Does the EU Work for Working Class People?

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Does the EU Work for Working Class People? Essay Series Does the EU work for working class people? Dr Faiza Shaheen Howard Reed Frances O’Grady Prof Ozlem Onaran Dr Olivier Sykes & Dr Andreas Schulze Bäing Ellie Mae O’Hagan June 2016 Authors Dr Faiza Shaheen Faiza is Director of Class and has previously been Head of Inequality and Sustainable Development at Save the Children UK and Senior Researcher at NEF. Howard Reed Howard is Director of Landman Economics. Frances O’Grady Frances is General Secretary of the TUC. Dr Olivier Sykes and Dr Andreas Schulze Baing Olivier is a lecturer in the Department of Geography and Planning at the University of Liverpool; Andreas is a lecturer at the Centre for Urban Policy Studies at the University of Manchester. Professor Ozlem Onaran Ozlem is Professor of Economics and Director of Greenwich Political Economy Research Centre, University of Greenwich Ellie Mae O’Hagan Ellie is a journalist and political commentator and is Media and Communications Officer at Class. The views expressed in this paper do not represent the collective views of the Centre for Labour and Social Studies (Class), but only the views of the authors. 2 Does the European Union work for working class people? 2016 EU referendum debate Can the European Union deliver for working class people? The Government has announced a referendum on whether Britain should remain in the European Union will be held on Thursday 23 June 2016. But the debate has been narrowly focused on immigration with little discussion on what the referendum means for working class people more broadly. There is a class division on Brexit, with the working class largely in favour of the UK leaving the EU and those in highly paid in professions generally wanting to stay in (YouGov polling April 2016). For many this discontent with the EU articulates itself as an anti-immigration stance – a sentiment that UKIP politicians and the ‘leave EU’ campaign have exploited. This political backdrop has greatly coloured the EU debate - misinformation is common and debates on immigration are wrongly divorced from broader trends in the labour market and EU policies. In light of this, Class set out to make a balanced contribution to the debate, focusing on the areas and issues being overlooked and of most significance to working class people and communities in the UK. We asked key figures from across the labour movement and academic institutions- and with differing attitudes to the- EU the same question– “Does the European Union work for working class people?” – and have compiled their responses in this publication. Does the European Union work for working class people? 3 Has the EU been good for the working class? Foreword This is a group that has seen their wages decline in real terms, who have been growingly subject to precarious working conditions through the expansion of zero hour contracts and casualisation, disproportionately affected by spending cuts, and for those on welfare benefits been the focus of growing scrutiny, sanctioning and public demonisation. There is no doubt that life for this segment of the population has grown worse over the past few decades. But why has this hardship converted in to Eurosceptism? The common answer is immigration. While the working class are not the only ones who worry about immigration, Director of Class Dr Faiza Shaheen, with more than half of the population feeling that immigration should be reduced by ‘a Class is a major predictor of which way you lot’⁴, they are more concerned than other are likely to vote in the upcoming EU groups⁵. Referendum. Those in elementary and Democracy is another – those planning to manual jobs are almost twice as likely to say vote for leaving the EU frequently state they want to leave the EU than those in dissatisfaction with how democracy is or isn’t professional and managerial positions¹. working at the EU level⁶. A similar division exists when considering However, immigration and democracy are qualifications. 70 per cent of those with simply the drivers of concern that are visible. university degrees want to remain in the EU, Once you scratch beneath the surface it is while only 32 per cent of those without clear that there is something more complex qualifications feel the same way². that underlies these frustrations. After all, There are multiple reasons for this difference why should the working class feel more – but the obvious reason is that those higher disgruntled than others about immigration or up the income spectrum gain more from a lack of democratic control? being in the EU than those at the bottom. What do we know? This uneven distributional impact of the EU is the focus of this series of essays. Jobs are where we start our endeavour to answer this question. Howard Reed provides The ‘working class’ is used as a shorthand an overview of the impact of the EU on here to refer to those in manual or wages. Like many he finds little evidence of elementary jobs, on low incomes or welfare impacts of immigration on average wages, assistance – approximately 40 per cent of the but the story does not end here. population³. 4 Does the European Union work for working class people? Several studies have found small negative But again the story is not all positive, Özlem impacts at the bottom end of the income Onaran catalogues the series of actions taken scale. to moderate wages and rights across the EU The overall effects on existing low qualified while reminding us that the UK was not a workers are, however, small and remain passive recipient but rather a driving force for highly contested with causality difficult to the falling wage share across Europe. prove. Stronger evidence has been found How much being part of the EU has driven that more established migrants may lose out market fundamentalism and inequality in the in the labour market as a result of a new UK is a matter of contention. Those arguing wave of immigration. to leave the EU on the left of the political At the other end of the scale, there is spectrum point to the EU and European evidence that immigration has been good for Central Bank as bastions of neo-liberalism, those on higher wages. As such, when taking captured best by the example of Greece and wages alone it is very possible that the imposed austerity⁸. working class have been negatively affected, While the EU certainly has driven some especially when compared to workers with pernicious policies across Europe, the drivers more qualifications. of inequality and falling economic well-being However, as Reed explains, it is misleading to for the poorest in the UK are largely look at wage impacts in isolation. nationally driven. The decimation of union Immigration creates demand as well as power and collective bargaining rights, supply. decline of the manufacturing sector, financialisation and public spending cuts have Migrants have been found to fill labour all been deliberate outcomes of successive market gaps, which may have contributed to UK governments. The EU is not the main an increase in business productivity and in culprit. turn created other jobs. Conservative politician, Iain Duncan Smith At the macro level, Reed argues, the recently quipped that the EU is a "force for increased investment that comes with being social injustice" which backs "the haves part of the EU has benefited everyone. Again, rather than the have-nots"⁹. it is possible that these investment benefits, as well as other economic benefits such as Commentators did not miss the irony of this lower consumer prices⁷, have benefitted statement – with many pointing out that it particular sectors and workers more than was IDS who had implemented cruel cuts on others. the poor and those with disabilities during his time as the Work and Pensions Secretary¹⁰. Frances O’Grady of the TUC underlines the rights that have been won through a co- The dilemma is, as Onaran underlines, ordinated labour movement across the EU – reversing the trend in wages and fighting the the Working Time Directive’s implementation power of banks and corporate lobbyist may which included paid leave for those on be difficult to do as a single nation. Taking the temporary contracts made a material high road on wages risks others undercutting difference to those on low incomes. on labour rights and conditions in an attempt to compete. Does the European Union work for working class people? 5 However, persuading the whole of the EU to The evidence is scant but perceptions are increasing wages is, to put it mildly, a tall powerful. It is intuitive that the large influx of order. One can only deduce that driving immigrants to somewhere like Peterborough change for the poorest in society will be a would have created a shock to the local struggle in or outside of the EU. community and public services. Poor A running theme throughout the essays is management at the local level did not go that many of the benefits of being part of the unnoticed by local residents and has often EU have been invisible. Higher levels of fueled distrust in politicians and local civil growth, or greater innovation because of servants. immigration are not observable to the The evidence is only lacking because we have average person. failed to properly catalogue the local level Olivier Sykes and Andreas Schulze Bäing impacts and hence driven the anger and consider the visible impact in our fourth frustration of those in affected communities. essay, through a focus on EU funded What we don’t know regeneration. Between 2014-2020 a total of Across the different areas we looked – from £351.8 billion EU regeneration and structural wages to community cohesion – there was a investment will find its way to some of the dearth of concrete evidence on the impacts most deprived areas in the UK.
Recommended publications
  • Trends in A8 Migration to the UK During the Recession
    Population Trends nr 145 Autumn 2011 Trends in A8 migration to the UK during the recession David McCollum and Allan Findlay ESRC Centre for Population Change, Geography, School of the Environment University of Dundee Abstract A substantial proportion of contemporary migration flows to the UK are made by nationals from countries which have recently joined the EU. The nature of A8 migration during the recession is examined in this paper, mainly using data from the Worker Registration Scheme. The recession has seen a decline in new A8 migrants entering the UK labour market, but the decline has been sectorally uneven, with demand for migrant labour being most persistent in the agricultural sector, raising questions about why this part of the UK economy is so different. Office for National Statistics 77 Population Trends nr 145 Autumn 2011 Introduction In a relatively short space of time Eastern Europe has become one of the principal source regions of migrants to the UK and citizens from these states now constitute some of the largest foreign born populations in the country. Since their accession to the European Union in May 2004 citizens from Poland, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Slovakia and Slovenia (the A8 countries) have had the right to participate in the UK labour market. Most EU member states set down constraints on the rights of A8 citizens to participate in their labour markets, but the UK, along with Ireland and Sweden, granted full access. As a result large numbers of migrants from the ‘A8’ countries came to the UK from 2004 onwards.
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons from the EU Eastern Enlargement: Chances and Challenges for Policy Makers
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Vargas-Silva, Carlos Article Lessons from the EU Eastern Enlargement: Chances and Challenges for Policy Makers CESifo DICE Report Provided in Cooperation with: Ifo Institute – Leibniz Institute for Economic Research at the University of Munich Suggested Citation: Vargas-Silva, Carlos (2011) : Lessons from the EU Eastern Enlargement: Chances and Challenges for Policy Makers, CESifo DICE Report, ISSN 1613-6373, ifo Institut - Leibniz-Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung an der Universität München, München, Vol. 09, Iss. 4, pp. 9-13 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/167053 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an
    [Show full text]
  • The Worker Registration Scheme and A8 Immigration Since 2004
    Review of the UK’s transitional measures for nationals of member states that acceded to the European Union in 2004 Migration Advisory Committee Report April 2009 1 Contents Chairman’s foreword Migration Advisory Committee and secretariat Summary Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Our task 1.2 Background 1.3 What we did 1.4 Structure of the report Chapter 2: The Worker Registration Scheme and A8 immigration since 2004 2.1 Introduction 2.2 The Treaty of Accession 2.3 Purpose of the Worker Registration Scheme 2.4 Operation of the Worker Registration Scheme 2.5 What entitlements do registered A8 immigrants have? 2.6 Data captured by registrations under the scheme 2.7 A8 immigration: stocks and flows since accession 2.8 The nature of A8 immigration 2.9 Concluding remarks Chapter 3: Approach 3.1 Introduction 3.2 Scope of the analysis 3.3 Definition of a serious market disturbance 3.4 Potential labour market impacts of removing the Worker Registration Scheme 3.5 Other consequences of removing the Worker Registration Scheme 3.6 Concluding remarks 2 Chapter 4: The condition of the UK labour market and its implications 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Recent macro-economic developments 4.3 Current condition of the UK labour market 4.4 Implications for future flows 4.5 Labour market impacts 4.6 Concluding remarks Chapter 5: Impact of removing the Worker Registration Scheme 5.1 Introduction 5.2 Potential changes to stocks and flows of A8 immigrants in response to removal of the Worker Registration Scheme 5.3 Potential changes in behaviour of A8 immigrants in response to removal of the Worker Registration Scheme 5.4 Likely wider economic impacts 5.5 Concluding remarks Chapter 6: Conclusions Annex A: Occupation and sector trends in the UK labour market 3 Chairman’s foreword In February 2009 the Government asked the Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) to: “consider what the likely labour market impact of relaxing transitional measures [for A8 nationals] would be and whether it would be sensible to do so”.
    [Show full text]
  • New Migration New Challenges Eastern European Migrant Pupils in English Schools 4 New Migration, New Challenges Eastern European Migrant Pupils in English Schools
    3 New migration, new challenges Eastern European migrant pupils in English schools Department of Education & Professional Studies New migration new challenges Eastern European migrant pupils in English schools 4 New migration, new challenges Eastern European migrant pupils in English schools About this report Dr Antonina Tereshchenko was the lead researcher of the project, working with Professor Louise Archer. The 24-month research project was funded by the British Academy through the Newton International Fellowship, hosted by the Department of Education & Professional Studies at King’s College London. The final report is written by Antonina Tereshchenko, with contributions from Louise Archer. We are grateful to Rodolfo Leyva for assistance in the statistical overview of the Eastern European student attainment, drawing upon the data from the National Pupil Database. We would like to thank the staff of all the schools who assisted in the completion of this project. We are particularly grateful to teachers, students and parents who gave their time for the interviews. New migration, new challenges Eastern European migrant pupils in English schools 1 Contents Executive Summary 3 1. Background 9 1.1 Hot topic – East European migration 9 1.2 School attainment statistics at age 16 10 2. Methodology 19 2.1 Focus of empirical research 19 2.2 Research design 19 3. Findings 21 3.1 Students’ aspirations: education & career choice 21 3.2 Parental perceptions & responses to schooling in England 24 3.3 The impact of EAL status on the education of students 27 3.4 Young people’s experiences of racism 31 4. Conclusions 35 5.
    [Show full text]
  • The Story of UK Migration
    The Story of UK Migration ________ A Compilation of the Literature on Immigration and Emigration in the UK and the Implications for Hampshire Published May 2010 By Spatial Strategy and Research Table of Contents Glossary ................................................................................................................... 4 Introduction............................................................................................................. 5 Defining Migrants and Migration........................................................................... 6 Types of Migrant and Push and Pull Factors............................................................. 6 Data Issues................................................................................................................ 7 Relevant Policies Relating to International Migration into the UK ...................... 8 Post-Second World War Migration Policies .............................................................. 8 Asylum Seeker and Refugee Policies.......................................................................... 8 Current Migration Policies........................................................................................ 9 Accession 8 Migration to the UK .......................................................................... 10 Reasons for A8 migration to the UK........................................................................ 11 Length of Stay in the UK.........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Implications of Intra- EU Migration
    Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Senior Theses and Projects Student Scholarship Spring 2016 United in Diversity? The Political Implications of Intra- EU Migration Isabel Monteleone Trinity College, Hartford Connecticut, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, Economic History Commons, Economic Policy Commons, European History Commons, European Law Commons, Growth and Development Commons, Human Geography Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International and Comparative Labor Relations Commons, International Relations Commons, Labor Economics Commons, Nature and Society Relations Commons, Policy History, Theory, and Methods Commons, Political Economy Commons, Public Policy Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, Social Policy Commons, and the Urban Studies Commons Recommended Citation Monteleone, Isabel, "United in Diversity? The Political Implications of Intra- EU Migration". Senior Theses, Trinity College, Hartford, CT 2016. Trinity College Digital Repository, https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/theses/565 TRINITY COLLEGE Senior Thesis United in Diversity? The Political Implications of Intra- EU Migration Submitted by: Isabel Monteleone Presented to the Department of Public Policy and Law !in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree with honors! of Bachelor of Arts Spring 2016 Director: Anthony M. Messina Second Reader: Garth A. Myers Table of Contents: List of Figures………………………………………………..……iii
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons from the EU Eastern Enlargement: Chances And
    Forum LESSONS FROM THE EU A8 migrants to the UK was about 304,000 and A8 migrants accounted for about 25 percent of all net- EASTERN ENLARGEMENT: migration to the UK during that period.2 CHANCES AND CHALLENGES Poland is the demographic giant among the A8 coun- FOR POLICY MAKERS1 tries. Hence, as expected, the large majority of the A8 migrants to the UK (around 69 percent) were Po- lish citizens. In fact, between the year ending Decem- CARLOS VARGAS-SILVA* ber 2003 and the year ending September 2010 the Polish-born population of the UK increased from Introduction 75,000 to 521,000. On 1 May 2004 eight Eastern European countries Migration in the UK has always been a controversial (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, political issue and a large majority of the British pub- Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia) joined the European lic has been opposed to more immigration since at Union (EU). These countries as a group are common- least the 1960s (Blinder 2011). But the surge in immi- ly known as the Accession 8 or simply A8 countries. gration after the accession of the Eastern European As members of the EU, citizens of the A8 have the countries led to migration becoming one of the main right of mobility within the EU system. However, the political issues during the 2010 general election and accession agreements allowed the 15 pre-existing EU to David Cameron becoming prime minister, in part, member states to impose restrictions on the employ- by promising to control immigration and reducing ment of citizens from the A8 countries for a maximum net-migration from “hundreds of thousands” to “tens of seven years.
    [Show full text]
  • Brexit and the Impact of Immigration on the UK
    P APER BREXIT0 5 #CEPBREXIT Brexit and the Impact of Immigration on the UK Jonathan Wadsworth, Swati Dhingra, Gianmarco Ottaviano and John Van Reenen CEP BREXIT ANALYSIS NO. 5 Brexit and the impact of immigration on the UK Between 1995 and 2015, the number of immigrants from other European Union (EU) countries living in the UK tripled from 0.9 million to 3.3 million. In 2015, EU net immigration to the UK was 172,000, only just below the figure of 191,000 for non-EU immigrants. The big increase in EU immigration occurred after the ‘A8’ East European countries joined in 2004. In 2015 29% of EU immigrants were Polish. EU immigrants are more educated, younger, more likely to be in work and less likely to claim benefits than the UK-born. About 44% have some form of higher education compared with only 23% of the UK-born. About a third of EU immigrants live in London, compared with only 11% of the UK-born. Many people are concerned that immigration reduces the pay and job chances of the UK- born due to more competition for jobs. But immigrants consume goods and services and this increased demand helps to create more employment opportunities. Immigrants also might have skills that complement UK-born workers. So we need empirical evidence to settle the issue of whether the economic impact of immigration is negative or positive for the UK-born. New evidence in this Report shows that the areas of the UK with large increases in EU immigration did not suffer greater falls in the jobs and pay of UK-born workers.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of the Transitional Restrictions on Access of Bulgarian and Romanian Nationals to the UK Labour Market
    Review of the transitional restrictions on access of Bulgarian and Romanian nationals to the UK labour market Migration Advisory Committee November 2011 Migration Advisory Committee 1st Floor Green Park House 29 Wellesley Road Croydon CR0 2AJ www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/mac email: [email protected] Review of the transitional restrictions on access of Bulgarian and Romanian nationals to the UK labour market Migration Advisory Committee November 2011 Contents Contents The Migration Advisory Committee and secretariat ......................................................... 1 Chapter 1 Introduction ................................................................................................. 3 1.1 The Migration Advisory Committee ....................................................................3 1.2 Our task .............................................................................................................3 1.3 Background .......................................................................................................4 1.4 Our approach .....................................................................................................7 1.5 How we gathered evidence ...............................................................................8 1.6 Other issues ......................................................................................................9 1.7 Structure of this report ..................................................................................... 12 1.8 Thank you .......................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Size and Profile of the A8 Population in Glasgow
    A8 Nationals in Glasgow Glasgow City Council Blake Stevenson’s Report May 2007 1 Melville Park, Edinburgh, EH28 8PJ PH: 44(0)131 335 3700 FX 44(0)131 333 1033 [email protected] www.blakestevenson.co.uk Crane House, 19 Apex Business Park, Annitsford, Newcastle Upon Tyne, NE23 7BF PH: 44(0)0191 250 1969 FX: 44(0)191 250 2563 Directors: Norma Hurley, Pamela Reid, Glenys Watt Contents Section Page 1 Introduction.......................................................................................1 2 Approach and Methods ........................................................................4 3 Size and Profile of the A8 Population in Glasgow......................................9 4 Employment of A8 Nationals............................................................... 24 5 Service Provision .............................................................................. 37 6 Conclusions and Recommendations ..................................................... 62 Appendices: Appendix 1: Service Provider Interview Schedule Appendix 2: List of Key Stakeholder Organisations Interviewed Appendix 3: Survey Questionnaire Appendix 4: Employer Interview Schedule Appendix 5: List of Employer Organisations Interviewed Appendix 6: Focus Group Schedule 1 1 Introduction The Study 1.1 Evidence indicates that the experience of A8 nationals in Scotland and the UK, and their effect on the economy and the local population, has generally been positive. Polish immigrants in particular, with pre-existing Polish communities already established in Scotland
    [Show full text]
  • The Number of European and International Workers in Angus in 2007 and Their Housing Needs
    The number of European and International Workers in Angus in 2007 and their housing needs. Report produced by: Lucyna Rutkowska Contents: 1. Introduction 2. European and International Workers definition 3. The number of European and International Workers in Scotland 4. The number of European and International Workers in Angus 4.1 National Insurance Number registration (NINO) 4.2 Worker Registration Scheme (WRS) 4.3 Statistics of birth of E&IW 4.4 Statistics of E&IW children in Angus schools 4.5 Statistics of Angus College ESOL students 4.6 E&IW and Working for Families Angus 4.7 Employers Survey 4.8 Angus caravan sites survey 5. European and International Workers housing needs 5.1 Housing survey (September 2007) 6. Conclusion 7. Recommendation Appendix: • I. Map of Europe • II. Housing survey form • III. Sources 1. Introduction This report outlines the findings of a research project which has attempted to establish baseline information on the size of the various International Communities in Angus, while also collecting the information on their housing needs and aspirations. The UK was one of the few European Union (EU) nations to open its labour market to the A8 countries (see below) when they joined in 2004, causing a substantial wave of immigration to the country. Trends in international migration, increasingly free movement of labour within the European Union, the demography of the existing population of the UK and the needs of the British economy mean that the UK is likely to continue to receive many new arrivals in coming years. 2. European and International Workers (E&IW) definition Migrant workers coming to live and work in Angus are predominantly from the Eastern Europe countries admitted to the European Union known as A8 states (Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia) and newly admitted A2 states (Romania and Bulgaria).
    [Show full text]
  • New Immigrants from the A8 Countries to the United Kingdom
    Database NEW IMMIGRANTS FROM THE and management, hospitality and catering, agricul- ture, manufacturing and food, fish and meat process- A8 COUNTRIES TO THE ing. In many cases, A8 nationals are supporting the UNITED KINGDOM provision of public services in communities. They have registered as bus, lorry and coach drivers and as care workers. The biggest group of workers (27 per- Nationals from A8 countries (Czech Republic, cent) is in general occupations classified as process Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovak operatives (other factory workers). This is followed Republic and Slovenia) who wish to take up employ- by warehouse operatives (8 percent), packers (6 per- ment in the United Kingdom for a period of at least cent) and kitchen and catering assistants (6 percent). a month are generally required to register with the Worker Registration Scheme. Workers who are self- The numbers of A8 nationals applying for tax- employed do not need to register and are therefore funded income related benefits, child benefits and not included in the Worker Registration Scheme tax credits is relatively low. In Table 2 all claims data. In addition, there is no deregistration require- from A8 nationals between May 2004 and March ment, so people who work for a short time and then 2008 are included. The applicants are however not return to their country would be counted in the sta- only those A8 nationals who registered with the tistics in the same way as people who intend to stay Worker Registration Scheme during that period on a long-term basis. (Table 1), but include those who migrated to the United Kingdom earlier and those who are not According to the Worker Registration Scheme data, required to register.Thus Table 2 is not comparable 812,000 initial applications were approved between with Table 1.
    [Show full text]