Enrico Mattei
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October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (Excepts)
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 22, 1962 Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts) Citation: “Amintore Fanfani Diaries (excepts),” October 22, 1962, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Italian Senate Historical Archives [the Archivio Storico del Senato della Repubblica]. Translated by Leopoldo Nuti. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115421 Summary: The few excerpts about Cuba are a good example of the importance of the diaries: not only do they make clear Fanfani’s sense of danger and his willingness to search for a peaceful solution of the crisis, but the bits about his exchanges with Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlo Russo, with the Italian Ambassador in London Pietro Quaroni, or with the USSR Presidium member Frol Kozlov, help frame the Italian position during the crisis in a broader context. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Italian Contents: English Translation The Amintore Fanfani Diaries 22 October Tonight at 20:45 [US Ambassador Frederick Reinhardt] delivers me a letter in which [US President] Kennedy announces that he must act with an embargo of strategic weapons against Cuba because he is threatened by missile bases. And he sends me two of the four parts of the speech which he will deliver at midnight [Rome time; 7 pm Washington time]. I reply to the ambassador wondering whether they may be falling into a trap which will have possible repercussions in Berlin and elsewhere. Nonetheless, caught by surprise, I decide to reply formally tomorrow. I immediately called [President of the Republic Antonio] Segni in Sassari and [Foreign Minister Attilio] Piccioni in Brussels recommending prudence and peace for tomorrow’s EEC [European Economic Community] meeting. -
Allochthones in the Netherlands and Belgium
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Jacobs, Dirk; Rea, Andrea Working Paper Construction and Import of Ethnic Categorisations: Allochthones in The Netherlands and Belgium Nota di Lavoro, No. 68.2006 Provided in Cooperation with: Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei (FEEM) Suggested Citation: Jacobs, Dirk; Rea, Andrea (2006) : Construction and Import of Ethnic Categorisations: Allochthones in The Netherlands and Belgium, Nota di Lavoro, No. 68.2006, Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei (FEEM), Milano This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/74189 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence -
Roberto Cantoni, Oil Exploration, Diplomacy, and Security in the Early Cold War: the Enemy Underground (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017), Pp
Roberto Cantoni, Oil exploration, diplomacy, and security in the early cold war: the enemy underground (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017), pp. 290 ISBN 978 1138 6929 09 Reviewed by Helen Thompson University of Cambridge Roberto Cantoni’s book Oil exploration, diplomacy and security in the early cold war offers a historical account of both oil policies in France and Italy in the 1950s and the early 1960s, and the international political consequences of the rise of Soviet oil production. His analysis is firmly grounded in the context of both the cold war and the commercial and political deal-making world of transnational petroleum companies. Cantoni seeks to examine the impact of the techno-scientific knowledge of oil in international politics and the ways in which concerns about the availability, source, price and distribution of oil shaped the national security conflicts of the cold war, including internal western relations. Cantoni starts with the reconstruction of the shattered Mussolini-created oil company, Azienda Generale Italiana Petroli (AGIP), into Ente Nazionale Idrocarburi (ENI), under the leadership of Enrico Mattei, and the parallel efforts of the French oil company, Compagnie Française Des Pétroles, (CFP) to restore its position in Iraq, and then develop an energy base for France in its north African colonies free from Anglo-American influence. He then turns to the conflicts generated by France’s North African energy ambitions, first and foremost in Algeria. He shows how CFP’s activities in Algeria and elsewhere in North Africa turned France into an oil exporter whilst ENI cultivated close relations with the Algerian National Liberation Front, in doing so strengthening the nationalist revolt against which the French were fighting. -
Mattei and Kennedy: the Strategic Alliance Killed by the British by Claudio Celani
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 36, Number 22, June 5, 2009 Mattei and Kennedy: The Strategic Alliance Killed by the British by Claudio Celani A renewed public interest in Italy in the post-war indus- Office as endangering British economic and foreign trial and political leader Enrico Mattei has put a focus policy interests in the world. On top of those papers, La on the evidence linking Mattei and U.S. President John Repubblica reminded readers that a Financial Times ar- F. Kennedy in a strategic alliance to eradicate the power ticle published Oct. 25, 1962, two days before Mattei’s of British colonialism worldwide. Contrary to public murder, asked: “Will signor Mattei have to go?” mythology, the reconstruction of the Kennedy-Mattei Mattei was viewed by the British as a threat because alliance shows that after World War II, the main divide he was helping African and Middle Eastern countries to in the world was never the conflict between “commu- achieve independence from colonialism, through trans- nism” and the “free world,” but that between the Amer- fer of technology and fair trade relations among equals. ican System and the British Empire—even if the truth He was doing this through revolutionary trade and eco- has sometimes been obscured by the British-instigated nomic deals that threatened British control of oil re- Cold War. sources and the very system of colonial relationships The assassinations of Mattei in 1962 and Kennedy which the British wanted to maintain, even after the in 1963, bear the fingerprints of the British Empire. -
New Proof That Italian Industrialist Enrico Mattei Was Murdered
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 22, Number 29, July 21, 1995 i New proof that Italian industrialist Enrico Mattei was murdered: by Claudio Celani New evidence in the hands of State prosecutors in Pavia not only the executors, but aliso the highest levels which demonstrates that Enrico Mattei, leader of Italy's postwar decided on Mattei's assassinatipn. Fulvio Bellini, ajoumalist industrial reconstruction, was deliberately killed by a bomb who conducted the firstpublisl1ed investigation into Mattei's which blew up his plane on Oct. 27,1962. Mattei was already murder, has told EIR that �th his work and Lyndon a legendary figure, known throughout the world for his fight LaRouche's analysis of the M�ttei case are in Calia's hands. against the London-centered oil marketing cartel and for his A public debate has been touched off by Calia's move, anti-colonial policy. When he died, the world knew that he which could be of utmost benefit to Italy if it focuses on who had been assassinated, but the official version of the investi had interest in killing Mattei apd what Mattei's policy was. gation into his death credited it to an "accident." Despite the fact that Italy ow�s its postwar reconstruction Last June 22, Pavia prosecutor Vincenzo Calia an and "economic miracle" almo$ entirely to Mattei's policies, nounced that his officehad conclusive proof contradictingthe since his death such policies ijave been progressively aban "accident" version, and ordered the exhumation of Mattei's doned and are now being reversed. The most significant as body, which is now under examination by experts in Turin. -
De Mauro 12-04-2008 15:13 Pagina 28
De Mauro 12-04-2008 15:13 Pagina 28 28 Mauro De Mauro Antonella Romano 3 auro De Mauro, uno Salò. Catturato a Milano nei giorni dei cronisti di punta della Liberazione, fu imprigionato a M del giornale L’Ora di Coltano. Nel 1948 venne processato a Palermo, scompare la Bologna per presunti reati commessi sera del 16 settembre 1970, in una durante la guerra civile, ma fu assolto città spazzata da un furiosa ondata di per insufficienza di prove e poi pro- scirocco africano. Di lui da allora non sciolto in Cassazione. se ne sa più niente. Una “lupara Prima di essere assunto a L’Ora lavo- bianca”, in stile mafioso, che ha per ra al Tempo di Sicilia e al Mattino di vittima un giornalista attento, scru- Sicilia. A Palermo sbarca nel 1959 e poloso e scomodo. diventa redattore del quotidiano del De Mauro aveva 49 anni. Sparisce nel pomeriggio, celebre per le sue batta- nulla poco dopo aver terminato il glie e le sue denunce. Per L’Ora segue suo lavoro in redazione. Il giornalista per un decennio le principali inchie- saluta per l’ultima volta i colleghi e ste sulla mafia e si occupa dei più lascia la palazzina di piazzetta Napo- importanti casi di cronaca. Diventa li, sede del prestigioso quotidiano una spina nel fianco per i mafiosi. La della sera. Viene rapito mentre par- sua firma compare sotto articoli che cheggia la sua Bmw blu in via delle scavano sugli intrecci tra Cosa No- Magnolie, sotto la sua abitazione, stra e mondo politico, suoi sono al- non molto distante dalla centralissi- cuni tra i primi reportage sul ruolo ma via Libertà. -
Environmental Efficiency, Emission Trends and Labour Productivity: Trade-Off Or Joint Dynamics? Empirical Evidence Using NAMEA Panel Data
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Mazzanti, Massimiliano; Zoboli, Roberto Working Paper Environmental Efficiency, Emission Trends and Labour Productivity: Trade-Off or Joint Dynamics? Empirical Evidence Using NAMEA Panel Data Nota di Lavoro, No. 40.2007 Provided in Cooperation with: Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei (FEEM) Suggested Citation: Mazzanti, Massimiliano; Zoboli, Roberto (2007) : Environmental Efficiency, Emission Trends and Labour Productivity: Trade-Off or Joint Dynamics? Empirical Evidence Using NAMEA Panel Data, Nota di Lavoro, No. 40.2007, Fondazione Eni Enrico Mattei (FEEM), Milano This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/74287 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have -
Descargar Descargar
ISSN: 1139-0107 ISSN-E: 2254-6367 MEMORIA Y CIVILIZACIÓN ANUARIO DE HISTORIA 21/2018 REVISTA DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE HISTORIA, HISTORIA DEL ARTE Y GEOGRAFÍA FACULTAD DE FILOSOFÍA Y LETRAS UNIVERSIDAD DE NAVARRA Alessandro Breccia - Giovanni Focardi What Modernization in Christian-Democrat Italy? The State facing Socio-Economic Transformation of 1948-1968 ¿Cuánto hubo de modernización en la Italia demócrata-cristiana? El Estado frente a la transformación socioeconómica de 1948-1968 pp. 479-499 [1-21] DOI: 10.15581/001.21.012 What Modernization in Christian-Democrat Italy? The State facing Socio-Economic Transformation of 1948-1968 ¿Cuánto hubo de modernización en la Italia demócrata-cristiana? El Estado frente a la transformación socioeconómica de 1948-1968 ALESSANDRO BRECCIA RECIBIDO: ABRIL DE 2018 ACEPTADO: JUNIO DE 2018 Università di Pisa [email protected] GIOVANNI FOCARDI∗ Università degli Studi di Padova [email protected] Resumen: Según la historiografía italiana, el Abstract: According to Italian historiography, the término modernización hace referencia a la term modernization refers to the transformation transformación de la sociedad italiana entre of Italian society between 1950 and the late 1950 y finales de los sesenta. Este estudio tiene 1960s. This study aims to analyse those years by como objetivo analizar esos años, adoptando el adopting the specific framework defined by the marco específico definido por la acción de las action of State institutions, trying to clarify which instituciones del Estado, tratando de aclarar cuál contribution was given by the «State» to the fue la contribución del «Estado» en los proce- modernization processes. The analysis starts sos de modernización. -
Redalyc.ITALY, the UNO and the INTERNATIONAL CRISES
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Tosi, Luciano ITALY, THE UNO AND THE INTERNATIONAL CRISES UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 25, enero, 2011, pp. 77-123 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76717367006 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY, THE UNO AND THE INTERNATIONAL CRISES Luciano Tosi 1 University of Perugia Abstract: In post-war Italy, the refusal of nationalism and the aspiration to a policy of international cooperation both at the European and world level were widely shared. At the Potsdam conference American President Truman proposed to admit Italy to UNO, however, this was met with Soviet opposition. In the context of the Cold War, Italy entered the UNO in 1955, together with other 15 countries. At the UNO, Italy‘s performance, for example on decolonization issues, was conditioned by her links with the USA, by the membership of the Western bloc and by her economic interests. Italy recognised Communist China only in 1970 and in 1971 voted for its admission to the UNO. In 1969 Prime Minister Moro described at the UN General Assembly a «global strategy of maintaining peace», a manifesto of a détente based on the UNO and on the equality of states as opposed to the «concert of powers». -
Giansanti-Leonardo-Tesi-2015.Pdf
INDEX PREFACE..............................................................................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................................ CHAPTER 1.........................................................................................................................................8 THE AMERICAN POLICY TOWARDS ITALY: ENRICO MATTEI AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA......................................................................................................................................8 1.1:American policy towards Italy in the postwar settlement: Truman and the Communist threat...........................................................................................................................................................8 1.1.2: American policy towards Italy in the postwar settlement: Clare Boothe Luce, NSC 5411/2 and the 1953's national elections.............................................................................................................................13 1.2: Enrico Mattei as an element of disturbance..................................................................................23 1.3: The Italian petroleum legislation in the 1950s...............................................................................28 1.4: The creation of “Ente nazionale idrocarburi” …..........................................................................33 -
Mauro De Mauro
Servizio Toponomastica Progetto “ CHI SONO ?” note sui nomi delle vie di CESENA Scheda relativa a : MAURO DE MAURO Giornalista italiano nato a Foggia il 6 settembre 1921 deceduto a Palermo il 16 settembre 1970. Trasferitosi a Palermo dopo la seconda guerra mondiale lavorò presso alcuni quotidiani locali come “Il Tempo di Sicilia”, Il Mattino di Sicilia” ecc. rivelandosi un ottimo cronista. Nel 1962 aveva seguito la morte del presidente dell'Eni Enrico Mattei e nel settembre del 1970 si stava nuovamente occupando del caso, in seguito all'incarico ricevuto dal regista Francesco Rosi per il suo film “Il caso Mattei”. Il giornalista, scomparso il 16 settembre del 1970, sarebbe stato sequestrato mentre rientrava nella sua abitazione di Palermo e ucciso perché aveva scoperto la verità sull’attentato in cui perse la vita l’ex presidente dell’Eni Enrico Mattei, il suo corpo non venne mai ritrovato. Le indagini sulla sua sparizione furono seguite sia dai carabinieri, secondo i quali sarebbe stato eliminato dalla mafia in seguito a indagini giornalistiche sul traffico di droga, sia dalla polizia, che ritenne piuttosto che la sua sparizione fosse collegata alle sue ricerche sul caso Mattei (l'aereo caduto era decollato da Catania), anche in seguito, il giorno stesso del suo rapimento, alla sparizione dal cassetto del suo ufficio di alcune pagine di appunti e di un nastro registrato con l'ultimo discorso tenuto da Mattei a Gagliano Castelferrato. La conferma della sua uccisione venne data negli anni seguenti dal resoconto di alcuni pentiti di mafia. Il movente dell’omicidio del cronista è emerso dalla deposizione di Italia Amato, ex compagna del boss catanese Francesco Mangion, che ha deposto davanti ai giudici della corte d’assise di Palermo che per l’omicidio De Mauro processano il capomafia Totò Riina. -
PLAYING with FIRE Italy, China, and Europe
THE NEW GEOPOLITICS MAY 2020 EUROPE PLAYING WITH FIRE Italy, China, and Europe GIOVANNA DE MAIO BROOKINGS – ROBERT BOSCH FOUNDATION TRANSATLANTIC INITIATIVE PLAYING WITH FIRE Italy, China, and Europe GIOVANNA DE MAIO EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The most significant event for Italian foreign policy in 2019 was the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with China endorsing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which marked a break in the ranks of G-7, raising important concerns from Washington that Italy would become an entry point for Chinese influence in Europe. In reality, Chinese investment in Italy’s key industries, including energy and telecommunications, has been growing since 2013. Chinese foreign direct investment in Italy is also significantly lower than in other major European economies such as Germany and France, which have not endorsed the BRI but have secured important trade and investment deals with Beijing. Due to Italy’s difficulties in attracting investment because of high taxation and bureaucracy (among other factors), Italy’s decision to sign the MoU on the BRI is an attempt to gain advantages over its European competitors to attract Chinese investment and address longstanding economic stagnation. On top of these existing issues, the devastating economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic (a 9.1% drop in GDP for 2020 is forecast by the International Monetary Fund) risks pushing Italy further into China’s arms. There are indeed mechanisms on both national and European levels to protect against foreign investment in strategic sectors, while different views on China in the Italian political landscape have led to more decisive actions to restrict the development of a 5G wireless network through Chinese technology.