DOCSLIB.ORG

Doing Business in Argentina 2018

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Doing Business in Argentina 2018 www.pwc.com/ar Doing Business in Argentina 2018 Geographical and demographical 4 background Investment and Challenges in 10 Argentina Form of Foreign Investment / 14 Structuring the Deal Foreign Trade and 16 Customs Regulations 20 Tax system Reference 31 information 32 Contacts Geographical & demographical background 4 Location The Republic of Argentina1 is located in South America, between latitudes 23°S (Tropic of Capricorn) and 55°S (Cape Horn). The Andes separates the country from Chile to the west and Bolivia to the northwest; Paraguay lies directly to the north, with Brazil, Uruguay and the South Atlantic Ocean to the east. Brief history of the country The history of Argentina began in 1776 with the creation of the Virreinato del Río de la Plata, the name given to the colonial territories of Spain. In 1810, Argentina initiated a process that led to independence in 1816, although for over sixty years there were internal battles for control of income from Customs, monopolized by the Province of Buenos Aires. After this period of civil war, the country began a process of modernization in 1880, with the creation of new public institutions and efforts to build a foundation to incorporate the country into the international system of division of labor as an agricultural commodity producer. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Argentina followed an agro-export economic model which placed it as a leader in the world economy. This model was based on three pillars: a) high prices of commodities, b) incorporation of extensive croplands to the production process, c) and the incorporation of hundreds of thousands of relatively highly-skilled immigrants to the labor market. Between 1930 and 1983 there was a period of institutional instability, characterized by rotating civilian and military governments. The effects of the Great Depression severely affected the country in the thirties, essentially due to a drop in trade and export volumes. From the beginning of the fifties into the seventies, Argentina changed its economic model to substitute imports, in an attempt to create an industrialized economy. In the seventies, under a new military regime, the country adopted an open economic model, eliminating mechanisms to protect industry. 1Argentina has six major regions: the Northwest, Northeast, West (Cuyo), Central (Pampeana), South (Patagonia), and the Greater Buenos Aires metropolitan areas 5 Once democracy returned in the early eighties, the country faltered in finding a clear path to growth. GPD was stagnant, as in most Latin American countries, with episodes of hyperinflation toward the end of the decade. At the beginning of the nineties, Argentina adopted a convertibility plan with a pegged exchange rate. Many of the country’s public utility companies were privatized during this decade. After the 2001-2002 economic and social crisis, convertibility and the pegged exchange rate were abandoned and replaced with a controlled floating rate system. During the first decade of the twenty-first century, Argentina experienced rapid growth driven mainly by commodity exports. During the period 2003-2011, the country’s GDP grew at an average rate of almost 8%. As from 2012, the economy recorded a strong deceleration, with a 2012-2016 compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 0.14%, always at constant prices. The main cause of this drop was the growing imbalances in both the internal and external sectors. With the new administration of President Mauricio Macri, the country returned to the international stage, and in 2018 Argentina chairs the G20, which is a key international forum with other countries for discussing and decision-making on adopting concrete solutions for the chief challenges of the global agenda. The climate Prominent industrial sectors in the major cities The climate varies from subtropical in the north to sub-Antarctic in the south, featuring a wide Petrochemicals, Steel, Foodstuffs, Textiles, temperate belt between these two extremes. The city Metalworking, Cement, other construction materials, of Buenos Aires and most of the other main cities and Printing and publishing, Glass, Pharmaceuticals, industrialized areas are situated in this temperate Industrial gases, Agrichemicals, Tires for vehicles, region, where maximum summer temperatures Basic chemical products and Sugar. Agriculture is the average between 27° C (81° F) and 32° C (90° F), with productive sector with the most important and temperatures occasionally exceeding 38° C (100° F). dynamic assets. Winters are relatively mild, with occasional frost. Snow and prolonged frost are rare except in the Population, major races, legal language, common western mountainous areas and in the south. languages/dialects used: Area2 2.78 million km2 Population 44.04 million Education in Argentina Population per km2 15.8 Population growth 1% Education access in Argentina is free; however, to per year encourage high attendance rates in school, it is Urban Population 91% mandatory from the age of 4 to 18. Over twelve Form of Republican, representative and federal million students attend public and private schools Government and universities. Language Spanish Currency Argentine peso ($) 24 autonomous provinces with their own political, administrative and economic Political division administrations (23 provinces and the Mineral and energy resources Autonomous City of Buenos Aires) Capital City Autonomous City of Buenos Aires Energy resources: oil, gas and electricity; mineral resources: gold, copper, lead, zinc, lithium, natural borates, bentonite, clays and construction stone. 2 Argentina is 2nd in territorial size in Latin America and 8th in the world 3 The President is both the Chief of State and Head of Government 4 One-third of the members are elected every two years for a six-year term to the Senate, and one half of the members are elected every two years for a four-year term to the Chamber of Deputies. 6 Political and legal system Major government authorities since December 10, 2015: President3 Mauricio Macri Vice President Gabriela Michetti Cabinet Cabinet appointed by the President Brief description of the legal framework Argentina is a federal republic. The federal government consists of an Executive branch, headed by the President; a Legislative branch in the form of a Congress, which is divided into two chambers: the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies; and a Judicial branch. Provincial governments are generally organized along similar lines. Legislative Branch The Bicameral National Congress (Congreso Nacional) is made up of 72 seats in the Senate and 257 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. All members are elected by direct vote4. Currently the governing Party has no majority in either Chamber, a situation that has never happened in the modern history of the Country. 7 The economy 2017 was a year of consolidation of the economic activity and continuity in the normalization of macroeconomic variables. At the end of his second year in office, President Mauricio Macri has strengthened his position: with firm leadership after the congressional elections of October 22, 2017, at the local level, and receiving support from world leaders, at the international level. According to official figures, GDP grew by 2.9% in 2017 compared with 2016. Investment was the main driver of this recovery, with 11.3% year-on-year growth and a 20.5% GDP share (the highest figures since 2011), followed by a 3.6% increase in private consumption. Further, with sector activity under analysis, 13 of the 16 economic sectors grew in 2017 compared with the previous year. The most prominent were construction (+10.4%); financial intermediation (+5.1%); and rental, real estate and business activities (+3.19%). As for inflation, prices rose by 24.8% in 2017. There was a strong increase in regulated prices, which increased by 38.7% due to the adjustment of rates implemented by the current The commercial channel of Foreign Trade has left a negative administration in 2016. Despite this number, the consumer balance in 2017, which rose to U$ 8.515 billion, after showing price index (CPI) dropped 16 percentage points in relation to a rise in 2016. Exports grew 0.9% affected by a slowdown in the prior year, although it was outside the 17% target initially the Brazilian economy, Argentina’s main business partner, established by the Central Bank (BCRA). and a decline in soy exports due primarily to a fall in production, (as well as a high comparison base in 2016 due to Measures taken by the BCRA to reduce inflation involved the strong liquidation of stocks as a result of the lifting of the maintaining positive real interest rates, which encouraged “currency clamp” and the elimination of restrictions on income from foreign currency with financial objectives. withholdings). Recovery of economic activity helped increase imports to 19.7%, with 68% of imports linked to the In 2017, the government surpassed the primary deficit target productive process and to investment (work in process, of 4.2% of GDP, as in 2016. The public sector has significantly capital goods and components and accessories for capital modified its pattern of financing: up to 2015, its main source goods). Meanwhile, the balance of services had a deficit of U$ was through the Central Bank; whereas from 2016, funding 9,778 billion. has come mainly through borrowing in the capital markets. As a result, having obtained part of the necessary financing in The government’s tax strategy involves a gradual decrease in dollars at the beginning of 2018 to cover the fiscal deficit in the fiscal deficit, using indebtedness to finance this transition, the current year, which limits the need to return to the including an IMF supporting line of credit, while the economy international market, the economy could be expected to grow grows and allows for the reversal of the deficit through higher in 2018 although still at moderate rates. tax revenues and lower GDP expenditures. However, this strategy faces a challenging international situation, where increases in interest rates could make financing more expensive and reduce the availability of funds for emerging countries such as Argentina.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Feminist Mobilization and the Abortion Debate in Latin America: Lessons from Argentina
    Feminist Mobilization and the Abortion Debate in Latin America: Lessons from Argentina Mariela Daby Reed College [email protected] Mason Moseley West Virginia University [email protected] When Argentine President Mauricio Macri announced in March 2018 that he supported a “responsible and mature” national debate regarding the decriminalization of abortion, it took many by surprise. In a Catholic country with a center-right government, in which public opinion regarding abortion had hardly moved in decades—why would the abortion debate surface in Argentina when it did? Our answer is grounded in the social movements literature, as we argue that the organizational framework necessary for growing the decriminalization movement was already built by an emergent feminist movement of unprecedented scope and influence: Ni Una Menos. Through expanding the movement’s social justice frame from gender violence to encompass abortion rights, feminist social movements were able to change public opinion and expand the scope of debate, making salient an issue that had long been politically untouchable. We marshal evidence from multiple surveys carried out before, during, and after the abortion debate and in-depth interviews to shed light on the sources of abortion rights movements in unlikely contexts. When Argentine President Mauricio Macri announced in March 2018 that he supported a “responsible and mature” national debate regarding the decriminalization of abortion, many were surprised. After all, in 2015 he was the first conservative president elected in Argentina in over a decade, and no debate had emerged under prior center-left governments. Moreover, Argentina is a Catholic country, which has if anything seen an uptick in religiosity over the past decade, and little recent movement in public support for abortion rights preceding Macri’s announcement.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Everyday Subversion: Crisis, COVID-19, and Coming-Of-Age in Córdoba, Argentina
    University of Mississippi eGrove Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors Theses Honors College) Spring 4-19-2021 The Politics of Everyday Subversion: Crisis, COVID-19, and Coming-of-Age in Córdoba, Argentina Abby Flickinger Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis Recommended Citation Flickinger, Abby, "The Politics of Everyday Subversion: Crisis, COVID-19, and Coming-of-Age in Córdoba, Argentina" (2021). Honors Theses. 1897. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/hon_thesis/1897 This Undergraduate Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors College (Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College) at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Politics of Everyday Subversion: Crisis, COVID-19, and Coming-of-Age in Córdoba, Argentina © 2021 By Abby Flickinger A thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for completion of the Bachelor of Arts degree in International Studies Croft Institute for International Studies Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College The University of Mississippi University, Mississippi May 2021 Approved: _____________________________ Advisor: Dr. Marcos Mendoza _____________________________ Reader: Dr. Oliver Dinius _____________________________ Reader: Dr. Jesse Cromwell !2 © 2021 Abby Flickinger ALL RIGHTS RESERVED !3 Acknowledgements: I would first like to thank my parents for trusting my judgment and letting me stay in a foreign country during a global pandemic — the dice roll paid off. Thank you to my cohort for being an ear to listen and shoulder to cry on, even from 5,000 miles away. A special thanks to Ben for being my voice of reason for the past four years, I never would have made it without you.
    [Show full text]
  • Options for Resilient and Flexible Power Systems in Select South American Economies
    Options for Resilient and Flexible Power Systems in Select South American Economies Josue Campos do Prado, Jeffrey Logan, and Francisco Flores-Espino National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) The Joint Institute for Strategic Energy Analysis is operated by the Alliance for Sustainable Energy, LLC, on behalf of the U.S. Department of Energy’s National Renewable Energy Laboratory, the University of Colorado-Boulder, the Colorado School of Mines, the Colorado State University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Stanford University. Technical Report NREL/TP-6A50-75431 December 2019 Contract No. DE-AC36-08GO28308 Options for Resilient and Flexible Power Systems in Select South American Economies Josue Campos do Prado, Jeffrey Logan, and Francisco Flores-Espino National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) The Joint Institute for Strategic Energy Analysis is operated by the Alliance for Sustainable Energy, LLC, on behalf of the U.S. Department of Energy’s National Renewable Energy Laboratory, the University of Colorado-Boulder, the Colorado School of Mines, the Colorado State University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and Stanford University. JISEA® and all JISEA-based marks are trademarks or registered trademarks of the Alliance for Sustainable Energy, LLC. The Joint Institute for Technical Report Strategic Energy Analysis NREL/TP-6A50-75431 15013 Denver West Parkway December 2019 Golden, CO 80401 303-275-3000 • www.jisea.org Contract No. DE-AC36-08GO28308 NOTICE This work was authored by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory, operated by Alliance for Sustainable Energy, LLC, for the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) under Contract No. DE-AC36-08GO28308. Funding provided by the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Final Report Seventh Regular Meeting of the Assembly of Citel
    FINAL REPORT SEVENTH REGULAR MEETING OF THE ASSEMBLY OF CITEL CITEL, 1889 F ST. NW., WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006, U.S.A. TEL: + 1 202 458 3004 FAX: + 1 202 458 6854 e-mail: [email protected] Web page: http://citel.oas.org The Chairman of the Seventh Regular Meeting of the Inter-American Telecommunication Commission, CITEL, has special pleasure to attach the "Declaration of Buenos Aires" adopted by unanimity by the delegations present during that meeting that took place in Buenos Aires, Argentina, March 13 to 15, 2018 In addition, the Final Report of the meeting is attached. Mr. Miguel De Godoy Chairman of the Assembly March 15, 2018 ii CITEL-2018-VII-584_i 07.05.18 INTER-AMERICAN TELECOMMUNICATION COMMISSION (CITEL) DECLARATION OF BUENOS AIRES1 March 14, 2018 We, the representatives of the Member States of the Organization of American States (OAS), gathered at the Seventh Regular Meeting of the Assembly of the Inter-American Telecommunication Commission (CITEL), held in Buenos Aires, Republic of Argentina, from March 13 to 15, 2018, BEARING IN MIND: a) That CITEL is an entity of the Organization of American States (OAS), specializing in telecommunications and information and communication technologies (ICTs); b) That renewing our commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development; the achievement of the sustainable development goals (SDGs); the Lines of the Action of the World Summit for the Information Society (WSIS); and the 2030 ICT Alliance for the Americas is a priority; c) That the Heads of State and Government, at the Seventh Summit
    [Show full text]
  • Militarism, Democracy, and Concordance: the Role of Citizenry in (Re)
    Militarism, Democracy, and Concordance: The Role of Citizenry in (Re)- Establishing Democratic Order in Argentina and Turkey A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School Of the University of Cincinnati In partial fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Department of Sociology Of the College of Arts and Sciences by Adem Üstün ÇATALBAŞ M.A. Selcuk University August 2012 Committee Chair: Steven Carlton-Ford, Ph.D. Abstract The role of the citizenry is often neglected in the literature about democratization but there is a growing scholarly attention – across the globe -- to the role of the citizenry in democratic development. This dissertation focuses on the democratic development in Argentinean and Turkish contexts with a specific emphasis on the role of citizenry in each case. Argentina and Turkey are two different social contexts – historically, regionally, culturally, etc. Yet, their political progress and civil-military relations show similarities. National militaries in each country have interrupted democratic order several times. This study examines the democratization efforts in each country after military rule. The research question -- ‘what defines the quality of a democracy during and after the period of transition of power from a military rule to a democratic one?’ -- is designed to comprehend both militarization and democratization contexts from a comparative historical sociological perspective. The comparative historical sociological methodology of the study not only focuses on comparing two countries but also considers the comparison of past and present transformations of civil-military relations and democratic order in each country. The study concludes that the quality of a democracy depends on how successful three actors – namely citizenry, military, and political elites – are in establishing concordance on the quality of the democratic regime.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Culture of Democracy in Ecuador and in the Americas, 2018/19: Taking the Pulse of Democracy
    The Political Culture of Democracy in Ecuador and in the Americas, 2018/19: Taking the Pulse of Democracy By Paolo Moncagatta Universidad San Francisco de Quito Arturo Moscoso Moreno Universidad de Las Américas Simón Pachano Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales J. Daniel Montalvo Director of Survey Research Operations and Report Editor Vanderbilt University Elizabeth J. Zechmeister, Ph.D. LAPOP Director and Series Editor Vanderbilt University May 2020 This study is made possible by the support of the American People through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents of this study are the sole responsibility of the authors and LAPOP and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Table of Contents Table of Contents List of Figures and Tables .................................................................................................................................... vii Preface .......................................................................................................................................................................... xi Introduction to the 2018/19 AmericasBarometer ................................................................................... xiii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................................................ xv Support for Electoral Democracy in the Americas and in Ecuador .................................. 1 I. Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Sosa, Cecilia. 2021. Mourning, Activism, and Queer Desires. Ni Una Menos and Carri’S Las Hijas Del Fuego
    Sosa, Cecilia. 2021. Mourning, Activism, and Queer Desires. Ni Una Menos and Carri’s Las hijas del fuego. Latin American Perspectives, 48(2), pp. 137-154. ISSN 0094-582X1552-678X [Article] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/29893/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] GSF-06R Mourning, Activism and Queer Desires. Ni una Menos and Las hijas del fuego (Albertina Carri, 2018) in Argentina’s Memory Backlash1 Author: Dr. Cecilia Sosa [email protected] 20 Enfield St, Beeston, NG9 1DN, UK. 07869419209 Cecilia Sosa is an Argentine sociologist and cultural journalist. She holds a Ph.D. in drama (Queen Mary, University of London) and works as a postdoctoral researcher at Goldsmiths, University of London, on the British Academy–funded project “Documentality and Display: Archiving and Curating Past Violence in Argentina, Chile and Colombia” (Grant: SDP2\100242) Argentina’s neoconservative backlash, initiated in December 2015, has rather paradoxically been marked by an unprecedented entanglement between ongoing memory struggles and a recent feminist awakening. This article proposes a provocative reading of this entwining. First, it traces the queer reworking of dictatorship trauma, as it occurred during the Kirchnerist administrations (2003- 2015).
    [Show full text]
  • Argentina Goes Back to the Imf. Neo-Liberalism, Crisis and Protest
    ARGENTINA GOES BACK TO THE IMF. NEO-LIBERALISM, CRISIS AND PROTEST. Tricontinental Dossier no. 10 November 2018 Dossier no. 10 Argentina and the IMF Fifteen years ago, Argentina’s government stopped its reliance upon the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The argument made was that the IMF had weakened Argentina’s ability to create its own policies based on its own needs. In May 2018, Argentina’s government – led by Mauricio Macri – could not control the peso’s exchange rate against the dollar. Macri went back to the IMF. Negotiations with the IMF deepened Argentina’s crisis. Between May and October, the peso was devalued by 100%. Inflation accelerated and the rate of price increased, surpassing the previous record set in 2001-02 – when Argentina’s economy and political order went into a tailspin. Argentina’s inflation rate for 2018 (between 40% and 50%) is not near the rate in 1991 (84%), after which Argentina pegged the peso to the dollar (a practice that lasted till the crisis of 2001-02). Nevertheless, the Macri government is using the current situation to adopt policies that were implemented when the situation was far graver. Economic activity did plummet after May 2018. The recession did deepen. Poverty did increase and so did unemployment, as workers found themselves with increasingly precarious work arrangements. The government did what all neo-liberal governments do: it cut public spending, particularly in the areas of education and health as well as in publicly owned companies. Argentina plunged into the depths of a new economic and social crisis. But rather than find solutions to this crisis, the right-wing government adopted a recipe from the IMF to draw the country deeper into cascading neo-liberal crises.
    [Show full text]
  • What Is Punitive Populism? a Typology Based in Media Communication Matrizes, Vol
    Matrizes ISSN: 1982-2073 ISSN: 1982-8160 [email protected] Universidade de São Paulo Brasil Bonner, Michelle What is punitive populism? A typology based in media communication Matrizes, vol. 15, no. 1, 2021, pp. 77-102 Universidade de São Paulo São Paulo, Brasil DOI: https://doi.org/10.11606/issn.1982-8160.v15i1p77-102 Available in: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=143067575007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System Redalyc More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America and the Caribbean, Spain and Journal's webpage in redalyc.org Portugal Project academic non-profit, developed under the open access initiative 77 What is punitive populism? A typology based in media communication O que é o populismo punitivista? Uma tipologia baseada na comunicação midiática MICHELLE BONNERa University of Victoria, Department of Political Science. Victoria, British Columbia – BC, Canada ABSTRACT a Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science Punitive populism refers to political leaders’ use of tough-on-crime rhetoric and policies at the University of Victoria. to win elections and popular support. Yet, this basic definition does not capture the Orcid: https://orcid.org/0000- 0003-4942-0367. E-mail: range of ways the practice manifests itself. Refining the concept, this article identifies [email protected] three key types of punitive populism: authoritarian, conflicted, and accountable. The typology highlights the intersecting importance of media systems and political ideology to the definition of each type. Reflecting on over fifteen years of research on the topic, the article is centred on concept development, with illustrative examples from Argentina and Chile.
    [Show full text]
  • Annual Report 2012 Corporate Office Av
    Annual Report 2012 Corporate Office Av. Miraflores 9853 / Renca / Santiago / Chile • T. (56 2) 2462 2486 Rut: 91.144.000-8 • www.koandina.com Argentina Chile Ruta Nacional 19 - Km 3,7 / Córdoba / Argentina Av. Miraflores 9853 / Renca / Santiago / Chile T. (54 351) 496 8800 T. (56 2) 2462 2486 Brazil Paraguay Rua Andre Rocha 2299 Acceso Sur - Km 3,5 / San Lorenzo / Paraguay Taquara / Rio de Janeiro / Brasil T. (595 21) 959 1000 T. (55 21) 2429 1530 2012 Annual Report Our Company Other Operations Merger Andina-Polar 6 76 Andina Empaques Argentina Message from the Chairman of the Board 8 77 Vital Jugos Consolidated Financial Highlights 13 79 Vital Aguas History and Deeds of Incorporation 16 82 Envases Central Company Structure 20 83 Envases CMF Corporate Governance 24 Corporate Social Responsibility Board of Directors 30 86 Argentina Our Employees 32 88 Brazil Administrative Structure 33 90 Chile Management Structure 34 92 Paraguay Company Ownership 38 Main Shareholders 38 Additional Information Dividends 39 96 Capital Expenditures 97 Financial Activities and Risk Factors Our Business 104 Properties and Facilities Argentina 42 106 Subsidiaries and Equity Investees Brazil 50 114 Controlling Group Chile 58 118 Share Trading Information Paraguay 66 120 Stock Market Trading Information 122 Compensation – Board of Directors and Principal Officers 124 Statement of Responsibility Financial Statements (see enclosed CD) Our Company 4 • Merger Andina-Polar The merger of Embotelladoras At a Special General Shareholder’s meeting of Embotelladora Coca-Cola Polar and Andina S.A. (“Andina”) held June 25, 2012, the merger by absorption of Embotelladoras Coca-Cola Polar S.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Protection and Venezuelan Migration in Latin America and The
    © UNICEF/UN062478/Romenzi Photo: © UNICEF/UN0401897/Volpe Photo: Social protection and Venezuelan migration in Latin America and the Caribbean in the context of COVID-19 International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG), UNICEF–Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean and World Food Programme (WFP) Research Report No. 58 Social protection and Venezuelan migration in Latin America and the Caribbean in the context of COVID-19 By International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG), UNICEF–Regional Office for Latin America and the Caribbean and World Food Programme (WFP) Copyright© 2021 International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth, United Nations Development Programme, United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and World Food Programme (WFP) This publication is one of the outputs of the UN to UN agreement between the International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG) and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF). The International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG) is a partnership between the United Nations and the Government of Brazil to promote learning on social policies. The IPC-IG is linked to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in Brazil, the Ministry of Economy (ME) and the Institute for Applied Economic Research (Ipea) of the Government of Brazil. Research team The International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth, the UNICEF Regional Office for Latin America and the Authors Caribbean, and the World Food Programme disseminate the Anna Carolina Machado and Nurth Palomo (IPC-IG) findings of their work to encourage the exchange of ideas about Mónica Rubio and Gerardo Escaroz (UNICEF LACRO) development issues. The documents are signed by the authors Rodolfo Beazley, Ana Solórzano, and Giulia Baldi (WFP) and should be cited accordingly.
    [Show full text]