groupuscule d’extrême droite a décidé de jouer les supplétifs de la PAF (police de l’air et des frontières) devant les caméras et armé de sa tristement célèbre doudoune bleue. Si GI est bien loin de pouvoir mettre son programme en pratique, cette action illustre son orientation politique. Une opposition totale à la solidarité et à l’accueil des réfugiés qui reposent sur un racisme viscéral, doublée d’une assimilation de l’immigration au terrorisme. Cette action montre aussi que GI ne compte pas seulement sur l’État pour mettre en place son programme mais souhaiterait le faire par une intervention militante dont elle n’a, aujourd’hui, pas les moyens. Cet article, écrit la Commission nationale antifasciste du Nouveau parti anticapitaliste (NPA), revient sur les spécificités de GI car il importe, pour mieux les combattre, de mieux les comprendre *** En fin de matinée du 29 octobre 2020, après un nouvel attentat au couteau à Nice, les médias annoncent une seconde attaque à Avignon. Le RN s’est, dans un premier temps, empressé de dénoncer un nouvel attentat islamiste, à l’unisson des premiers messages sur les réseaux sociaux. Très vite, d’après plusieurs médias, dont Libération et Médiapart, l’assaillant semble être proche, voire militant du groupuscule d’extrême droite Génération Identitaire (GI) dont il porte un modèle de veste. -
Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
The Changing Face of American White Supremacy Our Mission: to Stop the Defamation of the Jewish People and to Secure Justice and Fair Treatment for All
A report from the Center on Extremism 09 18 New Hate and Old: The Changing Face of American White Supremacy Our Mission: To stop the defamation of the Jewish people and to secure justice and fair treatment for all. ABOUT T H E CENTER ON EXTREMISM The ADL Center on Extremism (COE) is one of the world’s foremost authorities ADL (Anti-Defamation on extremism, terrorism, anti-Semitism and all forms of hate. For decades, League) fights anti-Semitism COE’s staff of seasoned investigators, analysts and researchers have tracked and promotes justice for all. extremist activity and hate in the U.S. and abroad – online and on the ground. The staff, which represent a combined total of substantially more than 100 Join ADL to give a voice to years of experience in this arena, routinely assist law enforcement with those without one and to extremist-related investigations, provide tech companies with critical data protect our civil rights. and expertise, and respond to wide-ranging media requests. Learn more: adl.org As ADL’s research and investigative arm, COE is a clearinghouse of real-time information about extremism and hate of all types. COE staff regularly serve as expert witnesses, provide congressional testimony and speak to national and international conference audiences about the threats posed by extremism and anti-Semitism. You can find the full complement of COE’s research and publications at ADL.org. Cover: White supremacists exchange insults with counter-protesters as they attempt to guard the entrance to Emancipation Park during the ‘Unite the Right’ rally August 12, 2017 in Charlottesville, Virginia. -
The Global New Right and the Flemish Identitarian Movement Schild & Vrienden a Case Study
Paper The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden A case study by Ico Maly© (Tilburg University) [email protected] December 2018 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/4.0/ The global New Right and the Flemish identitarian movement Schild & Vrienden. A case study. Ico Maly Abstract: This paper argues that nationalism, and nationalistic activism in particular are being globalized. At least certain fringes of radical nationalist activists are organized as ‘cellular systems’ connected and mobilize-able on a global scale giving birth to what I call ‘global nationalistic activism’. Given this change in nationalist activism, I claim that we should abandon all ‘methodological nationalism’. Methodological nationalism fails in arriving at a thorough understanding of the impact, scale and mobilization power (Tilly, 1974) of contemorary ‘national(istic)’ political activism. Even more, it inevitably will contribute to the naturalization or in emic terms the meta-political goals of global nationalist activists. The paradox is of course evident: global nationalism uses the scale- advantages, network effects and the benefits of cellular structures to fight for the (re)construction of the old 19th century vertebrate system par excellence: the (blood and soil) nation. Nevertheless, this, I will show, is an indisputable empirical reality: the many local nationalistic battles are more and more embedded in globally operating digital infrastructures mobilizing militants from all corners of the world for nationalist causes at home. Nationalist activism in the 21st century, so goes my argument, has important global dimensions which are easily repatriated for national use. -
Bulk Catalogue July 2017
BULK CATALOGUE JULY 2017 YOU ARE RECEIVING THIS CATALOGUE FOR BEING EITHER A BULK CUSTOMER OR FREQUENT REVIEWER OF OUR PUBLICATIONS. From the Editor ecently, I have had the pleasure and European genealogy and global destiny of R good fortune of editing two manu- our Faustian anti-globalist movement, and scripts that are particularly noteworthy. also owe a profound debt to the thought of These are Alexander Dugin’s The Rise of Martin Heidegger (as I do), that drew me the Fourth Political Theory, and the first to Arktos in the first place. volume of the long-awaited English trans- Although I am inundated with manu- lation of Alain de Benoist’s magnum opus, scripts to review (most of which I have View from the Right. Dugin’s book, which had to reject despite their relatively high is the second volume of his The Fourth quality), it has also been possible to find Political Theory, was fascinating to me the time to work on my own second book, insofar as he draws on the metaphysics of which is now nearing completion. It con- the Medieval Iranian philosopher, Shahab cerns the sociopolitical implications of al-din Suhrawardi in order to develop convergent advancements in technology his geopolitical concept of an ‘Oriental’ that fundamentally call into question hu- Eurasia that is a radiantly solar point of man existence and represent an apocalyp- orientation opposed to the twilight of the tic rupture in world history. If Prometheus Atlanticist world with its nihilist historical and Atlas was the intellectual equivalent trajectory. I also found it noteworthy that of an atomic bomb, this book is the death Benoist’s encyclopedic study of European star. -
Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers
ILLIBERALISM STUDIES PROGRAM WORKING PAPERS M A Y 2 0 2 1 An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement M A R I O N J A C Q U E T - V A I L L A N T An Identitarian Europe? Successes and Limits of the Diffusion of the French Identitarian Movement Marion Jacquet-Vaillant Illiberalism Studies Program Working Papers no. 7 May 2021 Photo Cover: “Generation-identitaire” by Pulek1 licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0 ©IERES2021 The Identitarian Movement (IM) was born in France in 2002-2003, founded by Fabrice Robert, Guillaume Luyt, and Philippe Vardon in the weeks following the dissolution of the far-right group Unité radicale. Over the past 19 years, several associations have been involved in the French IM: Les Identitaires (LI) and the Bloc Identitaire (BI) have alternated as the “adult” organizations, while Les Jeunesses Identitaires (JI), Une Autre Jeunesse (UAJ), and Génération Identitaire (GI) have successively embodied its “youth” branch. Génération Identitaire (GI), founded in 2012, progressively became the figurehead of the IM before being administratively dissolved by the French government in March 2021. Since then, activists have been barred from carrying out any action in the name of Génération Identitaire. If the decision has not affected Les Identitaires or local associations (such as the Identitarian bars or cultural associations), it has thrown into jeopardy the GI brand they have successfully diffused throughout Europe. The French Identitarian movement1 claims an attachment to a certain civilizational identity linked to the European continent. In addition to structuring their movement into local chapters, each of which is responsible for the defense and promotion of local identities, the activists strive to embody this common European identity at the European level.2 They have, it seems, succeeded in doing so: since its creation, the French Identitarian movement has effectively maintained links with counterparts in Europe. -
The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. The Radical Roots of the Alt-Right Josh Vandiver Ball State University Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH The radical political movement known as the Alt-Right Revolution, and Evolian Traditionalism – for an is, without question, a twenty-first century American audience. phenomenon.1 As the hipster-esque ‘alt’ prefix 3. A refined and intensified gender politics, a suggests, the movement aspires to offer a youthful form of ‘ultra-masculinism.’ alternative to conservatism or the Establishment Right, a clean break and a fresh start for the new century and .2 the Millennial and ‘Z’ generations While the first has long been a feature of American political life (albeit a highly marginal one), and the second has been paralleled elsewhere on the Unlike earlier radical right movements, the Alt-Right transnational right, together the three make for an operates natively within the political medium of late unusual fusion. modernity – cyberspace – because it emerged within that medium and has been continuously shaped by its ongoing development. This operational innovation will Seminal Alt-Right figures, such as Andrew Anglin,4 continue to have far-reaching and unpredictable Richard Spencer,5 and Greg Johnson,6 have been active effects, but researchers should take care to precisely for less than a decade. While none has continuously delineate the Alt-Right’s broader uniqueness. designated the movement as ‘Alt-Right’ (including Investigating the Alt-Right’s incipient ideology – the Spencer, who coined the term), each has consistently ferment of political discourses, images, and ideas with returned to it as demarcating the ideological territory which it seeks to define itself – one finds numerous they share. -
Anti-Semitism in Greece
HONORARY CHAIRMAN ADVISORY BOARD (CHAIR) PRESIDENT Yuri Orlov Karl von Schwarzenberg Ludmilla Alexeyeva EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE VICE PRESIDENT Aaron Rhodes Sonja Biserko Ulrich Fischer Holly Cartner DEPUTY EXECUTIVE DIR ECTOR Bjørn Engesland TREASURER Brigitte Dufour Krassimir Kanev Stein -Ivar Aarsæther Andrzej Rzeplinski Wickenburggasse 14/7, A -1080 Vienna, Austria; Tel +43 -1-408 88 22; Fax 408 88 22-50 e-mail: office@ihf -hr.org – internet: http://www.ihf-hr.org Bank account: Bank Austria Creditanstalt 0221-00283/00, BLZ 12 000 Anti-Semitism in Greece: Recent Developments PC.DEL/605/03 Report by International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights and 19 June 2003 Greek Helsinki Monitor June 16, 2003 ENGLISH only Much of the information contained in this report, in addition to further examples can be found in the Greek Helsinki Monitor/Minority Rights Group Greece November 2002 report, Anti- Semitism in Greece a Current Picture: 2001-2002 , available on the internet.1 Anti-Semitic expressions in Greece continue to stem from two central misconceptions: a perceived threat to the traditional, Orthodox Greek culture and the direct link between Greek Jewry and Israeli policy in the Middle East. In the absence of strong criticism, selected clergy, journalists, and politicians have brought their extreme views into mainstream discussion, the effect of which seeds anti-Semitic views within the larger Greek population. Manifestation of anti-Semitism in Reporting and Commentary on the Middle East Crisis Anti-Israeli sentiment regarding the ongoing Israeli/Palestinian conflict and perceived threats to the Greek Orthodox Christian culture, continue to fuel the majority of anti-Semitic comments and incidents reported in the Greek media. -
The 'European New Right': Defining and Defending Europe's Heritage
The ‘European New Right’: Defining and Defending Europe’s Heritage An Interview with Alain de Benoist By Ian B. Warren In the following essay and interview, Professor Warren takes a close look at the “European New Right,” a cultural-intellectual movement that offers not only an unconventional view of the past, but a challenging perspective on the present and future. This piece admittedly represents a departure from the Journal’s usual content and tone. All the same, we hope and trust that readers will appreciate this look at an influential movement that not only revives an often neglected European intellectual-cultural tradition, but which also — as French writer Alain de Benoist explains here — seeks to chart Europe’s course into the 21st century. — The Editor (IHR) During the postwar era — approximately 1945-1990 — European intellectual life was dominated by Marxists (most of them admirers of the Soviet experiment), and by supporters of a liberal-democratic society modeled largely on the United States. Aside from important differences, each group shared common notions about the desirability and ultimate inevitability of a universal ―one world‖ democratic order, into which individual cultures and nations would eventually be absorbed. Not all European thinkers accepted this vision, though. Since the late 1960s, a relatively small but intense circle of youthful scholars, intellectuals, political theorists, activists, professors, and even a few elected parliamentarians, has been striving — quietly, but with steadily growing influence — to chart a future for Europe that rejects the universalism and egalitarianism of both the Soviet Marxist and American capitalist models. This intellectual movement is known — not entirely accurately — as the European New Right, or Nouvelle Droite. -
Rechtsextreme Ideologien Rhetorische Textanalysen Als Weg Zur Erschließung Rechtsradikalen Und Rechtsextremistischen Schriftmaterials
RolfBachem Rechtsextreme Ideologien Rhetorische Textanalysen als Weg zur Erschließung rechtsradikalen und rechtsextremistischen Schriftmaterials 44 Rech ts extreme Ideologien Rhetorische Textanalysen BKA Redaktion: Heinrich Schielke Bundeskriminalamt Kriminalistisches Institut ISSN 0174-5433 Nachdruck und Vervielfaltigung, auch auszugsweise, nur mit Quellenangabe und mit Genehmigung des 13undeskriminalamts Gesamtherstellung: DruckVerlag Kettler GmbH, Bönen Rolf Bachern Rechtsextreme Ideologien Rhetorische Textanalysen als Weg zur Erschließung rechtsradikalen und rechtsextremistischen Schriftmaterials Bundeskrirninalarnt Wiesbaden 1999 BKA - Forschungsreihe herausgegeben vom Bundeskriminalamt Kriminalistisches Institut Band 44 Beirat: Prot. Dr. Hans-Jürgen Kerner Direktor des Instituts für Kriminologie der Universität Tübingen Wolfgang Sielatt Leiter des Landeskriminalamts Hamburg Prof. Dr. Dr. h. c. mulf. Klaus Tieäemann Direktor des Instituts für Kriminologie und Wirtschaftsstrafrecht der Universität Freiburg i. Sr. Klaus Jürgen Timm Direktor des Hessischen Landeskriminalarnts Vorwort Rechtsextremisten verbreiten ihre Ideologie nicht mehr nur mit traditionellen Mitteln wie Plakaten, Flugblättern, Aufklebern, Broschüren und Büchern. Die modeme Informationstechnologie hat ihnen eine Vielzahl neuer Möglichkeiten eröffnet. Massenhaft werden zum Beispiel Tonträger mit rassistischen Inhalten (vorwiegend im Ausland) produziert und verbreitet, Mailboxen oder das Internet für Propaganda, Agitation, den Austausch von Nachrichten und zur Verabredung -
WP022 Alain De Benoist's Anti-Political Philosophy Beyond
Working Paper Series Papers available in the Working Paper Series are works in progress. Please do not cite without permission. Any comments should be addressed directly to the author Reference WP022 Title Alain de Benoist’s anti-political philosophy beyond Left and Right: Non-emancipatory responses to globalisation and crisis Author Raphael Schlembach Email: [email protected] 2 Raphael Schlembach (Liverpool Hope University) Alain de Benoist’s anti-political philosophy beyond Left and Right: Non-emancipatory responses to globalisation and crisis Key Words – anti-politics, economic crisis, globalisation, populism, neo-fascism Abstract The purpose of this paper is to analyse and critique non-emancipatory and anti-political forms of opposition to globalisation and to the current Eurozone management of the global financial crisis. It will question, amongst other themes, critiques of globalisation that present themselves as mere critiques of capitalist excess or capital’s ‘transnational’ form. This opens up the problem of the national/global antinomy as well as of responses that contain a nationalist or traditionalist element. The paper draws primarily on a critical discussion of the work of ‘European New Right’ philosopher Alain de Benoist. In de Benoist’s writings it detects an anti-political rejection of the political divide between left and right, which aligns it with contemporary neo-fascist opposition to the Eurozone crisis. The paper will reflect upon this alignment through a discussion of Marxist critical theory, putting forward the argument that capitalist processes must be understood as non-personal domination rather than as a system of individual greed or wilful exploitation. This should also open up the possibility to re-evaluate some of the recent progressive, yet largely populist, movement mobilisations directed at the crisis. -
A Propos De L'extrême Droite À Charlottesville, Des Bateaux En Méditerranée Et Des Réfugié-Es
Le 17 août 2017 A propos de l’extrême droite à Charlottesville, des bateaux en Méditerranée et des réfugié-es A Charlottesville comme en Méditerranée, l’extrême droite tue À Charlottesville (Virginie), samedi 12 août, Heather Heyer, militante antiraciste, est morte, écrasée par un assassin néo-nazi, en manifestant contre le rassemblement “Unite The Right” organisé par l’extrême droite qui voulait honorer la mémoire d’un esclavagiste, le général Lee. Ce meurtre d’aujourd’hui n’est pas isolé, c’est le dernier d’une longue liste d’agressions et crimes fascistes aux Etats unis (cf le communiqué des IWW du 13 aout), comme dans le reste du monde et notamment en Europe (France, Grèce, Espagne). Ce meurtre a suscité l’indignation quasi-générale, comme en France où même le FN, en quête de respectabilité, a été obligé de prendre ses distances avec le président Trump qui renvoie dos à dos néo-nazis et militant-es antiracistes, après en avoir fait un modèle. Mais au-delà de ces condamnations morales de ce qui s’est passé « outre Atlantique » et qui serait « incompréhensible vu d’ici », quelques médias français ont montré que des drapeaux de Génération identitaire étaient présents lors du rassemblement raciste de Charlottesville (ici)… Ce sont ces mêmes drapeaux que l’on voit sur les vidéos de propagande de « Defend Europ », l’opération menée par quelques fascistes européens pour empêcher les associations humanitaires de sauver des vies humaines en Méditerranée en portant secours à celles et ceux qui se noient en essayant de rejoindre les rives de l’Europe.