Living Politically in Two Civilizations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Living Politically in Two Civilizations Living Politically in Two Civilizations The Politics and Political Culture ofAmerican jews, by Arthur A. Goren (Indiana University Press, 1999), 274 pages hat was the significance Goren in his recently published an- of the mass funeral held thology, The Politics and Political for the beloved Yiddish Culture ofArnericanjews. Each of the writer, Sholom Aleichem, in 1916? essays in this rich collection explores What role did the Yiddish news- a discrete topic in American Jewish paper, the Morgen Zhurnal, and its history, spanning the period from the publisher, Jacob Saphirstein, play in turn of the twentieth century through Republican politics at the turn of the the 1970's. Yet all of them relate in century? some way to the overall theme of Jew- What can the congressional cam- ish political activity, both within Jew- paigns of Morris Hillquit and Meyer ish communal circles and in the London (in 1908 and 1910, respec- larger American context. tively) tell us about the ethnic and political loyalties of East European Collective Identity immigrant Jews? How did American Zionists make On a more fundamental level, the use of the image of the "halutz" (Jew- author is concerned with American ish pioneer in Palestine) to advance Jews' efforts to formulate and project their cause? a sense of collective identity which What did the planners of the 1954 ensures both complete integration Tercentenary Celebration (marking into American society and Jewish 300 years of Jewish presence in continuity. American Jkwish leaders, America) hope to prove to themselves he notes, have long strugled with and others? these issues. In his landmark 1907 These are among the thought pro- address, entitled "The Problem of voking questions raised by Arthur Judaism in America," Dr. Israel Fried- Reena Sigman Friedman is Associate Professor of Modern Jewish Civilization at the Reconstructionist Rabbinical College. 60 Fall2000 The Reconstructionist laender, Professor of Bible at the Jew- the early clashes between their two ish Theological Seminary of America, leadership and constituencies. The articulated the anxieties many felt author, however, delves more deeply about Jews' abilities to balance par- to examine the backgrounds and ticipation in American life with re- motivations of major players such as taining group ties and fulfilling their Louis Marshall and Stephen Wise, responsibilities to world Jewry. enabling the reader to better under- In essence, this is a book about stand the public positions that they how American Jews have dealt with took. the challenges and rewards of "living Similarly, most accounts of the in two civilizations," to borrow early. years. of the American Jewish Mordecai Kaplan's phrase. As Goren Joint Distribution Committee em- explains, it is a complex process: phasize the organization's ability to bring together individuals from many The twin desires for ethnic sur- different sectors of the community in vival and personal acceptance a common relief effort. Goren dem- into American society were onstrates that, though the JDC's mis- rarely posed as an either-or sion was ultimately successful, quite choice. Much of Jewish commu- a few tensions lay beneath the sur- nal thought was directed toward face. formulating strategies and pro- grams to mitigate tensions Zionism through compromise and ac- commodation, or by redefining In his chapters on Zionism, Goren the group's Jewish identity and also illuminates important, though the character of American na- less well known, aspects of a much tionality. (p. 14) discussed topic. While we know that there were many different factions Some of the essays discuss well within American Zionism, most known episodes in American Jewish scholars have emphasized the work of history, such as the establishment of political Zionists and the movement's major communal organizations or the early organizational challenges, rather contributions of famous Jewish labor than ideological differences among its leaders. Yet even when the subject leaders. Goren evaluates the impact matter is familiar, Goren supplies ad- of cultural or spiritual Zionists within ditional information, offers fresh per- the American Jewish community, fo- spectives or provides a more complex cusing on four individuals: Israel analysis. Friedlaender, Judah Magnes, Morde- For example, much has been writ- cai Kaplan and Louis Finkelstein. ten about the founding of the Ameri- In assessing the responses of the can Jewish Committee and the first two leaders to the Balfour Dec- American Jewish Congress, as well as laration in November 1917, and the The Reconstructionist Fa112000 61 last two to the passage of the Biltmore (1916); and Jewish labor leaders, Program in May 1942, the author dis- Meyer London (1926), Morris cusses the reservations they expressed Hillquit (1933) and Baruch Vladeck about the goal of Jewish political sov- (1938). ereignty in Palestine. Once the post- Goren views the funerals as "pub- war need for a haven for Jewish refu- lic pageants" which variously blended gees became clear, Kaplan and traditional Jewish mourning rituals, Finkelstein certainly supported the East European customs honoring de- creation of the state. However, the parted leaders, socialist ceremonial earlier arguments of cultural Zionists and American organizational tech- - that such objectives were unattain- niques. The funerals were occasions able under existing conditions, devi- for communal bonding, when ated from the true goals of Zionism mourners rededicated themselves to (i.e. the cultural renaissance of the the ideals represented by the de- Jewish people) and might exacerbate ceased, affirmed their collective iden- international tensions - constituted tity and projected carefully crafted an important critique of mainstream self images to the larger society. Along political Zionism. with rallies, parades and other mass In addition, these Zionist spokes- demonstrations, the funerals helped men emphasized the importance of to create a domain of "Jewish public the American Jewish community, as culture," in Goren's words. well as the positive cultural influence The treatment of the funeral of which Israel would have on Jewish life Rabbi Jacob Joseph is an example of in this country. Goren's ability to view familiar events through a new lens. Several histori- Public Pageants ans have discussed the ill-fated career of Rabbi Joseph, who was brought to In other cases, the author examines the United States in 1888 in a vain more obscure events, those not dis- attempt by Orthodox leaders to es- cussed in other surveys or mentioned tablish a Chief Rabbinate in the only in passing, and reflects on their United States. Existing accounts of broader significance. One particularly the 1902 funeral have focused either interesting chapter explores the phe- on the fact that Rabbi Joseph died in nomenon of public Jewish funerals in poverty or on the Irish-Jewish riots the early twentieth century. The au- which erupted during his funeral pro- thor provides detailed descriptions of cession. In contrast, Goren is more funeral rites organized for such well interested in the ways in which East known figures as Kasriel Sarasohn, European Jewish immigrants trans- Orthodox leader and publisher of the planted Old World burial rituals for Yiddishe Egeblat (1905); the Yiddish great scholars to the U.S. as a means playwright, Jacob Gordin (1909); the of strengthening communal solidar- famous writer, Sholom Aleichem ity in their new land. 62 Fa11 2000 The Reconstructionist Post-War Decades sented a segment of the immigrant Jewish community that was conser- Much has been written about vative, non-ideological, politically American Jewry in the postwar de- sawy and rather parochial in its in- cades, including the phenomenon of terests. Such a picture contrasts suburbanization, Jews and liberal sharply with the usual image that we politics, communal policy regarding have of the socialist minded, cosmo- Israel, Jews and the Left and Jewish politan, fervently ideological but involvement in the Civil Rights somewhat naive residents of immi- movement. Goren's essay, "Inventing grant ghettos. As the author notes, the New Pluralism," sheds light on a this is a topic that deserves greater little known chapter in the history of scholarly attention. this period: the activities of the American Jewish Committee's Na- The Reconstructionist tional Project on Ethnic America. In an effort to defuse the mounting ra- There is much in this volume of cial tensions of the 1960's, AJC lead- interest to those with connections to ers broadened the scope of their work the Reconstructionist movement. In beyond particularistic Jewish con- addition to the obvious appeal of the cerns to support the interests and book's central themes, several of the preserve the ethnic consciousness of essays touch directly on the role of various urban, white ethnic groups. Mordecai Kaplan as a bold thinker They conducted research, developed and major contributor to American educational materials and worked to Jewish life. In his first chapter, which shape public policy in this area. In deals with various efforts to shape a the process, they helped to forge a definition of American Jewish iden- new, pluralistic vision for America as tity, Goren presents Kaplan's concept a whole. of Judaism as a total civilization. In some instances, Goren's book Moreover, it was Kaplan who charged breaks entirely new ground by chal- planners of the 1954 Tercentenary of lenging commonly held assumptions American Judaism with failure to regarding Jewish life in America. His place American Jewry within the analysis of Jacob Saphirstein and the larger context of Jewish history or to Morgen Zhurnal (the major Ortho- evaluate its relationship with Israel dox Yiddish daily newspaper at the and other Jewish communities turn of the twentieth century) is a around the world. As noted above, case in point. The essay "The Con- the questions raised by Kaplan, the servative Politics of the Orthodox spiritual or cultural Zionist, regard- Press" highlights Saphirstein's loyal ing the potential dangers of "stat- support for the Republican Party on ism," as well as the ultimate goals of both the local and national levels.
Recommended publications
  • SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT in PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M
    \\jciprod01\productn\N\NVJ\14-2\NVJ208.txt unknown Seq: 1 30-APR-14 10:47 SEWER SYNDICALISM: WORKER SELF- MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC SERVICES Eric M. Fink* Staat ist ein Verh¨altnis, ist eine Beziehung zwischen den Menschen, ist eine Art, wie die Menschen sich zu einander verhalten; und man zerst¨ort ihn, indem man andere Beziehungen eingeht, indem man sich anders zu einander verh¨alt.1 I. INTRODUCTION In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, municipal govern- ments in various US cities assumed responsibility for utilities and other ser- vices that previously had been privately operated. In the late twentieth century, prompted by fiscal crisis and encouraged by neo-liberal ideology, governments embraced the concept of “privatization,” shifting management and control over public services2 to private entities. Despite disagreements over the merits of privatization, both proponents and opponents accept the premise of a fundamental distinction between the “public” and “private” sectors, and between “state” and “market” institutions. A more skeptical view questions the analytical soundness and practical signifi- cance of these dichotomies. In this view, “privatization” is best understood as a rhetorical strategy, part of a broader neo-liberal ideology that relies on putative antinomies of “public” v. “private” and “state” v. “market” to obscure and rein- force social and economic power relations. While “privatization” may be an ideological definition of the situation, for public service workers the difference between employment in the “public” and “private” sectors can be real in its consequences3 for job security, compensa- * Associate Professor of Law, Elon University School of Law, Greensboro, North Carolina.
    [Show full text]
  • Labour and the Left in America a Review Essay Bruno Ramirez
    Document généré le 2 oct. 2021 20:10 Labour/Le Travailleur Labour and the Left in America A Review Essay Bruno Ramirez Volume 7, 1981 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt7re03 Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (imprimé) 1911-4842 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer ce compte rendu Ramirez, B. (1981). Compte rendu de [Labour and the Left in America: A Review Essay]. Labour/Le Travailleur, 7, 165–173. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 1981 Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ Labour and the Left in America: A Review Essay Bruno Ramirez Milton Cantor, The Divided Left: American Radicalism, 1900-1975 (New York: Hill and Wang 1978). Glen Sere tan, Daniel De Leon: The Odyssey of an American Marxist (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press 1979). Bernard J. Brommel, Eugene V. Debs, Spokesman for Labor and Socialism (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr 1978). Norma Fain Pratt, Morris Hillquit: A Political History of an American Jewish Socialist (Westport, Ct.: Greenwood Press 1979). Carl and Ann Barton Reeve, James Connolly and the United States (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press 1978).
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialists of Reading, Pennsylvania and World War I-A Question of Loyaltl
    THE SOCIALISTS OF READING, PENNSYLVANIA AND WORLD WAR I-A QUESTION OF LOYALTL By KENNETH E. HENDRICKSON, JR.* O NE of the most controversial issues among students of Amer- ican radicalism is that of the impact of World War I cm the Socialist Party. On the one hand Professor Daniel Bell argues that the party by opposing the war in 1917, embraced a "policy of adventurism" and thereby isolated itself from the mainstream of American political life.' On the other hand James Weinstein attempts to convince us that the anti-war posture of the SPA was relatively popular and that it was not until 1918 that the party buckled under the twin pressures of internal discord and repression.2 There is impressive evidence to be cited in behalf of the Wein- stein thesis. Most significant is the fact that the party was as strong-if not stronger-by the end of 1917 as it had been at the beginning of the year.' During that year-a time of anti- social raids and repression as well as unofficial persecution-party membership declined only slightly while in many areas of such states as Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, New Jersey, Maryland, New York and Pennsylvania, the Socialist vote actually increased. This would hardly bear out the Bell thesis that the party was in a state of collapse. One measure of Socialist strength early in the war may be found in a study of the municipal elections of 1917. In many im- portant industrial cities such as Dayton, Buffalo, Baltimore, Cleve- land, Cincinnati, and Rochester, the Socialists made astonishing *The author is an Associate Professor of History at Shippensburg State College.
    [Show full text]
  • The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21
    chapter 1 The Formation of the Communist Party, 1912–21 The Bolsheviks envisioned the October Revolution as the first in a series of pro- letarian revolutions. The Communist or Third International was to be a new, revolutionary international born from the wreckage of the social-democratic Second International. They sought to forge this international with what they saw as the best elements of the international working-class movement, those that had not betrayed socialism by supporting the war. The Comintern was to be a complete and definite break with the social-democratic politics of the Second International. In the face of the support of World War I by many labour and social-democratic leaders, significant sections of the workers’ movement rallied to the Bolsheviks.1 This was most pronounced in Italy and France, but in the United States as well the first Bolshevik supporters came from the left wing of the labour movement. In much of Europe, the social-democratic leaders either openly supported the militarism and imperialism of their ‘own’ ruling classes (such as when the German Social Democratic representatives voted for war credits on 4 August 1914) or (in the case of Karl Kautsky) provided ‘left’ cover to open social-chauvinists. In the United States, which entered the war late in the day, the party leadership as a whole opposed the war. However, the American socialist movement was still infected with electoral reformism, and a signifi- cant number of influential Socialists downplayed the party’s official opposi- tion to the war. This chapter examines how the American Communist movement devel- oped out of these antecedents.
    [Show full text]
  • YIDDISH SPEAKING SOCIALISTS of the LOWER EAST SIDE —Edward Sanders—
    YIDDISH SPEAKING SOCIALISTS OF THE LOWER EAST SIDE —Edward Sanders— In di Gasn Tsu di Masn —into the streets! to the Masses! They came when the Czar banned the Yiddish theater in 1882 They came when the iron-tipped Cossack’s whip flicked in the face of their mother They came when their parents were cheated out of their farms in Vilna They came to escape the peasants at Easter, hacking with scythes and knives They came when the Revolution of 1905 was crushed They came when the soldiers broke up their socialist presses in Crakow They fled from Siberia, dungeons and work camps, for printing leaflets and fliers— pamphlets and poems and leaflets and fliers to spread in the workshops spread in the streets spread in the factories in the spirit the era had spawned the spirit the era had spawned “In di gasn tsu di masn Into the streets to the masses” They came to Antwerp and then to London and then to Ludlow Street to make a New World inside a New World at century’s turn— The Yiddish speaking socialists of the Lower East Side Some remembered with pangs and tears the beautiful rural life wrested away Mushroom hunting in the dampened woods Bundles of grain in the carts Market day in the shtetl Some strained their eyes for the gold-paved streets of the West just to be greeted by one of those “incomprehensible economic collapses” that New York gives to its poor The East Side had been slums since the overcrowdings after the War of 1812— but the tenement rents of 1903 were higher than nearby “better” places 2/3’s of them owned by speculators getting
    [Show full text]
  • The Socialist Party
    Social Democratic Herald: Indianapolis Convention Effects Unity [Aug. 17, 1901] 1 The Socialist Party: Indianapolis Convention Effects Union of All Parties Represented in Response to Call of the Social Democratic Party: State Autonomy Guaranteed: Immediate Demands Adopted After Prolonged Debate — Headquarters Located in St. Louis — The New Constitution. Unsigned report published in the Social Democratic Herald [Milwaukee], v. 4, no. 7, whole no. “159” (Aug. 17, 1901), pp. 2-3. † The Socialists of the United States in conven- This controlling passion of the assemblage was tion at Indianapolis added an important chapter to unmistakably evident as early as the first meeting of the history of the movement, and gave, as we firmly the Credentials Committee, when the members of that believe, a new impetus to Socialism in this country. In committee representing the Chicago wing tendered the response to the call adopted by the January [1901] records of National Secretary Theodore Debs to prove convention of the Social Democratic Party with head- the validity of the claimed representation under the quarters in Chicago, over 130 delegates representing provisions of the call. The Springfield wing had no the two main wings and four independent state and books; the [Chcago] delegates were willing to accept territorial organizations assembled in Masonic Temple, the word of the comrades on the other side without Indianapolis, at 10 o’clock in the morning of July 29, inspecting books and the representation they claimed and during their deliberations extending through 4 was allowed. days and 3 nights, disposed of the vexed question of unity. It was the largest national convention of Social- Called to Order.
    [Show full text]
  • Juliet Flesch
    Materials for Jewish History at the University of Melbourne Library A paper for the Australian Association for Jewish Studies Annual Conference 1994 by Juliet Flesch This paper is dedicated to the memory of Dr John Foster, Collection Management who did so much for Jewish Studies at the University of Librarian Melbourne Introduction The language options available cover there are two problems for both Hebrew, Syriac-Aramaic and Akkadian undergraduate and graduate research in Jewish Studies at Melbourne The literature options cover various this country. One is a language difficulty. University has a long history. Its original aspects of modern Jewish literature Many students, including advanced ones, home was the Department of Semitic including, as part of the Honours year, do not have any real facility in the Studies, which has changed its name The Literature of Destruction: Jewish languages of Western Europe and many several times over the years becoming Responses to Catastrophe. have considerable difficulty in dealing with primary source material in Polish, successively the Department of Middle The historical components of the German, Yiddish, etc. Eastern Studies and the Department of program cover ancient Palestine and Classical and Near Eastern Studies to, in ancient Egypt as well as Bronze Age The second problem of accessibility 1994, the Department of Classics and Syria and Palestine, Christians and Jews is that of Australia's geographical Archaeology. in medieval Europe and modern Jewish location. Not only are we a long way The disappearance of the Near East, history from the 18th century to the from each other (and students really or specific reference to Jewish studies Holocaust and Jews in the English- cannot easily travel between capital cities from the Department's name, belies a speaking world.
    [Show full text]
  • 294 I T DIDN't HAPPEN HERE Socialist Movements, Left Came to Mean Greater Emphasis on Communitarianism and Equality, on the State As an Instrument of Reform
    294 I T DIDN'T HAPPEN HERE socialist movements, left came to mean greater emphasis on communitarianism and equality, on the state as an instrument of reform. The right, linked to defensive establishments, has, particularly since World War II, been identified with opposition to government intervention. The rise of Green parties in Western Europe is merely one indication that the contest between these two orientations has not ended. The United States, without a viable Green party, appears as different from Western Europe as ever. NOTES 1. An Exceptional Nation 1. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, vol. 2 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948), pp. 36-37; Engels to Weydemeyer, August 7, 1851, in Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Letters to Americans, 1848-1895 (New York: International Publishers, 1953), pp. 25-26. For evidence of the continued validity and applicabili- ty of the concept see Seymour Martin Lipset, American Exceptionalism: A Double- Edged Sword (New York: W. W. Norton, 1996), esp., pp. 32-35, 77-109. On American cultural exceptionalism, see Deborah L. Madsen, American Exceptionalism (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1998). 2. See Seymour Martin Lipset, "Why No Socialism in the United States?" in S. Bailer and S. Sluzar, eds., Sources of Contemporary Radicalism, I (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977), pp. 64-66, 105-108. See also Theodore Draper, The Roots of American Communism (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1989), pp. 247-248, 256-266; Draper, American Communism and Soviet Russia: The Formative Period (New York: Viking Press, 1960), pp. 269-272, 284. 3. Richard Flacks, Making History: The Radical Tradition in American Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • AMERICAN SOCIALISTS DURING the PROGRESSIVE ERA by THOMAS FREDERICK JORSCH Bachelor of Science Carroll
    MODERNIZED REPUBLICANISM: AMERICAN SOCIALISTS DURING THE PROGRESSIVE ERA By THOMAS FREDERICK JORSCH Bachelor of Science Carroll College Waukesh~ Wisconsin 1993 Master of Arts University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Milwaukee,. Wisconsin 1996 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of the Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May,2004 MODERNIZED REPUBLICANISM: AMERICAN SOCIALISTS DURING THE PROGRESSIVE ERA .. " ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to express gratitude to my dissertation advisor, Dr. Ronald Petrin. Thank you for your guidance, wisdom, and :friendship during this fulfilling, if at times difficult, process. The rest of my dissertation committee, Dr. Laura Belmonte, Dr. Joseph Byrnes, and Dr. Michael Taylor, inspired me to explore ideas and concepts that allowed me to look at old concepts in new ways. I appreciate your teaching and insight as well. Members of the Oklahoma State University faculty and my fellow graduate students contributed to the completion of my dissertation through thoughtful criticism and friendly encouragement. Among the faculty I would like to thank Dr. Ted Agnew, Dr. Matt Bokovoy, Dr. James Huston, Dr. L.G. Moses, Dr. Richard Rohrs, Dr. John Shook, Dr. Michael Willard, and Dr. Elizabeth Williams. All the graduate students provided encouragement in some way, but I want to especially thank Aaron Christensen, Stefanie Decker, Tom Franzmann, Dr. Steve Kite, Dr. Jim Klein, and Dr. Todd Leahy. I also wish to thank my parents and brother for their continued support through my educational journey. I especially want to thank Lisa Guinn for her love, encouragement, and sympathy. You helped me immensely in finishing my dissertation.
    [Show full text]
  • IN THIS ISSUE the Southern California Grocery Strike Kerry Or
    Vol. XXXI, No. 4 Spring 2004 IN THIS ISSUE The Southern California Grocery Strike Kerry or Nader: Avoiding Left Divisiveness Capturing the Middle Way: A View from Britain plus Remembering Mildred Jeffrey Lesson from a Local • Book Reviews The Southern California Grocery Strike By Herbert Shore For twenty weeks, from mid-October 2003 to early porations. As the strike March 2004, sixty thousand grocery workers walked wore on, it became picket lines in Southern California. Up for reneweal clear that the chains were the labor contracts between the United Food and were willing to suffer Commercial Workers’ Union (UFCW) and the three large local losses and major supermarket chains,Vons, Ralphs, and Albertsons. endure a long Management demanded large employee contributions strike/lockout. to health care coverage, reduction in pension benefits, At least in San and a two-tiered system in which new employees would Diego, UFCW was very have lower salaries and benefits than existing employ- concerned with not ees.In brief,unionized supermarket clerking would over alienating customers time be converted from a middle class occupation to a and the general public. “working poor” occupation. The union went on strike Picketers were instruct- only at Vons, but immediately management at the two ed to be polite and non- other chains locked out their employees. confrontational. This Since at least 1978,. relations between UFCW,man- concern was strength- PHOTO COURTESY OF UFCW agement and workers had been quite good and salaries ened in late October when disastrous fires throughout and benefits permitted grocery workers some middle Southern California destroyed thousands of homes.
    [Show full text]
  • ABSTRACTS Hannah Arendt, the Holocaust and Zionism
    ABSTRACTS ABSTRACTS Hannah Arendt, the Holocaust and Zionism: A story of Failure Elhanan Yakira The thinking of Hannah Arendt, nowadays almost universally acknowledged as one of the most important political thinkers of the twentieth century, was determined to a large degree by her Jewish experience. But it is only lately that her work begins to acquire some presence in Israeli intellectual life, more often than not, in a very positive, sometimes almost hagiographic way. However, the synthesis between ‘universal’ political theory and the more particularistic Jewish concerns has not always been very successful in Arendt’s work; as a matter of fact, its real outcome is a failure – an intellectual and moral failure. Despite the great interest of Arendt’s work, it also has some known flaws. One of these, less discussed than the others, is a certain lack of compassion that runs through her entire theoretical work. It becomes fully apparent in her book on the Eichmann trial, where she practically ignores the Holocaust survivors’ testimonies given at the court in Jerusalem. This is one expression of a sort of explosion of the tension between the ‘universal’ and her Jewish ‘particularism’ which happens in this book, and which she referred to later as a cura posterior. This ‘late cure’ can be seen as a renunciation of the particularistic position, and it receives an explicit expression in what amounts to a theoretic – or rather pseudo-theoretic – attempt to prove the illegitimacy of the legal foundations on which Eichmann was brought to trial in Jerusalem. This is an explanation, or excuse, Arendt gave as an answer to her critics; it only makes the moral failure of this book clearer and more explicit.
    [Show full text]
  • A Case of American Exceptionalism: ______
    A case of American exceptionalism: _________________________________________ Why is there no socialist tradition in the United States? Master thesis Constança Soares Correia de Matos MA in Governance, Leadership and Democracy Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. João Carlos Espada Instituto de Estudos Políticos Universidade Católica Portuguesa Lisbon, May 2020 Acknowledgements I would like to thank all of the people who have both direct and indirectly helped me in the past months, during which I was devoted to completing this project. In particular, I must express my deepest gratitude for my supervisor, Professor João Carlos Espada. I thank him for his committed involvement, his sage advice, his disciplined method of working and his ever-present words of encouragement. I feel very humbled to have been your student and to have had the privilege of working closely with you on this project. I would also like to acknowledge the support that I received from the Instituto de Estudos Políticos’ professors, colleagues and staff, who have, in more ways than one, helped me accomplish my goal. Finally, a special recognition goes to my family, who have been beside me every step of the way. A particular word of thanks goes to my mother, whose infinite wisdom has never ceased to surprise me. Thank you for your endless support and for always believing in me. You are my greatest inspiration. 2 Abstract Unlike other major developed nations, the United States has never witnessed the development of a broad socialist-inspired movement, nor have its most prominent socialist party organizations ever achieved electoral success at the national level.
    [Show full text]