a Liberal without a Home The Later Career of Leslie Hore-Belisha

In the simplistic and sometimes pernicious categorisations which have so often been applied to the political personalities of the 1930s – appeasers and anti-appeasers, a majority of dupes and a minority of the far-sighted, the decade’s Guilty Men and its isolated voices in the wilderness – Leslie Hore-Belisha has strong claims to be listed among the virtuous. David Dutton tells the story of Hore-Belisha – a Liberal without a home.

22 Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 a Liberal without a Home The Later Career of Leslie Hore-Belisha

rue, he was a member Belisha ticked most of the right his name. Promoted to be Secre- of the National Gov- boxes. tary of State for War when Nev- ernment for most of its The events of January 1940 ille Chamberlain became Prime existence and a Cabinet represented the abrupt termina- Minister in May 1937, Belisha set minister from Octo- tion of an apparently inexora- about reforming the entrenched berT 1936 until January 1940. But ble political ascent. Isaac Leslie upper echelons of the army and he was also a vigorous Minister Hore-Belisha was born in 1893, He was also War Office. During nearly three of War, who implemented a suc- the son of Jacob Isaac Belisha, a a vigorous years in this key post, he enhanced cession of much-needed reforms; businessman of Sephardic Jew- his standing with the public but he became disillusioned before ish origins. His father died when Minister inevitably trod on many signifi- most of his colleagues with what Leslie was only nine months old cant and sensitive toes. Chamberlain did at ; he and he only assumed his hyphen- of War, Nevertheless, at the time of pushed – albeit belatedly – for ated name when his widowed his removal from the government a ‘continental commitment’ mother married Sir Adair Hore who imple- in January 1940 no less a figure against the prevailing assump- in 1912. Educated at Clifton, the than Churchill, giving Belisha tions of ‘limited liability’; he Sorbonne and St John’s, Oxford, mented a credit for the introduction of took part in the Cabinet revolt of Hore-Belisha served in the First peacetime conscription, wrote 2 September 1939 which forced World War before returning to succession to express his regret at the course Chamberlain to issue an ultima- complete his degree. The first of events. ‘I hope that it will not tum to Germany without further post-war President of the Oxford of much- be long’, concluded the future delay; he enjoyed the distinc- Union, he moved naturally into a Prime Minister, ‘before we are tion of being sacked from the career in politics and was elected needed colleagues again, and that the government in January 1940, to parliament in 1923. Less than a temporary setback will prove no ‘the last positive achievement decade later his ministerial career reforms; serious obstacle to your oppor- of the appeasers’ in the words of began. He was appointed Parlia- tunities of serving the country.’3 one influential account of these mentary Secretary at the Board of he became Most of the press, which worked times;1 he lined up with those Trade in November 1931, Finan- the War Minister’s resignation brave dissidents who defied their cial Secretary to the Treasury in disillusioned ‘into a big story’, was of a simi- whip and voted against Cham- September 1932 and Minister of lar mind, confident that Belisha berlain at the end of the cel- Transport in June 1934, with a seat before most would soon be restored to office.4 ebrated Norwegian debate on 8 in the Cabinet from October 1936. of his col- As the diarist Harold Nicol- , the necessary prelimi- Here, Belisha transformed what son recorded: ‘It seems that the nary to Churchill’s elevation to was normally a ministerial back- leagues with country regard him as a second the premiership; and his name is water into a high-profile public Haldane and a moderniser of absent from the cast-list of Cato’s office. He introduced driving what Cham- the Army. The line is that he has Guilty Men, the extraordinarily tests, revised the Highway Code, been ousted by an intrigue of the influential polemic which fixed reduced road traffic accidents berlain did Army Chiefs, and there is a gen- popular perceptions of the 1930s and installed the ‘beacon’ pedes- eral uproar about being ruled by for decades to come.2 In short, trian crossings which still bear at Munich. dictators in brass hats.’5

Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 23 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha

Yet there was no place for ‘the biggest political sensation and editors of the press, Belisha when Churchill formed since hostilities began’. The gov- many of whom were only too his own administration just four ernment had ‘dealt itself a stag- ready to vent the frustration to months later, and he remained on gering blow. It had relapsed with which the inactivity of the Pho- the backbenches for the duration a thud lower into the morass of ney War had naturally given rise. of hostilities, until recalled briefly its own mediocrity.’10 Writing in The issue dominated the head- to the post of Minister of National the Sunday Pictorial, Hugh Cud- lines for several days and report- Insurance in the short-lived care- lipp argued that Chamberlain had ers besieged Belisha’s Wimbledon taker government between May meekly surrendered to an intrigue home during the weekend follow- and July 1945. Losing his parlia- ‘of brass-hats and aristocrats’. But ing his resignation. His opportu- mentary seat of Plymouth Dev- the British public would not stand nity would arise in the Commons onport in the Labour landslide for it. ‘You haven’t’, predicted resignation speech traditionally later that year, Belisha’s ministe- Cudlipp, ‘heard the last of Hore- accorded to departing ministers. rial career was now over. He stood Belisha or of his miserable mean Not for the last time, however, unsuccessfully for parliament in dismissal.’11 According to the Tory Belisha discovered that opposi- Coventry South in the general MP, Victor Cazalet, Chamberlain tion during wartime is a hazard- election of February 1950, before had succeeded in making him a ous undertaking. Criticism that accepting a peerage in the New ‘national hero’.12 Briefly, Beli- was too pointed and vocal inevi- Year’s Honours List of 1954. Aged sha himself seemed to sense his tably ran the risk of being seen just sixty-three, he died suddenly opportunity to seize the highest as disloyal and unpatriotic. Fur- in February 1957 while deliver- office of government. He was, he thermore, he certainly desired ing a speech in Rheims as head confided to Cudlipp, ‘in a won- to return to government at the of a parliamentary delegation on derful position heading straight earliest opportunity and would Anglo-French commercial rela- for the Premiership’.13 no doubt have recognised that tions. As Keith Robbins has writ- Chamberlain himself was suf- the dominant Conservative Party ten, the fates had contrived to ficiently concerned, and aware of remained firmly under Chamber- ensure that Belisha would ‘shine the ability of his media-conscious lain’s control. Recalling recent brightly’, but also ‘shine briefly’.6 ex-minister to stir up trouble in departures from the National Many of Belisha’s private the press, that he took the trouble Government, Lieutenant-Gen- papers, bequeathed to his devoted to record his own thirteen-page eral Henry Pownall, Director of secretary Hilde Sloan, appear to account of the events surround- Military Operations at the War have been destroyed. Much of ing Belisha’s resignation.14 This Office, noted that what survived, dealing largely was to counter a version of those and Samuel Hoare had got back with his years in office, was pub- events presented by the former into office by ‘“going gracefully” lished nearly half a century ago.7 A War Minister to Lord Camrose of when they had to go. H-B may serviceable, if uninspiring, biog- . This, Cham- think it best to follow their exam- raphy appeared in 2006.8 There berlain noted, contained ‘only a ple.’18 None the less, strengthened have also been useful studies of few statements which are directly by the support of the popular press his period as Secretary of State for at variance with the truth, but (though sensed War (1937–40), while his removal by suppression, by alteration of less of a ‘pro-Belisha than an anti- from office in May 1940 has been the setting and by direction of Chamberlain outburst’),19 Beli- thoroughly explored.9 But no emphasis, the whole picture is sha still seemed keen to make the detailed examination exists of completely distorted and gives an most of his chance when discuss- Belisha’s later career and therefore entirely false impression’.15 In the ing the details of his resignation of the failure of a man who, in the meantime there appeared in suc- By any objec- speech with Hugh Cudlipp as late early months of the Second World cessive issues of the journal Truth, as 13 January.20 War, was widely regarded, after certainly with Chamberlain’s tive criteria In the event, however, he drew Churchill, as the most dynamic knowledge and possibly also his back from a frontal attack on member of the , to connivance, a vitriolic attack on Belisha had a Chamberlain and his government. return to high office. The present Belisha’s integrity. These blatantly As he later reflected, ‘one must article seeks to fill this gap in the anti-Semitic articles, widely dis- bad war. His not do that sort of thing in time existing historiography. tributed within the Westminster of war’.21 By the Monday before village, accused the former min- greatest mis- his Commons speech, Belisha ~ ister of financial irregularities in was ‘less sure about the wisdom relation to a number of companies take was to of fighting’ and, when the crunch By any objective criteria Belisha ‘with which he was connected came, in front of a packed House had a bad war. His greatest mis- before he became Financial Secre- fail to attach which was ‘in a combative mood’, take was to fail to attach himself tary, all of which speedily came to he ‘climbed meekly down’.22 to the winning horse, Winston grief with the loss of shareholders’ himself to Pownall, one of his severest War Churchill. Yet, for a brief period money’.16 They amounted, in the Office critics, felt that he had after his resignation in January words of a post-war enquiry, to the win- made a speech ‘full of innuendoes 1940, it appeared possible that the ‘a deliberate attempt to kill Beli- ning horse, to those few who could discern former War Minister could engi- sha once and for all as a political them’, but the general feeling was neer a major crisis and even bring force’.17 Winston one of disappointment that an down Chamberlain’s government. Belisha was quick to do the opportunity had been missed.23 It It was, suggested the Daily Mirror, rounds of the leading proprietors Churchill. was ‘an innocuous speech about

24 Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha nothing’.24 Belisha’s supporters, According resulting ministerial reshuffle. was Churchill who was invited ‘while admiring the dignified Cecil King recorded a change in to form a new government, it was manner of his speech … regret- to Beaver- Churchill’s attitude towards the hardly surprising that there was ted that he was impelled, no doubt fallen minister: no place for Belisha within it. by the circumstances of the time, brook, Beli- Churchill’s appointment as to mystify his friends and add fuel When I saw [Churchill] in Prime Minister occupies a seminal to the fire of his enemies’.25 Cecil sha was in a May or June [1939], he spoke position in Britain’s history. In the King, the proprietor of the Daily of Belisha without affection, threatening summer and autumn Mirror, took up Pownall’s com- dilemma. ‘He but said he was one of the best of 1940 the new premier came parison with and men Chamberlain had. But on to epitomise the national will to Anthony Eden. Like them, Beli- cannot make this occasion his whole atti- survive and, ultimately, to prevail sha would not fight, but expected up his mind tude was quite different … over the Nazi menace. As a result, to be recalled to the Cabinet for He thought the work of the it is easily forgotten that his posi- being good and causing no trou- whether to War Office would go forward tion at the head of the administra- ble.26 Relieved that the threat to more smoothly and expedi- tion was never fully secure until his own position had been lifted, smash his tiously under Stanley [Belisha’s he was able to take some credit Chamberlain concluded that successor].29 for a change in Britain’s military the whole affair had been a flop, way into the fortunes. Granted the nation’s much to the disappointment of Belisha himself had come to share precarious survival through 1940 those MPs who had flocked to the Government the view of his former military and the further setbacks which House in the hope of witnessing a adviser, Basil Liddell-Hart, that resulted from the entry of Japan sensation.27 by attacking Churchill had never forgiven him into the war at the end of 1941 The question now was what for his role in the so-called Sandys and the subsequent rapid collapse line Belisha would take on the it or whether affair in the summer of 1938.30 of Britain’s Far-Eastern position, backbenches. Though the Cham- At all events, as the crisis of Churchill had to wait for Mont- berlain premiership had only four to wheedle May 1940 gathered momentum, gomery’s victory at El Alamein months to run, there were in real- Belisha seemed ready to attach in the autumn of 1942 before he ity few signs in the winter of 1940 his way in by himself to the cause of the vet- could feel total confidence in his that the Prime Minister’s days eran Conservative backbencher domestic political position. Dur- were numbered. A poll taken in praising it.’ Leo Amery, rather than to that ing the first two years of his pre- the third week of January showed of . Amery’s miership, therefore, there were that 56 per cent of respondents Commons speech on 7 May repeated, if sometimes subter- still approved of his leadership. in which he roundly criticised ranean, grumblings about his As late as April the figure had not Chamberlain, quoting the famous performance as war leader and fallen. Only 30 per cent of those words of – speculation about his possible questioned in December 1939 ‘In the name of God, go!’ – had replacement as Prime Minister. In had said that they would prefer badly, perhaps fatally, damaged this embryonic opposition group- to see Churchill in 10 Downing the Prime Minister, but he was ing Belisha, through speeches in Street. None the less, Belisha, scarcely in line for the succession parliament and a weekly column still in receipt of the government himself. None the less, on 9 May in the News of the World, came to whip, soon emerged as one of the Belisha approached Amery and occupy a significant position. administration’s leading critics. said that he and Max Beaverbrook For most of 1940, however, Writing in the News of the World in were agreed that what was now his attitude towards the new mid-February, he asked whether needed was a clean sweep of the administration was broadly sup- the allies should aid the Finns in Conservative old guard and that portive. Understandably, he was their forlorn struggle against the Amery should be Prime Minister rather bitter to be ‘doing nothing’ and, a month later, ‘as the man who had turned out when ‘one feels that one really criticised the government in the the Government and also as best could help’. Moreover, the Cabi- House of Commons for its inac- qualified all round’.31 But Amery net was, he claimed, a ‘one man tion and called for military inter- was too shrewd not to see through affair’, no doubt a reflection of vention in Scandinavia. By this Belisha’s motives. ‘The trouble his own desire to be part of it.34 stage he was clearly counting on a is that he no doubt started it in But he generally held back from change of regime, without which the hope that it might bring him criticising the Prime Minister his criticisms would inevitably back again as a reward for help- himself, disappointing Lord Win- thwart his own ambitions for a ing. And’, Amery concluded, ‘I terton by his failure to oppose the political renaissance. ‘No oppo- don’t think he is wanted back, at holding of secret sessions of the nent of the Government’, he told any rate yet.’32 By the following House of Commons.35 According W. P. Crozier, editor of the Man- day Belisha was even speculat- to Beaverbrook, Belisha was in a chester Guardian, ‘will get anything ing that his prospects would be dilemma. ‘He cannot make up his in the way of reward from the better if Lloyd George emerged mind whether to smash his way Whips.’28 as the new Prime Minister, but into the Government by attack- Even so, by the time that he was ‘not so confident of his ing it or whether to wheedle his Churchill succeeded Chamber- chances if Churchill has the job’.33 way in by praising it.’36 Belisha lain in May, Belisha had good A Lloyd George premiership was, probably still hoped that Church- reason to doubt whether he would however, even less likely than an ill would recall him when a suit- be among the favoured in the Amery one. When, therefore, it able opportunity arose. The final

Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 25 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha resignation of Neville Cham- Much of down and used in evidence for the with power’, the Prime Minister berlain in the autumn of 1940 unmasking of both rascals.’41 was becoming a dictator and lead- might, he speculated, be such an Belisha’s Churchill’s attitude towards his ing the country to disaster.48 occasion. But when cancer forced critics was somewhat equivocal. Grotesquely inaccurate though Chamberlain’s withdrawal, Beli- criticism was On the one hand he viewed such Belisha’s assessment may now sha was not among the beneficiar- figures with private contempt. appear, the entry of Japan into the ies of the resulting reshuffle. His directed at ‘An Opposition is being formed war in December and the subse- speech in parliament in early Sep- out of the left-outs’, he told his son quent series of military disasters tember in support of the destroy- Churchill Randolph. ‘LG, Hore-Belisha, in the Far East gave some con- ers-for-bases deal therefore turned Shinwell, Winterton, and some temporary credence to his predic- out to be one of his last unequivo- himself. He small fry, mostly National Liber- tions. At the same time, however, cally pro-Churchill declarations. regarded als. They do their best to abuse us with the Soviet Union and the By mid-October he was com- whenever the news gives them an United States now allies, the tide plaining bitterly, albeit in private, ‘the PM as a opportunity, but there is not the of Britain’s war effort was bound about the government’s inability slightest sign that the House as to turn. A military combina- to win the war and of Churchill’s danger. He a whole, nor still less the coun- tion now existed against which foolishness in accepting the lead- try will swerve from their pur- Hitler could not hope to prevail. ership of the Conservative Party says he has pose.’42 When, in May, in a debate Meanwhile, Churchill skilfully in succession to Chamberlain. ‘I on assistance to Greece, Belisha removed one potential threat by have a feeling’, noted the journal- no judge- called for the creation of a single taking Sir Cripps, widely ist and former diplomat Robert Ministry of Defence and said that seen as the only realistic alterna- Bruce Lockhart, ‘all he wants is ment and the was in need of tive premier, into his government. a job in government’.37 By early ‘more mobility and more armour’, Still Belisha argued that ‘if things November the Tory MP, Beverley visualises the Prime Minister retorted by are not changed, we are going the Baxter, was reporting a dinner at reminding Belisha that some of right way as far as we can to lose the Savoy hosted by Belisha whose a position the responsibility for present defi- the war’.49 The fall of Tobruk in purpose was ‘to inflame opposi- ciencies must logically rest with June 1942 led to a censure debate tion against the Prime Minister’, when some his own tenure of the War Office during which Belisha made a while a week later another Con- between 1937 and 1940.43 But, at ‘brilliant, eloquent and damn- servative MP sensed that Belisha calamity will the same time, at least while any ing attack on the Government’.50 and other displaced malcontents question marks remained over his But John Wardlaw-Milne, who were now ‘gathering courage and arise as the own position, Churchill appears moved the censure motion, sniping at their successors’.38 result of his to have considered the possibil- destroyed its effect by suggest- The year 1941 offered plenty ity of silencing Belisha’s criti- ing that the Duke of Gloucester of opportunities to criticise the change of cisms by bringing him into the should be made Commander- government and to suggest that government. ‘Winston is inclined in-Chief of the armed forces, the British war effort lacked suf- stategy.’ to defeat opposition by means of a proposition that reduced the ficient energy. Belisha found him- favour rather than by fear.’44 For Commons to laughter. Even so, self involved with a motley group his part, Belisha ‘gladly pulls his Belisha was among twenty-five of parliamentary dissidents which punches if he thinks there is any MPs who went into the opposi- included the future Liberal leader, chance of getting back, even to tion lobby at the end of the debate. Clement Davies, and the social- the Ministry of Pensions’.45 Belisha believed that, without ists Aneurin Bevan and Emanuel The fall of Crete in June gave a change in personnel, further Shinwell. Much of Belisha’s criti- Belisha further scope for criti- disasters lay ahead, probably the cism was directed at Churchill cism, but again Churchill tried fall of Egypt.51 In fact, of course, himself. He regarded ‘the PM as to turn the tables on his opponent Egypt did not fall. On 23 Octo- a danger. He says he has no judge- by suggesting that Belisha had ber Montgomery launched his ment and visualises a position left the War Office in ‘a lamenta- decisive offensive at El Alamein. when some calamity will arise as ble condition’. At the end of the By early November Rommel’s the result of his change of stat- parliamentary debate the Prime army was in full retreat. Within egy.’39 The British people had been Minister took his critic into the days Churchill allowed the impressed by their leader’s ora- Commons smoking room and church bells to be rung for the tory, but ‘the country would soon delivered a headmasterly rebuke. first time since the beginning wake up and realise that speeches ‘If you fight me I shall fight you of hostilities. ‘This is not the were not victories, and that we back. And remember this. You end,’ he pronounced. ‘It is not were drugged with Winston’s ora- are using a 4.5 inch howitzer, even the beginning of the end. tory’.40 There is even a suggestion and I am using a 12 inch gun.’46 But it is perhaps the end of the that Belisha, together with the Though Churchill survived these beginning.’52 The Prime Minis- Labour MP Richard Stokes, made parliamentary encounters with- ter might have added that it was a trip to Templemore in Ireland to out damage, Belisha still argued the end for Leslie Hore-Belisha. investigate the details of Brendan Right: Hore- that the government’s position Perceptive observers recognised Bracken’s birth in the hope of Belisha at was ‘visibly weakening’ and that this, even if Belisha himself did confirming the widely circulat- different points events would soon bring about not. ‘The critics of the “Higher ing rumour that Churchill was in his career; a ‘complete reconstruction’ in direction of the war”’, noted his father. ‘Anything they picked bottom, with a which he might well emerge as , ‘the Shinwells and up in Templemore would be taken ‘Belisha beacon’ Churchill’s successor.47 ‘Drunk the Belishas and the rest – will all

26 Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha have sunk well out of sight and one of the many Liberals of the mind today.’53 inter-war years whose prospects With the Prime Minister’s were thwarted by the decline of position unassailable, Belisha’s the political organisation which aim now reverted to securing a represented and championed recall to the existing government. their beliefs. He was among that ‘He had not made any consider- band of Liberals who seized their able speech of any kind’ for nine opportunity in the extraordi- months, noted the editor of the nary circumstances of 1931 and Manchester Guardian in March renewed their prospects of minis- 1943. ‘He didn’t intend to make terial advancement by joining the any attacking speech for the time Liberal National group headed by being unless there was some event Sir John Simon. But even among … so that he was morally com- this band of Liberal schismatics, pelled to take up a position and Belisha’s place was never ortho- criticise the Government.’ Aston- dox, comfortable or secure. ishingly, Belisha ‘didn’t know First elected to parliament in what influences were keeping 1923 for the Devonport division him out’ of the administration.54 of Plymouth, Belisha established Ready now to distance himself a reputation as a radical, interven- from the likes of Davies, Shinwell tionist Liberal with a keen interest and Bevan, he determined to fol- in social policy. Despite the party’s low the path of ingratiation. A rapid decline in urban Britain over speech in support of the govern- the following decade, Liberalism ment in October 1944 prompted held on in Devonport, champion- the Communist Willie Gallacher ing causes such as better houses to offer ironic congratulations ‘on for working-class families and the assiduous way in which the deriving benefit in this port con- Rt Hon. Member is working his stituency from the party’s contin- passage home.’55 Speaking on the uing commitment to .58 Town and Country Planning Bill Motives varied, but the major- he had, according to the young ity of those who defected in 1931 Tory MP, , were from the party’s right wing ‘out Conservatived the Conserva- – former adherents of Asquith in tives’ in his efforts to please the the long-running intra-party feud party.56 Churchill, of course, pro- which had poisoned Liberal poli- fessed the virtues of magnanim- tics ever since 1916.59 Belisha, on ity in victory. This, or perhaps the other hand, was regarded as a more probably the need to show follower of Lloyd George; but he that the caretaker government, lost faith in the latter’s apparent which he formed in May 1945 on readiness to sustain the minority the departure of Labour and the Labour government of 1929–31 in Liberals from the wartime coali- office. More particularly, Belisha’s tion, was not purely Conservative defection in 1931 was motivated, in composition, prompted him to at least in part, by that govern- offer Belisha the post of Minister ment’s decision to reduce the size of National Insurance. His known of the Royal Navy. He had built skills as a publicist might convince his majority up to more than the electorate of the Conserva- 4,000 votes at the general election tives’ commitment to schemes of of 1929, but it still made sense to social insurance.57 But, with only keep an eye firmly on the inter- two months in office and a gen- ests of the electorate in a constitu- eral election to fight, there was no ency where the naval dockyard time for Belisha to build upon this was a major employer.60 Even so, partial restoration to front-line Belisha was a reluctant and cau- politics. tious defector, initially refusing to follow Simon when the lat- ~ ter resigned the Liberal whip in June 1931. The two men viewed Hore-Belisha’s career also illus- one another with scarcely con- trates the importance of party in cealed distrust and their relation- modern British politics and the ship was one of ongoing tension difficulties lying in the path of within the new Liberal National any individual politician, however party. Indeed, one of the group’s talented, who fails to enlist its MPs blamed Belisha for much support. Nor was Belisha simply of the press campaign directed

Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 27 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha against Simon, conducted ‘with a by Conservatives in the House character and like many a view to his own advancement to of Commons, it was the Liberal reformer has antagonised Cabinet’.61 Nationals who gave the govern- powerful interests. His chief In all probability Belisha felt ments of Ramsay MacDonald, weakness is the lack of a party no compelling loyalty to party nor and Neville to back him. But the 33 Lib indeed to Liberalism itself. He saw Chamberlain some credible claim Nat MPs, if united and deter- politics as a way of getting things to their ‘National’ identity. As mined, could reinstate him done while furthering his own a result, Belisha enjoyed prefer- before long in high office … interests and ambitions. Review- ment which might not otherwise Had we a strong leader we ing his career many years later, have come his way, rising steadily could do much but Simon is a the one-time Liberal chief whip, up the ministerial ladder, before clever piece of jelly and has no Percy Harris, recorded: becoming Secretary of State for backbone.70 War in May 1937. But, particularly His handicap as a politician after his appointment to junior Over the next two years the Lib- is that he has no fixed politi- office at the Treasury, where Nev- eral National group itself threat- cal creed. He started as an ille Chamberlain was Chancellor, ened to splinter into opposing ardent Radical, then became Belisha was regarded as a Cham- factions, with a number of its MPs a leading figure in the Liberal berlain man. Thereafter his career clearly believing that the time National group, practically its prospered only so long as he con- had come to reassert its influ- founder, left them and became tinued to enjoy the latter’s favour. ence within the government and an independent and is now a As Minister of War he was able end what was thought to be the Conservative.62 to survive a succession of crises, As Minister of too quiescent attitude adopted occasioned by his controversial under Simon’s leadership. When, Shortly before his migration changes in the senior personnel at War he was following the no-confidence to the Liberal National camp, the War Office at the end of 1937, vote of January 1942, two MPs Belisha seems to have contem- the Sandys affair in June 1938, and able to sur- – Morris-Jones and Edgar Gran- plated joining the so-called New a concerted attempt by a group of ville, the Member for Eye in Party, the ideologically confused junior ministers to remove him vive a succes- Suffolk – decided to sever their grouping which helped transport from office that December, largely remaining links with the Liberal Oswald Mosley from mainstream because of the by then Prime sion of crises National group, they found them- politics to overt fascism.63 By early Minister Chamberlain’s backing.67 selves, somewhat to their surprise, 1932, he was already discussing Once that support was removed, … largely joined by Belisha himself.71 In later with Baldwin and Neville Cham- however, as was clearly the case years, the three men went their berlain the possible fusion of the in January 1940, Belisha’s position because of separate ways. Morris-Jones soon Liberal National group with the was always going to be vulner- regretted his actions and sought Conservative Party.64 While, in able, especially granted his some- the by then and secured readmission into the his public pronouncements, he what detached position within the Prime Min- Liberal National fold. Granville insisted that the Liberal Nationals Liberal National party. rejoined the mainstream Liberal represented a viable and impor- The former War Minister con- ister Cham- Party in April 1945 and narrowly tant new force in British politics, fided that it was now his inten- retained his parliamentary seat in in private he expressed doubts tion to devise a policy to appeal berlain’s both the 1945 and 1950 general as to whether the party had any to all Liberals. ‘He believed that elections. Defeated in 1951, he future.65 He even seems to have the prevailing sentiment of the backing. quickly joined the Labour Party approached the chairman of the country was liberal and he could early the following year. By con- Kingston Conservative Associa- appeal to it. He hoped to advocate Once that trast, this was the end of Belisha’s tion some time after the Munich an advanced social policy.’68 But association with any branch of the Agreement with a view to his the Liberal National party contin- support was Liberal movement. adoption as Tory candidate at the ued to back the National Govern- ‘The nation had everything to next election. The chairman, ment, a fact that made Belisha’s removed, gain at this moment by patriotic ongoing criticisms of Chamber- out-spokenness’, Belisha insisted consulted the big shots of his lain’s administration increasingly however, as to his constituents.72 Nonethe- committee and found that they problematic. In this situation less, it was difficult to see how, were rigidly opposed to Beli- Simon sought and secured Beli- was clearly as an independent MP, his career sha’s candidature. The fact that sha’s removal as chairman of the could now prosper. For a while Belisha was willing to aban- Liberal National parliamentary the case there were rumours of moves to don his present party label did group in March 1940. Some Lib- in January create a new centre party, sup- not surprise or please them. eral National MPs were unhappy porting the socialist Stafford They looked upon Belisha as a at this treatment of one of the few 1940, Beli- Cripps for the premiership.73 But person willing to give up any political heavyweights in their the threat to Churchill’s position principles for much less than 30 ranks, but they had ‘no time to sha’s position had passed by the end of 1942 and pieces of silver!66 prepare or rally his defence’.69 Belisha was left to consider more According to Henry Morris- was always realistic options. None the less, it was as a Lib- Jones, MP for Denbigh, Belisha, had already advised him that he eral National that his minis- going to be would ultimately have to decide terial career had prospered. is a big man politically, a which of the two main parties to Though grossly outnumbered reformer full of zeal and vulnerable. join. ‘He thought the Tory party

28 Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha would be more congenial to me as By the end Tory headquarters made strenu- is trying to be at his best and most one could be more independent in ous efforts to secure the early efficient. In him one sees very that party than in the Socialist.’74 of 1944 Cecil return, via by-elections, of several clearly those characteristics which Henry ‘Chips’ Channon, con- former ministers defeated at the inevitably, but inexplicably, make vinced that ‘Leslie’s talents are too King sensed general election, Belisha could Jews unpopular.’84 great to be thrown away as a free expect few comparable favours. A It is now generally agreed that lance in Opposition’, also urged that Belisha guest at the wedding of Church- a breakdown of personal relations the Tory option, a course which ill’s daughter Mary in February was at the heart of the process Belisha claimed, somewhat disin- was finally 1947, Belisha recorded Churchill’s that led to his removal from the genuously, never to have consid- disappointment at his failure to War Office. For some time before ered.75 But the real problem, was ‘moving into return to parliament. ‘It is a great January 1940 he was scarcely on whether the Conservatives as a the Tory nuisance’, said the old man, ‘that speaking terms with Lord Gort, whole would welcome him into the right people did not die to the Commander-in-Chief of the their midst, especially granted his fold’, but still make suitable by-election vacan- Army. ‘You couldn’t expect two recent record of parliamentary cies.’81 But Churchill’s well-oiled such utterly different people’ to opposition. Belisha knew only too had ‘no sense small talk at this family occa- get on, reflected Pownall. But well how ruthless the Conserva- sion may not have reflected his Pownall’s own sympathies were tive machine could be. It was: of direction’. true feelings. As late as October unequivocal. The contrast was 1950, by which time Belisha had between Gort, ‘a great gentle- even stronger than the Nazi made his one, unsuccessful, bid man’, and Belisha, ‘an obscure, party machine. It may have a to secure re-election to the Com- shallow-brained charlatan, politi- different aim, but it is similarly mons as a Conservative, Anthony cal Jewboy’.85 Belisha had grown callous and ruthless. It sup- Eden expressed his distaste for ‘bumptious and cocky with office, pressed anyone who did not toe this ‘nasty fellow’. ‘We don’t want and became just an impossible the line. He realised that they him back in politics. He doesn’t person with whom to work’.86 did not regard him as ‘one of know what it is to go straight.’82 There was something in the War them’.76 As a result, the limit of Belisha’s Minister’s character that alien- electoral reincarnation as a Con- ated the top brass of the army. By the end of 1944 Cecil King servative was to be returned, His informal style and personal sensed that Belisha was finally unopposed, for the Pall Mall ward self-indulgence did not appeal to ‘moving into the Tory fold’, but of the Westminster Council in battle-hardened generals, while still had ‘no sense of direction’.77 March 1947, a position he retained his impatience with red tape and He hoped that the Conservative until his death. tradition was bound to irritate and Liberal National parties in those with a vested interest in Devonport would combine and ~ the status quo. According to one that he would be able to stand at observer, he arrived at the front the forthcoming general election Eden’s words bring into focus in November 1939 ‘arrayed like a as a ‘National Conservative’ can- the final element of explanation Bond Street bum-boy, even wear- didate.78 In the event, moves to for Belisha’s political extinction ing spats’.87 amalgamate the Conservative and after January 1940 – his inability But his personal failings had Liberal National parties at con- to cultivate a significant body of been apparent throughout his stituency level were delayed until political support. Indeed, it was career. On his appointment as 1947 and it was as a ‘National’ the combination of political root- Financial Secretary to the Treas- (albeit unopposed by Conserva- lessness and personal unpopular- ury in 1932, the journalist Collin tives and Liberal Nationals alike) ity which ultimately proved fatal Brooks noted that he was ‘able that Belisha fought and lost his to Belisha’s career. The hostil- and energetic’, but also ‘greatly seat. , his Labour ity of most of his contemporaries disliked in the City as a push- opponent, sensing the shift in the more than outweighed the tran- ing Jew’.88 public mood against the Con- sient support he enjoyed in pub- accepted him as a junior minister servatives, announced that he lic opinion and the press. When, ‘with reluctance’ and it was some would contest the election ‘on the in a Commons speech in 1943, he time before ‘I could get over the assumption that Mr Hore-Belisha referred casually to ‘his Honour- rather unpleasant impression I is a Tory’, a proposition which able friend’, one Labour back- had of his personality’.89 Anthony was not easy to deny, granted bencher interjected, ‘You have Eden later admitted that he was that Belisha appeared on several not got an Honourable friend in ‘never at … ease with him’, while Conservative platforms in neigh- this House’.83 For this, latent anti- his former Cabinet colleague, bouring constituencies during the Semitism, more common, par- Lord Hailsham, found him ‘a vul- election campaign.79 ticularly in Tory circles, in those gar unreliable man with a passion Only after the election was pre-Holocaust days than it is now for self-advertisment’.90 His friend over did Belisha actually join the comfortable to acknowledge, was and adviser, Liddell Hart, heard Conservatives, insisting now that at least in part responsible. This that as War Minister Belisha was the modern party was fully ‘lib- was the case even among those ‘hated in the cabinet’.91 Another eralised’ and had become a proper who admitted such prejudice ‘friend’ found him ‘amusing, scin- vehicle for the aspirations of those with reluctance. ‘He has a way of tillating and even inspiring, but who had once placed their faith in antagonising people’, noted John I did not like him and I did not the Liberal Party.80 But whereas Colville, ‘very often just when he trust him, though I felt sorry for

Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 29 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha him’.92 Chamberlain’s assessment Belisha and to become the conductor supremely publicity-conscious at the time of Belisha’s resignation of it!97 politician at least succeeded in was both balanced and perceptive. lacked both permanently attaching his name. Hostility to him arose: Equally damaging was Belisha’s the self- almost total inability to appreci- David Dutton is the author of Lib- partly from his impatience ate the effect which his character erals in Schism: A History of the and eagerness, partly from a knowledge and manner had on others – and National Liberal Party (I.B. Tau- self-centeredness which makes his surprise and distress when ris, 2008) and is a regular contributor him careless of other people’s and the abil- he realised he was disliked.98 In to the Journal. feelings and partly from the ity to sense part this was a function of ‘his impression he creates that he is desire to believe what he wishes 1 M. Gilbert and R. Gott, The more concerned with publicity and react to to believe’.99 ‘I had the feeling’, Appeasers (London: Weidenfeld and and his own personal ambi- noted Chamberlain shortly before Nicolson, 1963), p. 348. tions than he is with the pub- the mood the crisis of January 1940, ‘that he 2 Cato, Guilty Men (London: Gol- lic interest. I believe this to be did not and could not see where lancz, 1940). fundamentally unjust. He has of others he had gone wrong.’100 It was evi- 3 W. Churchill, The Gathering Storm much more idealism and loy- dent, confirmed Liddell Hart, that (London: Cassell, 1948), p. 437. alty in him than he is credited which might he did not realise how General 4 K. Young (ed.), The Diaries of Sir with but that doesn’t alter the Ironside, the Chief of the Impe- Robert Bruce Lockhart 1939–1965 fact that his ways, his assert- have made rial General Staff, had turned (London: Macmillan, 1980), p. 46. iveness, his want of considera- against him and was siding with 5 N. Nicolson (ed.), Harold Nicolson: tion for the other man’s point him a more his enemies.101 Belisha lacked both Diaries and Letters 1939–45 (London: of view, create a bad impres- the self-knowledge and the abil- Collins, 1967), p. 56. sion and make him a ‘mauvais successful ity to sense and react to the mood 6 H. C. G. Matthew and B. Harrison coucheur’.93 of others which might have made (eds), Oxford Dictionary of National politician. him a more successful politician. Biography, vol. 4 (Oxford: OUP, Two character traits merit par- 2004), p. 893. ticular emphasis. The first was ~ 7 R. Minney, The Private Papers of his remarkably modern appre- Hore-Belisha (London: Collins, ciation of the value of public- ‘My position is good, I have my 1960). ity – the good story for the press, public, and if trouble comes and 8 I. Grimwood, A Little Chit of a Fel- the ‘photo-opportunity’, even there is a use for me, I shall be low (Sussex: Book Guild, 2006). the ‘soundbite’ – and the unfor- there. I shall be stronger, I think, 9 J. Harris, ‘Two War Ministers: tunate effect this had in his own than I was before.’102 So judged A Reassessment of Duff Cooper day in creating the conviction that Hore-Belisha six weeks after his and Hore-Belisha’, War and Society his only real interest was his self- resignation from the War Office. 6, 1 (May 1988); B. Bond, ‘Leslie advancement. ‘Not since Horatio The remark was characteristic Hore-Belisha at the War Office’ Bottomley had anyone been quite of the miscalculations and mis- in I. Beckett and J. Gooch (eds), so transparently on the make.’94 judgements which marked his Politicians and Defence: Studies in the Contemporaries noted with dis- later career. Trouble did come, Formulation of British Defence Policy taste the fact that he took his own but Churchill survived it, and, 1845–1970 (Manchester: Manchester photographer with him when having set himself up as one of University Press, 1981); A. Trythall, visiting army barracks. Similarly, the war premier’s leading critics, ‘The Downfall of Leslie Hore-Beli- he would get out of his official Belisha was never likely to recover sha’, Journal of Contemporary History car at Horse Guards and proceed his earlier prominence. Even had 16, 3 (July 1981); R. Wilkinson, to Downing Street on foot only an unforeseen military catastro- ‘Hore-Belisha: Britain’s Dreyfus?’, when confident that the press phe forced Churchill from power, History Today 47, 12 (December would capture his arrival. ‘Too Belisha was not well placed to 1997). childish for words’, concluded profit from such a situation. His 10 M. Edelman, The Mirror: A Political Gort.95 Those he befriended lack of both a solid party base and History (London: Hamish Hamil- often concluded that they were a strong personal following would ton, 1966), pp. 87, 91. being used, giving him what Lid- always have told against him. So 11 Sunday Pictorial, 7 January 1940. dell Hart called ‘his reputation Leslie Hore-Belisha joined the 12 R. R. James, Victor Cazalet: a Por- for sucking other people’s brains long list of ‘future Prime Minis- trait (London: Hamish Hamilton, and then leaving them high and ters’ who never made the grade. 1976), p. 223. dry’.96 It was the same tendency The man who aspired to be a sec- 13 W. Armstrong (ed.), With Malice sensed by Henry Morris-Jones ond Disraeli and who kept a bust Toward None: a War Diary by Cecil when he resigned from the Liberal of the Victorian statesman promi- H. King (London: Sidgwick and National Party: nently displayed in his library to Jackson, 1970), p. 17. remind him of his ambition is 14 University of Birmingham, Cham- Leslie with his clever Jewish consigned to the footnotes of his- berlain MSS, NC8/32/2, ‘Com- mind yesterday did some rapid tory. He is remembered, if at all, mentary’ by N. Chamberlain 17 calculations. Knew we were by a now ageing generation who January 1940. resigning at a good time on a learnt their highway code with 15 Ibid. good issue; decided to imme- the help of the eponymous flash- 16 Chamberlain MSS, NC 18/1/1139, diately jump on to our wagon ing orange beacons to which this Chamberlain to Ida Chamberlain

30 Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 a liberal without a home: the later career of leslie hore-belisha

20 January 1940. 1940. 20/41/105, J.P.L. Thomas to 80 , 12 October 1946. 17 R. Cockett, ‘Ball, Chamber- 37 Young (ed.), Lockhart Diaries, p. Eden 27 October 1944. 81 Hore–Belisha MSS, HOBE lain and Truth’, Historical Journal 80. 57 Minney, Private Papers, p. 299. 1/10, diary 11 February 1947. 33, 1 (1990), p. 138. 38 A. Roberts, Eminent Churchil- 58 G. Tregidga, The Liberal Party 82 Young (ed.), Lockhart Diaries, p. 18 B. Bond (ed.), Chief of Staff: The lians (London: Orion Books, in South-West Britain since 1918 720. Diaries of Lieutenant-General Sir 1995), pp. 192, 194. (Exeter: University of Exeter 83 S. Ball (ed.), Parliament and Henry Pownall 1933–1940 (Lon- 39 Flintshire Record Office, Mor- Press, 2000), p. 33. Politics in the Age of Churchill don: Leo Cooper, 1972), p. 274. ris-Jones MSS, D/MJ/22, diary 59 For a more detailed discussion and Attlee: The Headlam Diaries 19 Nicolson (ed.), Nicolson: Diaries 24 April 1941. of the motivation of Liberal 1935–1951 (Cambridge: Cam- and Letters, p. 57. 40 R.R. James (ed.), Chips: The National defectors and their bridge U.P., 1999), p. 391. 20 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. Diaries of Sir Henry Channon place on the political spec- 84 Colville, Fringes, p. 67. 17. (London: Weidenfeld and trum, see D. Dutton, Liberals in 85 Bond (ed.), Chief of Staff, p. 203. 21 F. de Guingand, Operation Nicolson, 1967), p. 304. Schism: A History of the National 86 N. J. Crowson (ed.), Fleet Street, Victory (London: Hodder and 41 A. Boyle, Poor, Dear Brendan: Liberal Party (London: I.B. Press Barons and Politics: The Stoughton, 1947), p. 42 The Quest for Brendan Bracken Tauris, 2008), pp. 41–44. Journals of Collin Brooks, 1932– 22 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, (London: Hutchinson, 1974), p. 60 Tregidga, The Liberal Party in 1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge p. 17; J. Colville, The Fringes 18. South-West Britain, p. 62. U.P., 1998), p. 263. of Power: Downing Street Diaries 42 M. Gilbert, The Churchill War 61 Morris-Jones MSS, D/MJ/14, 87 Ibid., p. 259. 1939–1955 (London: Hodder Papers vol. 3 (New York: W.W. diary 20 and 24 November 88 Ibid., p. 39. and Stoughton, 1985), p. 71. Norton, 2001), p. 767. 1933. 89 Cha mberla i n MSS, NC 23 Bond (ed.), Chief of Staff, p. 277. 43 House of Commons Debates, 62 P. Harris, Forty Years In and Out 18/1/876, Chamberlain to H. 24 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. 5th Series, vol. 371, cols 780, of Parliament (London: Andrew Chamberlain 1 July 1934. 17. 777 and 934–5; Nicolson (ed.), Melrose, n.d.), pp. 110–11. 90 Avon MSS, AP 20/1/22, diary 25 H. Morris-Jones, Doctor in the Nicolson: Diaries and Letters, 63 R. Skidelsky, Oswald Mosley 16 Dec. 1942; J. Vincent (ed.), Whips’ Room (London: Robert p. 164; Colville, Fringes, p. (London: Macmillan, 1975), p. The Crawford Papers (Manches- Hale, 1955), p. 114. 384; Earl Winterton, Orders 248. ter: Manchester University 26 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. of the Day (London: Cassell, 64 Churchill Archive Centre, Press, 1984), p. 611. 17. 1953), p. 271; B. Pimlott (ed.), Hore-Belisha MSS, HOBE 91 Liddell Hart, Memoirs, ii, p. 82. 27 Cha mberla i n MSS, NC The Second World War Diary of 1/1, diary 12 February 1932. 92 Young (ed.), Lockhart Diaries, p. 18/1/1139, Chamberlain to Ida Hugh Dalton 1940–45 (London: 65 Morris-Jones MSS, D/MJ/19, 755. Chamberlain 20 January 1940. Jonathan Cape, 1986), p. 198. diary 25 May 1938; D/MJ/20, 93 Cha mberla i n MSS, NC 28 A. J. P. Taylor (ed.), W. P. Cro- 44 Colville, Fringes, pp. 376–7; see diary 1 February 1939. 18/1/1137, Chamberlain to Ida zier: Off the Record, Political also James, Cazalet, pp. 264–5; 66 R. Cockett (ed.), My Dear Max: Chamberlain 7 January 1940. Interviews 1933–1943 (London: J. Harvey (ed.), The War Dia- The Letters of Brendan Bracken 94 A. Clark, The Tories: Conserva- Hutchinson, 1973), p. 151. ries of Oliver Harvey 1941–1945 to Lord Beaverbrook 1925–1958 tives and the Nation State 1922– 29 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. (London: Collins, 1978), p. 43. (London: Historians’ Press, 1997 (London: Weidenfeld and 21. 45 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. 1990), p. 44. Nicolson, 1998), p. 123. 30 B. Liddell Hart, The Mem- 133. 67 Harris, ‘Two War Ministers’, p. 95 J. Colville, Man of Valour: Field oirs of Capt. Liddell Hart, vol. 46 Minney, Private Papers, pp. 69. Marshal Lord Gort V.C. (Lon- 2 (London: Cassell, 1965), p. 294–5. 68 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, p. don: Collins, 1972), pp. 111–2. 228. When , the 47 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. 133. 96 King’s College, London, Lid- young MP for Norwood, who 134. 69 Bodleian Library, Oxford, dell Hart Centre for Military happened also to be Churchill’s 48 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, pp. Simon MSS 11 fos 70–1, diary Archives, Liddell Hart MSS, son-in-law, disclosed confi- 226–7. 20 March 1940; Morris-Jones 11/HB1938/147, note by Lid- dential information about the 49 Ibid., p. 308. MSS, D/MJ/21, diary 20 dell Hart 3 July 1938. inadequacy of the country’s 50 James (ed.), Chips, p. 334. March 1940. 97 Morris-Jones MSS, D/MJ/23, anti-aircraft defences, Belisha 51 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. 70 Morris-Jones MSS, D/MJ/21, diary 13 February 1942. Edgar had over-reacted, referring the 181. diary 11 January 1940. Granville once confronted case to the Attorney-General. 52 M. Gilbert, Winston S. Church- 71 D. Dutton, ‘Opposing Church- Belisha about the latter’s short- 31 J. Barnes and D. Nicholson ill, vol. 7 (London: Heine- ill: Sir Henry Morris-Jones and comings: ‘Said all his political (eds), The Empire at Bay: The mann, 1986), p. 254. Wartime Politics’, Transactions philosophy was concentrated Leo Amery Diaries 1929–1945 53 Pimlott (ed.), Dalton War Diary, of the Denbighshire Historical on himself, that he makes use (London: Hutchinson, 1988), p. p. 514. Society, vol. 52 (2003), p. 190. of others, pumps them and 611. 54 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, p. 72 The Times 16 February 1942. gives nothing in return’. Mor- 32 Ibid., p. 612. 343. 73 Pimlott (ed.), Dalton War Diary, ris-Jones MSS, D/MJ/22, diary 33 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, p. 55 Colville, Fringes, pp. 522–3. pp. 369–70; Jefferys (ed.), 26 June 1941. 38. 56 K. Jefferys (ed.), Labour and Chuter Ede Diary, p. 50. 98 Colville, Man of Valour, p. 138. 34 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, pp. the Wartime Coalition: From 74 Hore-Belisha MSS, HOBE 99 Liddell Hart, Memoirs, ii, p. 190–1. the Diary of James Chuter-Ede 1/9, diary 11 September 1941. 104. 35 A. H. Brodrick, Near to Great- 1941–1945 (London: Histori- 75 James (ed.), Chips, p. 341. 100 Chamberlain MSS, NC 2/24A, ness: A Life of Earl Winterton ans Press, 1987), p. 193. Eden 76 Liddell Hart, Memoirs ii, p. 228. diary 20 December 1939. (London: Hutchinson, 1965), p. was told that Belisha’s speech 77 Armstrong (ed.), With Malice, 101 Liddell Hart, Memoirs, ii, p. 239. was ‘considered to be an open pp. 282–3. 269. 36 Record Office, application for membership of 78 Grimwood, Little Chit, p. 195. 102 Taylor (ed.), Off the Record, p. Beaverbrook MSS C308, Bea- the Tory Party!’ University of 79 Western Morning News, 9 June 137. verbrook to Hoare 14 August Birmingham, Avon MSS, AP 1945.

Journal of Liberal History 65 Winter 2009–10 31