UA/SC 27 October 1993 UA 378/93 Deliberate and Arbitrary K
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BA 920721 Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation
The President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina Alija lzetbegovic, and the President of the Republic of Croatia Dr Franjo Tudjman have concluded, after the talks between the delegations of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia held in Zagreb on July 21, 1992, the following Agreement on Friendship and Cooperation between the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Croatia The President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the President of the Republic of Croatia; In consideration of the common interests of their countries in the protection of their independence and territorial integrity; Seriously concerned about the continuing aggression by the rest of the Yugoslav People's Army of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and Serbian and Montenegrin regular and irregular military forces, against their areas; Accepting the Resolutions of the United Nations Security Council No. 752 (1992) of July 15, 1991, No. 757 (1992) of May 30, 1992, No. 758 (1992) of June 8, 1992, No. 760 (1992) of June 18, 1992, No. 761 (1992) of June 29, 1992, No. 762 (1992) of June 30, 1992 and No. 764 (1992) of July 13, 1992; Accepting the opinions presented so far by the Arbitration Commission of the Conference on Yugoslavia, and in particular the opinions concerning the termination of existence of the former Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia, the need to terminate the membership of the latter in international organizations, and the principles to be followed in the solution of succession issues; Aware of the need for agreement in resolving issues of vital importance for their mutual cooperation and joint opposition to aggression; Have agreed as follows: 1. -
Never Again: International Intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina1
Never again: 1 International intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina July 2017 David Harland2 1 This study is one of a series commissioned as part of an ongoing UK Government Stabilisation Unit project relating to elite bargains and political deals. The project is exploring how national and international interventions have and have not been effective in fostering and sustaining political deals and elite bargains; and whether or not these political deals and elite bargains have helped reduce violence, increased local, regional and national stability and contributed to the strengthening of the relevant political settlement. This is a 'working paper' and the views contained within do not necessarily represent those of HMG. 2 Dr David Harland is Executive Director of the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue. He served as a witness for the Prosecution at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia in the cases of The Prosecutor versus Slobodan Milošević, The Prosecutor versus Radovan Karadžić, The Prosecutor versus Ratko Mladić, and others. Executive summary The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was the most violent of the conflicts which accompanied the break- up of Yugoslavia, and this paper explores international engagement with that war, including the process that led to the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Sarajevo and Srebrenica remain iconic symbols of international failure to prevent and end violent conflict, even in a small country in Europe. They are seen as monuments to the "humiliation" of Europe and the UN and the -
Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina
UNIDIR/96/7 UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva Disarmament and Conflict Resolution Project Managing Arms in Peace Processes: Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina Paper: Barbara Ekwall-Uebelhart and Andrei Raevsky Questionnaire Analysis: LTCol J.W. Potgieter, Military Expert DCR Project Project funded by: the Ford Foundation, the United States Institute of Peace, the Winston Foundation, the Ploughshares Fund, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation; and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Finland, France, Austria, the Federal Republic of Brazil, the Republic of Malta, the Republic of Argentina, and the Republic of South Africa. UNITED NATIONS New York and Geneva, 1996 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/96/7 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.96.0.6 ISBN 92-9045-110-6 Table of Contents Previous DCR Project Publications............................... vii Preface - Sverre Lodgaard .......................................ix Acknowledgements ............................................xi Project Introduction - Virginia Gamba ............................xiii Project Staff ................................................xxi List of Acronyms ...........................................xxiii Part I: Case Study ................................... 1 Chapter 1: Introduction B. Ekwall-Uebelhart and A. Raevsky .............. 3 1.1. Background to the Conflict - B. Ekwall-Uebelhart.......... -
BHY CR 2006/15 (Translation)
BHY CR 2006/15 (translation) CR 2006/15 (traduction) Friday 10 March 2006 at 10 a.m. Vendredi 10 mars 2006 à 10 heures - 2 - 10 The PRESIDENT: Please be seated. Professor Stojanović, you have the floor. Mr. STOJANOVIĆ: Thank you, Madam President, Members of the Court. I will continue my presentation with an analysis of the preparations for war and the arming of the population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Part Three Preparations for war and the arming of the population 113. In the autumn of 1991, the war in Croatia was coming to an end. The United Nations Security Council had characterized the conflict in Croatia by resolution 713 of 25 September 1991 (pursuant to Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter) as a direct threat to peace and international security. This resolution imposed an embargo on the export of arms to Yugoslavia. The Security Council gave Cyrus Vance a mandate to act as an intermediary in the ceasefire negotiations. Also, a United Nations peacekeeping force, UNPROFOR, was set up. It was to keep the two sides apart along the boundaries that their respective military forces held at that point. 114. The situation became tense when the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted a memorandum on the sovereignty and independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina on 15 October 1991. Representatives of the Serb parties walked out, and the two Serb representatives of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina voted against the memorandum. A few days later, the Serb representatives who had walked out of the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina set up their own separate parliament and announced a referendum to let the citizens decide if they wanted to stay inside Yugoslavia or not. -
The Third Entity – a Fiction? by Erich Rathfelder
The third entity – a fiction? By Erich Rathfelder While Bosnia and Herzegovina is already dysfunctional with its two entities, the Croat Member of the Presidency, Dragan Čović, is striving for a third entity. This project is following the para-state “Herceg-Bosna,“ which was carrying out ethnic cleansing during the Bosnian War. In a first step, Čović is trying to undermine the functionality of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by an Electoral Law reform. Slowly it was calming down in the almost full small lecture hall in the Culture Centre Kosača in Mostar on October 3, 2017. The approximately 100 people present were looking curiously at the podium, where Miroslav Tuđman, the son of the first President of the Republic of Croatia, was taking place to present his new book published in 2017 in Zagreb. The former head of the Croatian Secret Service, extremely resembling his father Franjo Tuđman, had to be patient for a little while though. Because, as customary in this region, several speakers first praised the author as a brilliant analyst and a great Croatian patriot. Indeed, the mind-set of Miroslav Tuđman provides important insight into the position of Croatian nationalism in Croatia and in Bosnia and Herzegovina. His book Druga strana rubikona – politička strategija Alije Izetbegovića [The Other Side of the Rubicon – Alija Izetbegović’s Political Strategy] strives to be a settlement with the former President of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which gained its independence from Yugoslavia in the spring of 1992. But not only that: It contains a fundamental positioning of Croatian nationalism and provides the background for the current politics of the Croatian Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (HDZ-BiH). -
Downloaded from Manchesterhive.Com at 10/02/2021 10:06:57AM Via Free Access Non-Existent States with Strange Institutions
2 Non-existent states with strange institutions Kristóf Gosztonyi Introduction Republic of Herceg-Bosna is an especially opaque phenomenon even taking into account the usual obscurity of Bosnian Tevents. As fighting erupted in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatian Forces under the command of the Herceg-Bosna authorities fought together with the fledgling troops of the Bosnian government against the Serb aggression. Rivalries between Bosnian Croats and Bosniaks, which seemed to have been present from the begin- ning of their alliance (Halilovic 1997), led to increasingly violent clashes in January 1993 and to full-scale war four months later. At the height of this war (28August 1993) the Croat Community of Herceg-Bosna transformed itself into a Republic and declared its independence. Military losses and international pres- sure compelled Franjo Tudjman, the President of the Republic of Croatia, to pres- sure Bosnian Croats to sign a peace agreement with the Bosnian central government in the spring of 1994, the so-called ‘Washington Agreement’. Until the signing of the Washington Agreement, Herceg-Bosna was a ‘normal’ secessionist pseudo-state with a dubious and authoritarian leader, Mate Boban, a more or less efficient and hierarchical wartime administration, and an increasingly centralised military corps (the HVO). In the course of the peace talks, Mate Boban was forced to resign and Krezimir Zubak, a previously unknown politician, took his place. At the time of commencing fieldwork in February 1996, the impression gained from discussions differed strongly from the one-man-dominated para- state which had been described previously. Herceg-Bosna, though always a dis- puted and dubious political unit, seemed to be an obscure and undefined entity which gained a clear shape only if nationalist issues were touched upon. -
MSF and the War in the Former Yugoslavia 1991-2003 in the Former MSF and the War Personalities in Political and Military Positions at the Time of the Events
MSF AND THE WAR IN THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA 1991 - 2003 This case study is also available on speakingout.msf.org/en/msf-and-the-war-in-the-former-yugoslavia P MSF SPEAKS OUT MSF Speaking Out Case Studies In the same collection, “MSF Speaking Out”: - “Salvadoran refugee camps in Honduras 1988” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - December 2013] - “Genocide of Rwandan Tutsis 1994” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Rwandan refugee camps Zaire and Tanzania 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “The violence of the new Rwandan regime 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Hunting and killings of Rwandan Refugee in Zaire-Congo 1996-1997” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [August 2004 - April 2014] - ‘’Famine and forced relocations in Ethiopia 1984-1986” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2005 - November 2013] - “Violence against Kosovar Albanians, NATO’s Intervention 1998-1999” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [September 2006] - “War crimes and politics of terror in Chechnya 1994-2004’” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [June 2010-September 2014] - “Somalia 1991-1993: Civil war, famine alert and UN ‘military-humanitarian’ intervention” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2013] - “MSF and North Korea 1995-1998” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [November 2014] - “MSF and Srebrenica 1993-2003” -
In Former Yugoslavia Case Sheets
@'An Unknown Destination' "Disappeared" in former Yugoslavia Case sheets Vukovar, a small town in eastern Croatia with a multi-ethnic population of Croats, Serbs, Hungarians, Ruthenes, Ukranians and others, was the scene of the earliest mass "disappearance" in the former Yugoslavia. In August 1991, after the June declaration of independence by the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), the town came under heavy attack from Serbian irregular troops supported by the Yugoslav National Army (JNA). The siege lasted until 18 November, when Croatian forces defending the town surrendered. Following the surrender, an agreement was signed by the commander of the JNA and the Croatian Government under the supervision of the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) according to which patients and medical personnel would be evacuated from the town's hospital under the supervision of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). However, on 19 November, forces of the JNA accompanied by paramilitary units entered the hospital and led patients and members of the hospital staff away. Of 444 people on the evacuation lists, only 128 eventually reached Croatia, along with a small number of medical workers. It is believed that many of those taken from the hospital were loaded into buses and driven to a collective farm at Ov_ara, about seven kilometres southeast of Vukovar. Some may have been killed on the spot. In 1992 an international team of forensic experts was able to make a preliminary excavation of an area near the farm. Here they discovered human remains, which showed strong signs that they had been unlawfully killed. They estimated that the grave contained the bodies of about 200 people, but the local Serb authorities have refused permission for a further investigation. -
Yugoslavia's History and Breakup Timeline
1 28-06-1914 Gavrilo Princip (1894 – 1918) was a Bosnian Serb member of Young Bosna, a movement seeking an end to Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia- Herzegovina. On 28 June 1914 he assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria and his wife Sophie in Sarajevo, continuing the chain of events that would lead to the outbreak of the First World War. During his trial, he stated: “I am a Yugoslav nationalist, aiming for the unification of all Yugoslavs, and I do not care what form of state, but it must be freed from Au s t r i a .” 2 1914 - 1918 The First World War, a global war originating in Europe, lasted for four years. In the end, four empires collapsed after the conclusion of WW1: the Ottoman Empire, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the German Empire and the Russian Empire. 3 1914 - 1918 The First World War, a global war originating in Europe, lasted for four years. In the end, four empires collapsed after the conclusion of WW1: the Ottoman Empire, Austro-Hungarian Empire, German Empire and the Russian Empire. 4 1918 - 1941 The Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes is formed in the wake of the First World War through the merger of territories formerly part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire with the formerly independent Kingdom of Serbia. It changed its name to Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1929. It adopted the motto, ‘One Nation, One King, One State’. 5 06-04-1941 In April of 1941, Yugoslavia was occupied and partitioned by the Axis powers. The image shows the aftermath of the bombing of Belgrade on April 6, 1941. -
From Ottawa to Sarajevo
FROM OTTAWA TO SARAJEVO FROM OTTAWA TO SARAJEVO CANADIAN PEACEKEEPERS IN THE BALKANS Dawn M. Hewitt Centre for International Relations, Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada 1998 Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Hewitt, Dawn M. From Ottawa to Sarajevo : Canadian peacekeepers in the Balkans (Martello papers ; 18) ISBN 0-88911-788-8 1. United Nations – Armed Forces. 2. United Nations – Canada. 3. Canada – Armed Forces – Bosnia and Hercegovina. 4. Canada – Armed Forces – Croatia. 5. Canada – Armed Forces – Yugoslavia. I. Queen’s University (Kingston, Ont.). Centre for International Relations. II. Title. III. Series. JX1981.P7H49 1997 355.3’57’0971 C97-932224-3 © Copyright 1998 Dedication To my parents, Msgt (ret) Norman E. Hewitt and Mrs Ruth Kane Hewitt The way of arms and arts as the way of the warrior is a constant precept that needs no detailing. Keep arts at your left side, arms by your right, the two must complement each other, without one the other can not be. Hojo Code The Martello Papers This is the eighteenth in a series of security studies published over the past several years by the Queen’s University Centre for International Relations (QCIR), under the general title of the Martello Papers. “From Ottawa to Sarajevo” is a detailed, empirical examination of Canadian participation in UN peacekeeping efforts in the former Yugoslavia between 1992 and 1995, written by a US Air Force officer, Major Dawn Hewitt, who served as Visiting Defence Fellow at the Centre during the 1996-97 academic year. Peacekeeping, by all accounts, has become increasingly complex since the end- ing of the Cold War, and as Major Hewitt’s monograph reveals, nowhere have those complexities and frustrations been more apparent than in the former Yugo- slavia. -
Europe Report, Nr. 150: Building Bridges in Mostar
BUILDING BRIDGES IN MOSTAR 20 November 2003 Europe Report N°150 Sarajevo/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. HOW DID WE GET WHERE WE ARE NOW?....................................................... 1 II. MOSTAR’S CURRENT PLIGHT................................................................................ 3 III. THE NUMBERS GAME: WHY NOW? ....................................................................... 6 IV. THE MOSTAR COMMISSIONS ................................................................................. 7 V. WHAT THE PARTIES WANT..................................................................................... 9 VI. THE WAY AHEAD...................................................................................................... 11 APPENDICES A. TABLE 1 – REGISTERED VOTERS IN MOSTAR MUNICIPALITIES, 2002: ESTIMATED NATIONAL COMPOSITION (EXCLUDING “OTHERS” AND ABSENTEE VOTERS) .......................................15 B. MAP OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA..................................................................................16 C. ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP.......................................................................17 D. ICG REPORTS AND BRIEFING PAPERS.................................................................................18 E. ICG BOARD MEMBERS .......................................................................................................25 ICG Europe Report N°150 20 November 2003 BUILDING BRIDGES -
Bombs Over Bosnia the Role of Airpower in Bosnia-Herzegovina
Bombs over Bosnia The Role of Airpower in Bosnia-Herzegovina MICHAEL O. BEALE, Major, USAF School of Advanced Airpower Studies THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED AIRPOWER STUDIES, MAXWELL AIR FORCE BASE, ALABAMA, FOR COMPLETION OF GRADUATION REQUIREMENTS, ACADEMIC YEAR 1995–96. Air University Press Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama August 1997 DISCLAIMER Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Air University, the United States Air Force, the Department of Defense, or any other US government agency. Cleared for public release: distribution unlimited. ii Contents Chapter Page DISCLAIMER . ii ABSTRACT . v ABOUT THE AUTHOR . vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . ix 1 A HISTORY OF DIVISION AND CONFLICT . 1 2 THE DEATH OF YUGOSLAVIA ACCELERATES . 9 3 DENY FLIGHT: THE DETERRENT USE OF AIRPOWER . 19 4 OPERATION DELIBERATE FORCE . 31 5 CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY . 53 iii iv Abstract The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) initiated Operation Deny Flight at the request of the United Nations (UN) Security Council in April 1993, in response to the ongoing war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Two and one-half years later, in December 1995, Deny Flight officially ended after an almost continuous 970-day aerial presence constituting over 100,000 aircraft sorties. In that time, NATO aircraft dropped more than 3,000 bombs while participating in combat operations for the first time in alliance history. Deny Flight’s initial mission was to enforce a UN Security Council mandated no-fly zone over Bosnia. This mission expanded in the ensuing months to include close air support when requested for UN protection forces (UNPROFOR) on the ground and to deter Serb aggression against six UN-designated safe areas.