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Rape Crises in Rape Cultures: Transnational Dehumanization Within Sexual Assault Response Complexes

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Rape Crises in Rape Cultures: Transnational Dehumanization Within Sexual Assault Response Complexes RAPE CRISES IN RAPE CULTURES: TRANSNATIONAL DEHUMANIZATION WITHIN SEXUAL ASSAULT RESPONSE COMPLEXES by ELIZABETH ELLEN WHALLEY B.A. Ithaca College, 2009 June 1, 2017 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology 2017 The thesis entitled: Rape Crises in Rape Cultures: Transnational Dehumanization within Sexual Assault Response Complexes written by Elizabeth Ellen Whalley has been approved for the Department of Sociology _______________________________________ Dr. Joanne Belknap (chair) _______________________________________ Dr. Rebekah Campbell _______________________________________ Dr. Janet Jacobs _______________________________________ Dr. Amanda Stevenson _______________________________________ Dr. Christina Sue Date _________ The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. IRB protocol #: 15-0161 (Irish Data) and 15-0069 (U.S. Data) -ii- Elizabeth Ellen Whalley, Ph.D. Sociology! RAPE CRISES IN RAPE CULTURES: TRANSNATIONAL DEHUMANIZATION WITHIN SEXUAL ASSAULT RESPONSE COMPLEXES Thesis directed by Dr. Joanne Belknap This dissertation examines the State and cultural responses to sexual assault in two cultures: Ireland and the United States. As two former colonies of the United Kingdom, the U.S. and Ireland exemplify the complicated dynamic between post-colonial religious nationalism and sexual assault response. My data includes ethnographic research conducted over four years at two rape crisis centers (RCCs), including participant observation and sixty interviews with RCC management and advocates. I examine how governmental structures maintain economic control over anti-rape movements, which neutralizes the social threat posed by such activism. In both countries, RCC’s dependence on State complexes promotes a limiting definition of victimization that is dependent on institutional involvement. While previous research has attributed the homogenization of the anti-rape movement to neoliberal ideologies, using a transnational approach I find that gendered nationalism is a more appropriate framework from which to understand formal sexual assault response across cultures. The neoliberal U.S. Sexual Assault Response Complex (SARC) uses gender-neutrality and color-blind views of race within criminal-legal and medicalized models. The Irish welfare-capitalist SARC employs essentialized views of gender and race within an apolitical scheme. When rape is viewed as an individual rather than a gendered social problem, sexual abuse and rape culture proliferates within RCCs, taking nationalist patriarchal forms. Previous research conceptualized RCC institutionalization as a reluctant concession requisite to the continuation of services and the anti-rape movement. I find that centers utilize -iii- rhetoric of intersectionality and inclusiveness without examining the consequences of oppression within their organizational structures. State solutions for sexual assault require involvement with institutions that have been historically oppressive for people of Color, and ignore the legacy of racialized false accusations upon which U.S. nationalism is built. In Ireland, client-centered services function to maintain the cultural boundaries between who is a client to be served and who is not, which perpetuates racial and citizenship status hierarchies while reifying hegemonic constructions of violence. Diversity marginalizes clients and advocates alike, while supporting narratives of perpetration that protect the State. Rather than changing their organizational missions to align with the SARC transformations, both centers maintained their claims to anti- rape movement work. In so doing, the centers occupy the space of a social movement while marginalizing the possibilities for social change. As a result, expansions of State power move beyond surveillance into the prosecution of victims of sexual assault. I propose the development of transnational anti-rape justice models to address the complexity of the eradication of sexual abuse. -iv- DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to the advocates both at home and in Ireland who shared their time, experiences, homes, meals, jokes, laughter, worries, traumas, victories, and visions for a better tomorrow with me. I am confident that there is, indeed, a future without rape- because I have known you. I promise to always keep my eyes on the horizon of that day while driving towards it. …and to the people of Ireland, especially the memory of Eva Davin. Rest in Power, Eva. Thank you for opening your home to me, and showing me what to notice in the country you so loved. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank you to my advisor, Dr. Joanne Belknap, for her guidance, support, love, extensive opportunities, and post-research chile rellenos. So much of my formation as a scholar is because of you. Thank you. I am also so grateful for the hard work of my committee: Dr. Christina Sue, Dr. Janet Jacobs, Dr. Rebecca Campbell, and Dr. Amanda Stevenson. And those not on my committee, but just as formative: Dr. Deepti Misri, Dr. Celeste Montoya, and Dr. Rebecca Plante. Thank you to the Department of British and Irish Studies, the Ogilvy Scholarship, Women and Gender Studies Department, Sociology Department, and the CARTSS committee. To my parents, who always bought me that extra book, encouraged my critical eye, and always- absolutely always- made me feel both smart and loved. I love you both so much. Thank you. To my brother and other family: thanks for riding with me. I’m coming home! Lets go, Spikey! To my queer family- especially LC, Heather, George, Loren, Casey, and Vanessa who brought me coffee, bath salts, and dinners; neck traction, head rubs, dog walks, and alphabetizing so many student quizzes. Thank you for making me feel so held, loved, and understood during this process. Y’all make life feel like the most wonderful, supportive after-school special. This dissertation truly took a village- a wicked gay village. What would Lindsay Christopher do? This dissertation is sponsored by acupuncture. Oh, Jennifer McLemore! Thank you for bringing me down, keeping me grounded, and prodding me with needles. Thank you, Babs. Thank you for your constant reading and re-reading of my drafts. For reassuring every moment. Such a guide. Colleen/Firehawk for her witchcraft. Nnenia, Dani, Jamie, Kim, Elizabeth Bittel: thank you for hearing me, and working with me, and laughing with me. Of course, Beyoncé and the riot grrrl movement, especially Sleater Kinney. To the love of my life, Jacqueline. You have done everything, and stopped at nothing. This is half yours. I love you. I am grateful for you, your draft readings, your encouragement, levity, Kleenex, and many meals. Finally, to all the participants, rape crisis advocates, and victim/survivors both in and out of my study. I hear you, I see you, and I am proud of you. -vi- TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ................................................................. 1 A. Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1 B. Defining Key Concepts ................................................................................................ 4 1. Rape, Sexual Assault, and Sexual Abuse 2. Vocabularies of Victimization 3. Nationalism 4. Feminist Nationalism C. Theoretical Frameworks .............................................................................................. 10 1. Feminist Theory and Sexual Abuse 2. Transnational, Black, and Indigenous Feminist Theories D. Research Goal ............................................................................................................. 16 E. Dissertation Overview ................................................................................................. 19 CHAPTER II: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE……………………………….……... 23 A. Introduction ....……………………………………………………………………… 23 B. Rape Culture ……………………………………………………………………….. 23 1. United States Sexual Assault and Rape Culture 2. Irish Sexual Assault and Rape Culture C. Anti-Rape Social Movements ……………………………………………………… 35 1. United States Feminist Movements 2. Irish Women’s Movements D. Rape Crisis Centers ………………………………………………………………….42 1. United States Rape Crisis Centers 2. Irish Rape Crisis Centers CHAPTER III: THE METHODS ........................................................................................... 51 A. Introduction ............................................................................................................... 51 B. Institutional Ethnography and Feminist Methods …………………………………. 51 1. Institutional Ethnography 2. Feminist Methods 3. Ethnographic Role and Field Site Reflexivity 4. Role Conflict and Sexual Victimization C. The Research Sites …………………………………………….....………………… 65 1. Rape Crisis West Ireland 2. Working to Eliminate Rape and Abuse D. Data Collection & Analysis........................................................................................ 69 1. Rape Crisis Centers as Ethnographic Sites 2. Transnational Method and Ireland -vii- 3. Field Notes/Participant Observation 4. Interviews and Recruitment 5. Data Analysis E. Limitations ................................................................................................................... 83
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