December 2007 in Hong Kong 31.12.2007 / No 48
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Official Record of Proceedings
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 3 November 2010 1399 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Wednesday, 3 November 2010 The Council met at Eleven o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE JASPER TSANG YOK-SING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ALBERT HO CHUN-YAN IR DR THE HONOURABLE RAYMOND HO CHUNG-TAI, S.B.S., S.B.ST.J., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEE CHEUK-YAN DR THE HONOURABLE DAVID LI KWOK-PO, G.B.M., G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE FRED LI WAH-MING, S.B.S., J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE MARGARET NG THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG MAN-KWONG THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-LAM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS SOPHIE LEUNG LAU YAU-FUN, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG DR THE HONOURABLE PHILIP WONG YU-HONG, G.B.S. 1400 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 3 November 2010 THE HONOURABLE WONG YUNG-KAN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU KONG-WAH, J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU WONG-FAT, G.B.M., G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MIRIAM LAU KIN-YEE, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE EMILY LAU WAI-HING, J.P. THE HONOURABLE ANDREW CHENG KAR-FOO THE HONOURABLE TIMOTHY FOK TSUN-TING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TAM YIU-CHUNG, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ABRAHAM SHEK LAI-HIM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LI FUNG-YING, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TOMMY CHEUNG YU-YAN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE FREDERICK FUNG KIN-KEE, S.B.S., J.P. -
The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster
Mainstream or Alternative? The RTHK Coverage of the 2004 Legislative Council Election Compared with the Commercial Broadcaster so Ming Hang A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Philosophy in Government and Public Administration © The Chinese University of Hong Kong June 2005 The Chinese University of Hong Kong holds the copyright of this thesis. Any person(s) intending to use a part or whole of the materials in the thesis in a proposed publication must seek copyright release from the Dean of the Graduate School. 卜二,A館書圆^^ m 18 1 KK j|| Abstract Theoretically, public broadcaster and commercial broadcaster are set up and run by two different mechanisms. Commercial broadcaster, as a proprietary organization, is believed to emphasize on maximizing the profit while the public broadcaster, without commercial considerations, is usually expected to achieve some objectives or goals instead of making profits. Therefore, the contribution by public broadcaster to the society is usually expected to be different from those by commercial broadcaster. However, the public broadcasters are in crisis around the world because of their unclear role in actual practice. Many politicians claim that they cannot find any difference between the public broadcasters and the commercial broadcasters and thus they asserted to cut the budget of public broadcasters or even privatize all public broadcasters. Having this unstable situation of the public broadcasting, the role or performance of the public broadcasters in actual practice has drawn much attention from both policy-makers and scholars. Empirical studies are divergent on whether there is difference between public and commercial broadcaster in actual practice. -
On the Election of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong
- 1 - Viktor Ungemach: On the Election of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong. Head of Government or Lieutenant of Beijing? The election of the Chief Executive held in Hong Kong on March 25, 2007 was the third to take place since the crown colony was returned to the People's Republic of China and transformed into a so-called special administrative region (SAR). Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, the former head of government, emerged victorious with 649 of 796 votes, whereas Alan Leong Kah-kit, his challenger from the pro-democratic camp, obtained only 123 votes. Although his programme hardly differed from that of his opponent, Mr Tsang was favoured from the start in the elections, which were accompanied by a public campaign for the first time. Their opinions differed only on the question of introducing universal suffrage, which was strongly advocated by Mr Leong. Properly speaking, the basic law of Hong Kong provides for the election of the Chief Executive to take place in 2007 and that of the Legislative Council in 2008. However, the realisation of these two projects was later predicated on current developments within the SAR, leaving Beijing sufficient scope for influencing Hong Kong politics. When the People's Republic of China said that Hong Kong's population lacked experience in dealing with democracy, it prompted discontent among that population, causing a record number of 500,000 people in the SAR to take to the streets in 2004 and, moreover, initiating the formation of several political parties that demand democracy. However, as their only common denominator was the call for a swift realisation of universal suffrage, the clout of the pro-democratic camp remained weak. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
RTHK UNDER SIEGE Hong Kong Government Takes on the Public Broadcaster
RTHK UNDER SIEGE Hong Kong Government Takes on the Public Broadcaster 2006 ANNUAL REPORT REPORT OF THE HONG KONG JOURNALISTS ASSOCIATION JULY 2006 Hong Kong Government Takes on the Public Broadcaster: 2006 Annual Report 1 Contents Introduction and recommendations ................................................................................................................2 Section 1 GOVERNMENT TARGETS PUBLIC BROADCASTING ............................5 A chequered history................................................................................6 Beijing thwarts formal independence ....................................................6 Pro-Beijing voices of disapproval ...........................................................7 At last, the review goes forward .............................................................8 So far so good, but where are the critics?...............................................8 RTHK faces pressure on other fronts ....................................................10 Public access becomes an issue.............................................................11 Section 2 PROJECTING A FUTURE FOR RTHK ....................................................12 RTHK’s role...........................................................................................12 RTHK and public...................................................................................12 Programme producer............................................................................12 Public connector...................................................................................13 -
Beijing's Visible Hand
China Perspectives 2012/2 | 2012 Mao Today: A Political Icon for an Age of Prosperity Beijing’s Visible Hand Power struggles and media meddling in the Hong Kong chief executive election Karita Kan Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5896 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5896 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 4 June 2012 Number of pages: 81-84 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Karita Kan, « Beijing’s Visible Hand », China Perspectives [Online], 2012/2 | 2012, Online since 30 June 2012, connection on 15 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/ 5896 © All rights reserved Current affairs China perspectives Beijing’s Visible Hand Power struggles and political interventions in the 2012 Hong Kong chief executive election KARITA KAN ong Kong’s next chief executive was revealed on 25 March 2012, reignited frenzied probes into Tang’s extra-marital affairs and added fuel to when the 1,193-member election committee, made up largely of incriminating remarks about his dishonesty, infidelity, and “emotional fault” Hbusiness leaders, professionals, and influential persons loyal to Bei - (ganqing queshi 感情缺失 ). jing, voted in majority for Leung Chun-ying. Leung defeated his main op - Commentator Willy Lam Wo-lap and Open University computing profes - ponent, former chief secretary for administration Henry Tang Ying-yen, by sor Li Tak-shing both raised the alarm that these “black materials” ( hei cailiao garnering 689 votes over the 285 that Tang received. The third candidate, 黑材料 ) might in fact have come from national security and intelligence Democratic Party chairman Albert Ho Chun-yan, secured only 76 votes. -
HONG KONG: the PERILS of SEMIDEMOCRACY William H
Overholt.new created saved from e-mail by JB on 7/2/01. (6682 words.) PRE created from NEW by SL on 7/ 18. TXT created from NEW w/ PJC edits on 8/1/01(5644 w/notes); JB edits to TXT entered 8/7, PJC (5683 wds. w/notes). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 8/7. MP changes to TXT by PJC on 8/9/01(5750 words w/ notes); Aas to TXT 8/16, PJC (6149 wds w/notes). PRE revised with TXT by SL on 8/24. PGS created from PRE by SL on 8/24. HONG KONG: THE PERILS OF SEMIDEMOCRACY William H. Overholt William H. Overholt is head of Asia strategy and economics for Nomura International, a Japan-based securities firm with offices in Hong Kong and around the world. He holds a doctorate in political science from Yale University and is the author of five books, including most recently The Rise of China: How Economic Reform Is Creating a New Superpower (1994). At the time of Hong Kong’s 1997 transition from British to Chinese rule, the world saw the city as a laissez-faire enclave that took care of itself, while an able but mostly hands-off civil service did minor maintenance. A successful transition would mean little more than a changing of the guard, with local functionaries replacing colonial functionaries. There was, in this widely held view, no need for any larger reform of the economy or polity. Beijing and London, together with the local business establishment, planned a government that they all hoped would combine representative deliberativeness with authoritarian decisiveness. -
Basic Law and Hong Kong's Bilateral Relations
External Relations of Hong Kong: The Most Neglected Subject in International Relations? Colonial Law: Promulgated by the UK Basic Law: As Authorized by the NPC of PRC › No Nullifying Power › Full Sovereignty from PRC The Central People's Government shall be responsible for the foreign affairs relating to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China shall establish an office in Hong Kong to deal with foreign affairs. The Central People's Government authorizes the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to conduct relevant external affairs on its own in accordance with this Law. Representatives of the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may, as members of delegations of the Government of the People's Republic of China, participate in negotiations at the diplomatic level directly affecting the Region conducted by the Central People's Government. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may on its own, using the name ""Hong Kong, China "", maintain and develop relations and conclude and implement agreements with foreign states and regions and relevant international organizations in the appropriate fields, including the economic, trade, financial and monetary, shipping, communications, tourism, cultural and sports fields. WTO: “Tariff” APEC: “Economy” FIFA: “Domestic League” The application to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of international agreements to which the People's Republic of China is or becomes a party shall be decided by the Central People's Government, in accordance with the circumstances and needs of the Region, and after seeking the views of the government of the Region. -
Hansard of the Former Legislative Council Then, I Note the Request Made by Many Honourable Members That Direct Elections Be Held for ADC Members
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 25 May 2011 10789 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Wednesday, 25 May 2011 The Council met at Eleven o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE JASPER TSANG YOK-SING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ALBERT HO CHUN-YAN IR DR THE HONOURABLE RAYMOND HO CHUNG-TAI, S.B.S., S.B.ST.J., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEE CHEUK-YAN THE HONOURABLE FRED LI WAH-MING, S.B.S., J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE MARGARET NG THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG MAN-KWONG THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-LAM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MRS SOPHIE LEUNG LAU YAU-FUN, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG DR THE HONOURABLE PHILIP WONG YU-HONG, G.B.S. THE HONOURABLE WONG YUNG-KAN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LAU KONG-WAH, J.P. 10790 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 25 May 2011 THE HONOURABLE LAU WONG-FAT, G.B.M., G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE MIRIAM LAU KIN-YEE, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE EMILY LAU WAI-HING, J.P. THE HONOURABLE ANDREW CHENG KAR-FOO THE HONOURABLE TIMOTHY FOK TSUN-TING, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TAM YIU-CHUNG, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ABRAHAM SHEK LAI-HIM, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LI FUNG-YING, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE TOMMY CHEUNG YU-YAN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE FREDERICK FUNG KIN-KEE, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE AUDREY EU YUET-MEE, S.C., J.P. -
Anson Chan Fang on Sang
The Honourable Anson Chan Fang On Sang Anson Maria Elizabeth Chan Fang On Sang GBM GCMG (hon.) CBE, JP (traditional Chinese: 陳方安生) was a member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong for Hong Kong Island, succeeding the late legislator Ma Lik. Before running for Legislative Council, she served as the head of Hong Kong's civil service before and after the territory's handover to the People's Republic of China from British colonial rule. Noted for her poise and smile, she was the first woman and the first Chinese to hold the second-highest governmental position in Hong Kong. Chan joined the Civil Service in 1962 as an administrative service cadet, one of only two women to join the civil service at that time. Her salary was reportedly one-quarter that paid to men of equivalent grade. She progressed to the Economics Section of the Finance Branch in 1962, followed by the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries, then the Department of Commerce and Industry, and later back to Finance. In 1970, she became assistant financial secretary in the finance branch of the Colonial Secretary, the first woman to attain that post. Chan became the first female civil service director when appointed Director of Social Welfare in 1984. From 1987 to 1993, she was Secretary for Economic Services, becoming the 30th and last Chief Secretary in 1993. Chan was the first woman and the first ethnic Chinese to hold the second-highest governmental position in Hong Kong. The highest governmental position, the Governor, was always held by Britons before Hong Kong's handover to People's Republic of China. -
ENCROACHMENTS on PRESS FREEDOM in HONG KONG Threatened Harbor Encroachments on Press Freedom in Hong Kong
THREATENED HARBOR ENCROACHMENTS ON PRESS FREEDOM IN HONG KONG Threatened Harbor Encroachments on Press Freedom in Hong Kong January 16, 2015 © PEN American Center 2015 All rights reserved PEN American Center is the largest branch of PEN International, the world’s leading literary and human rights organization. PEN works in more than 100 countries to protect free expression and to defend writers and journalists who are imprisoned, threatened, persecuted, or attacked in the course of their profession. PEN America’s 3,700 members stand together with more than 20,000 PEN writers worldwide in international literary fellowship to carry on the achievements of such past members as James Baldwin, Robert Frost, Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes, Arthur Miller, Eugene O’Neill, Susan Sontag, and John Steinbeck. For more information, please visit www.pen.org. Cover photograph: © Gareth Hayes, Creative Commons CONTENTS Introduction 4 Report Framework and Methodology 6 Legal Framework 7 Challenges to Press Freedom in Hong Kong 9 Physical Assaults on Journalists 9 Attacks on and Obstruction of Media During the Pro-Democracy Protests 11 Threats to Free Expression Online 14 Politically Motivated Censorship and Removal of Media Figures 17 Politically Motivated Economic Pressures on Media Outlets 20 Recommendations 22 References 23 Appendix: Alleged Incidents of Violence Against Journalists During the 2014 Pro-Democracy Protests As Reported to the Hong Kong Journalists Association 23 INTRODUCTION Hong Kong has long enjoyed a vibrant, diverse, and independent passed in 1990 by the Chinese National People’s Congress, also media and a unique position as a window into mainland China. explicitly protects the rights of Hong Kong’s residents through Local and foreign correspondents make use of Hong Kong’s the year 2047, including the freedom of speech, freedom of unique geopolitical position, cosmopolitanism, and strong the press, and freedom of assembly. -
Negotiating Positive Non-Interventionism: Regulating Hong Kong’S Finance Companies, 1976-86.China Quarterly, 230, Pp
Schenk, C. R. (2017) Negotiating positive non-interventionism: regulating Hong Kong’s finance companies, 1976-86.China Quarterly, 230, pp. 348- 370. (doi:10.1017/S0305741017000637) This is the author’s final accepted version. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/120818/ Deposited on: 08 July 2016 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk33640 Negotiating Positive Non-Interventionism: Regulating Hong Kong’s Finance Companies 1976-861 Catherine R. Schenk Accepted for publication in China Quarterly (2017) The principle of Positive Non-Interventionism coined by Hong Kong’s Financial Secretary Sir Philip Haddon-Cave in the 1970s has come to dominate perceptions of Hong Kong’s successful post-war economic development. The deliberate effort by the state not to intervene in the allocation of productive resources, but instead to rely on market forces drew plaudits from free-market enthusiasts such as Milton Friedman in the 1980s and was a marked contrast to the ‘governed market’ that prevailed in other East Asian newly industrialising economies such as South Korea and Taiwan.2 The death of positive non- interventionism has been announced several times: as early as 1992 by Financial Secretary Hamish Macleod, then by Chief Executive Donald Tsang in September 2006 and again in August 2015 by his successor Leung Chun-ying. 3 The slogan has persisted despite a turn to ‘big market-small government’ in the mid-2000s.