Croatian Radical Separatism and Diaspora Terrorism During the Cold War
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Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
World History Week 3 Take Home Packet
Local District South Students: We hope that you are adjusting to the difficult situation we all find ourselves in and that you are taking time to rest, care for yourself and those you love, and do something everyday to lift your spirits. We want you to know that you are missed and that we have been working hard to develop ways to support you. We want to stay connected with you and provide you with opportunities to learn while you are at home. We hope that you find these activities interesting and that they provide you with something to look forward to over the course of the next week. Stay home; stay healthy; stay safe. We cannot wait until we see you again. Sincerely, The Local District South Instructional Team and your school family World History Week 3 Take Home Packet Student Name_________________________________________________________________________ School________________________________________ Teacher_______________________________ Students: Each of the Social Science Learning Opportunities Packet was developed based on a portion of the standards framework. The mini-unit you will be working on this week, is based on these questions from the framework: ● What was totalitarianism, and how was it implemented in similar and different ways in Japan, Germany, Italy, and the Soviet Union? We encourage you to engage in the Extended Learning Opportunity if you are able. Over the course of the next week, please do the activities listed for each day. Week 3, Day 1 1. Read, “Life in a Totalitarian Country” and annotate using the annotation bookmark. 2. Answer the quiz questions. 3. Write a response to this prompt:Observe: How does the text describe the relationship between fear and totalitarian governments? Week 3, Day 2 1. -
3. Security-Intelligence Services in the Republic of Serbia Bogoljub Milosavljević and Predrag Petrović
3. Security-Intelligence Services in the Republic of Serbia Bogoljub Milosavljević and Predrag Petrović The Security-intelligence services (hence the intelligence services) are among the most important executive actors in any national security systems. In this chapter the term intelligence services denotes only specialised civilian and mili- tary organisations with security-intelligence functions, established within the state apparatus and operating under government control. Intelligence serv- ices should, first of all, provide state bodies with timely, relevant and precise 208 information. They should protect the constitutional order and national interests against penetration by foreign intelligence services and activities of organised criminal and terrorist groups. They are authorised to collect information from public sources, and can use secret methods, techniques and means.285 There are three organisations in Serbia with these responsibilities; the Secu- rity-Information Agency (SIA), the Military Security Agency (MSA) and the Mili- tary Intelligence Agency (MoI). The SIA is directly subordinated to the govern- ment and has the status of a special republic organisation, while both the MSA and MoI are organisational units (administrative bodies) within the Ministry of Defence (MoD) subordinated to the defence minister, and thus also to the gov- ernment. The functions of the intelligence services are specified by positive legal regulations286 and include the usual intelligence activities: 1. The collection and analysis of data relevant for national security, defence and protection of eco- 285 Reconciling the secrecy needs of intelligence services with the fundamental tenets of democ- racy is an important question. In order words, how can this secrecy be reconciled with transpar- ency of state institutions. -
On the Concealment of Ante Pavelić in Austria in 1945-1946
UDK: 314.743(436)-05 Pavelić, A.''1945/1946'' Izvorni znanstveni članak Received: September 5, 2011 Accepted: November 7, 2011 ON THE CONCEALMENT OF ANTE PAVELIĆ IN AUSTRIA IN 1945-1946 Ante DELIĆ* Based on available American and British documents and thus-far unconsulted papers left behind by Ante Pavelić, the leader of the Independent State of Croatia, the author analyzes Pavelić’s concealment in Austria and the role of Western agencies therein. Some of the relevant literature indicates that the Catholic Church and Western agencies took part in Pavelić’s concealment. The author concludes that all such conjecture lacks any foundation in the available sources. Key words: Ante Pavelić, Western allies, extradition, Yugoslavia Historiography is generally familiar with the fate of the army of the Inde- pendent State of Croatia and the civilian population which, at the end of the war in early May 1945, withdrew toward Austria in fear of advancing commu- nist forces, with the aim of surrendering to the Allies. These people were ex- tradited to the Yugoslav army with the explanation that they would be treated in compliance with the international laws of war. As it transpired, this “treat- ment” was one of the most tragic episodes in the history of the Croatian nation, known under the terms Bleiburg and the Way of the Cross.1 A portion of these refugees who managed to elude this fate ended up in Allied refugee camps, mostly in Italy, Austria and Germany.2 However, even in these camps, besides * Ante Delić, MA, University of Zadar, Zadar, Republic of Croatia 1 Cf. -
Ubij Bliznjeg Svog I
Marko Lopušina UBIJ BLIŽNJEG SVOG I-III (ULOMCI) Jugoslovenska tajna policija 1945/1997. UBIJ BLIŽNJEG SVOG I. REC AUTORA Tajnost je glavni i osnovni princip postojanja i rada svih obavestajnih sluzbi sveta, pa i srpske i jugoslovenske tajne policije. U toj tajni o sebi i drugima, sadrzana su snaga, moc i dugovecnost drzavne politicke policije, koja postoji na ovim nasim prostorima poslednjih pedeset godina. Njen zadatak je od 1945. do pocetka devedesetih, a i kasnije, uvek bio da brani, stiti i cuva drzavu, vlast, partiju i njen politicki vrh od tzv. unutrasnjeg i spoljnjeg neprijatelja. Zato su Oznu, Udbu, SDB, politicki celnici od miloste zvali „pesnica komunizma“ ili ponekad i "stit revolucije". cinjenica je da su jugoslovensku tajnu sluzbu stvarali i vodili Hrvati i Slovenci, a da su njeni najrevnosniji policajci bili Srbi, samo zato, sto su se trudili da dokazu svoju odanost Titu i Partiji. Kao verni cuvari Broza i druge Jugoslavije, Srbi "oznasi", "udbasi", "debejci", proganjali su, mnogo puta i bez suda, ne samo po principu velikog broja i velike nacije vec i svesno, upravo vlastiti narod. Srbi su u drugoj Jugoslaviji bili sami sebi i gonici i progonjeni, tacnije i dzelati i zrtve tajne policije. Malo je reci u srpskom jeziku koje tako sumorno zvuce, kao sto je to rec Udba. U njoj je sadrzan sav ljudski gnev i tihi otpor prema jednom delu zivota u komunistickoj Jugoslaviji, koji su mnogi njeni zitelji potisnuli, makar prividno, iz secanja. Udbom i danas ljudi zovu sve jugoslovenske sluzbe drzavne bezbednosti, jer zele da na taj nacin pokazu koliko su svesni zla koje je politicka policija nanela vlastitom narodu. -
Law and Military Operations in Kosovo: 1999-2001, Lessons Learned For
LAW AND MILITARY OPERATIONS IN KOSOVO: 1999-2001 LESSONS LEARNED FOR JUDGE ADVOCATES Center for Law and Military Operations (CLAMO) The Judge Advocate General’s School United States Army Charlottesville, Virginia CENTER FOR LAW AND MILITARY OPERATIONS (CLAMO) Director COL David E. Graham Deputy Director LTC Stuart W. Risch Director, Domestic Operational Law (vacant) Director, Training & Support CPT Alton L. (Larry) Gwaltney, III Marine Representative Maj Cody M. Weston, USMC Advanced Operational Law Studies Fellows MAJ Keith E. Puls MAJ Daniel G. Jordan Automation Technician Mr. Ben R. Morgan Training Centers LTC Richard M. Whitaker Battle Command Training Program LTC James W. Herring Battle Command Training Program MAJ Phillip W. Jussell Battle Command Training Program CPT Michael L. Roberts Combat Maneuver Training Center MAJ Michael P. Ryan Joint Readiness Training Center CPT Peter R. Hayden Joint Readiness Training Center CPT Mark D. Matthews Joint Readiness Training Center SFC Michael A. Pascua Joint Readiness Training Center CPT Jonathan Howard National Training Center CPT Charles J. Kovats National Training Center Contact the Center The Center’s mission is to examine legal issues that arise during all phases of military operations and to devise training and resource strategies for addressing those issues. It seeks to fulfill this mission in five ways. First, it is the central repository within The Judge Advocate General's Corps for all-source data, information, memoranda, after-action materials and lessons learned pertaining to legal support to operations, foreign and domestic. Second, it supports judge advocates by analyzing all data and information, developing lessons learned across all military legal disciplines, and by disseminating these lessons learned and other operational information to the Army, Marine Corps, and Joint communities through publications, instruction, training, and databases accessible to operational forces, world-wide. -
Works’ (Just Not in Moderation)
Repression ‘Works’ (just not in moderation) Yuri M. Zhukov University of Michigan Abstract Why does government violence deter political challengers in one con- text, but inflame them in the next? This paper argues that repression increases opposition activity at low and moderate levels, but decreases it in the extreme. There is a threshold level of violence, where the op- position becomes unable to recruit new members, and the rebellion unravels – even if the government kills more innocents. We show this result logically, with a mathematical model of coercion, and empir- ically, with micro-level data from Chechnya and a meta-analysis of sub-national conflict dynamics in 156 countries. The data suggest that a threshold exists, but the level of violence needed to reach it varies. Many governments, thankfully, are unable or unwilling to go that far. We explore conditions under which this threshold may be higher or lower, and highlight a fundamental trade-off between reducing gov- ernment violence and preserving civil liberties. Keywords: repression, political violence, mass killing, conflict, meta-analysis, threshold effect Word count: 11,869 DRAFT This version: November, 2018 1 Repression is violence that governments use to stay in power. When confronting behavioral challenges to their authority, governments often respond by threatening, detaining and killing suspected dissidents and rebels. The coercive purpose of these actions is to compel challengers to stop their fight, and to deter others from joining it. The intensity of repres- sion can vary greatly. To reestablish control in Chechnya after 1999, for example, the Russian government used a range of methods, from targeted killings to shelling and indiscriminate sweeps. -
Fascist Italy's Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism And
Genealogie e geografie dell’anti-democrazia nella crisi europea degli anni Trenta Fascismi, corporativismi, laburismi a cura di Laura Cerasi Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks Culture, Corporatism and International Relations Benjamin G. Martin Uppsala University, Sweden Abstract Italian fascists presented corporatism, a system of sector-wide unions bring- ing together workers and employers under firm state control, as a new way to resolve tensions between labour and capital, and to reincorporate the working classes in na- tional life. ‘Cultural corporatism’ – the fascist labour model applied to the realm of the arts – was likewise presented as a historic resolution of the problem of the artist’s role in modern society. Focusing on two art conferences in Venice in 1932 and 1934, this article explores how Italian leaders promoted cultural corporatism internationally, creating illiberal international networks designed to help promote fascist ideology and Italian soft power. Keywords Fascism. Corporatism. State control. Labour. Capital. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Broadcasting Cultural Corporatism. – 3 Venice 1932: Better Art Through Organisation. – 4 Italy’s International Cultural Outreach: Strategies and Themes. – 5 Venice 1934: Art and the State, Italy and the League. – 6 Conclusion. 1 Introduction The great ideological conflict of the interwar decades was a clash of world- views and visions of society, but it also had a quite practical component: which ideology could best respond to the concrete problems of the age? Problems like economic breakdown, mass unemployment, and labour unrest were not only practical, of course: they seemed linked to a broader breakdown of so- Studi di storia 8 e-ISSN 2610-9107 | ISSN 2610-9883 ISBN [ebook] 978-88-6969-317-5 | ISBN [print] 978-88-6969-318-2 Open access 137 Published 2019-05-31 © 2019 | cb Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License DOI 10.30687/978-88-6969-317-5/007 Martin Fascist Italy’s Illiberal Cultural Networks. -
EUI Working Papers
ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES EUI Working Papers RSCAS 2009/42 ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES DIASPORA POLITICS AND TRANSNATIONAL TERRORISM: AN HISTORICAL CASE STUDY Mate Nikola Tokić EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY INSTITUTE, FLORENCE ROBERT SCHUMAN CENTRE FOR ADVANCED STUDIES Diaspora Politics and Transnational Terrorism: An Historical Case Study MATE NIKOLA TOKIC EUI Working Paper RSCAS 2009/42 This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the working paper, or other series, the year and the publisher. The author(s)/editor(s) should inform the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the EUI if the paper will be published elsewhere and also take responsibility for any consequential obligation(s). ISSN 1028-3625 © 2009 Mate Nikola Tokić Printed in Italy, August 2009 European University Institute Badia Fiesolana I – 50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) Italy www.eui.eu/RSCAS/Publications/ www.eui.eu cadmus.eui.eu Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS), directed by Stefano Bartolini since September 2006, is home to a large post-doctoral programme. Created in 1992, it aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research and to promote work on the major issues facing the process of integration and European society. The Centre hosts major research programmes and projects, and a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. -
Yugoslavia Chemical Chronology
Yugoslavia Chemical Chronology 2008-2001 | 1999-1996 | 1995-1990 | 1989-1970 | 1969-1918 Last update: May 2010 As of May 2010, this chronology is no longer being updated. For current developments, please see the Yugoslavia Chemical Overview. This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation 2008-2001 24 July 2008 The Serbian government submits a draft law on the implementation of the CWC to Parliament for consideration. This law will update an earlier law adopted in 2005. —"Update on National Implementation as at 14 November 2008," Chemical Disarmament Quarterly, Vol. 6 No. 4 (December 2008), p. 19. 6 June 2008 The process of down-sizing and reorganizing the 246th NBC Defense Brigade of the Serbian army is completed. The unit which has been reduced to a single battalion is now based at the Tzar Lazar barracks in Krusevac. The reduction in the unit's size, in the 1980s the unit was a full regiment, reflects the lower priority of NBC defense in the post-Cold War environment. -
Kontroverze I Manipulacije [The Jadovno Concentration Camp and the Šaran Pit: Controversies and Manipulations] (Zagreb: Hrvatski Institut Za Povijest, 2017)
Review of Croatian History 13/2017, no. 1, 229 - 275 Vladimir Geiger, Mario Jareb, Davor Kovačić, Jadovno i Šaranova jama: Kontroverze i manipulacije [The Jadovno Concentration Camp and the Šaran Pit: Controversies and Manipulations] (Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2017) Summary In the aftermath of the Second World War, the destruction and human toll wrought upon the territory of Yugoslavia, including Croatia, was extremely high. According to all indications, in the Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska - NDH) the human loss was particularly high and tragic in the Jewish and Roma communities, as well as for the Serbs. The NDH used racial laws to determine how to deal with the Jews and Roma, while the Serbs were exposed to various forms of discrimination, persecution and violence. Furthermore, some victims of these perse- cutions and restrictive measures were Cro- ats who were declared enemies of the New Order of Europe and violated the interests of this model for the Croatian state. As shown by varied and numerous evidence, the repressive measures and sowing of ter- ror among the enemies and adversaries of the NDH and the German Reich resulted in high levels of human loss, numerous individual and mass murders, forced la- bour and concentration camps. Investiga- tions have revealed different, and for many events and places relevant, indicators, with possible minor deviations, concerning the scale of the systematic repression enacted against Jews, Roma, and Serbs, and also those who were considered to be enemies of the NDH’s “new order”. The question of fatality statistics from World War II in Yugoslavia, including Croatia, became one of the most important political issues in the conflict’s immediate aftermath and has remained so until today. -
February 13, 1992 Volume 4, Issue 4
February 13, 1992 Volume 4, Issue 4 His Excellency Franjo Tudjman President of the Republic of Croatia Radi ev Trg 2 41000 Zagreb Croatia Dear President Tudjman: The U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee is deeply concerned by reports of serious human rights abuses by forces responsible to the Croatian government and by individual extremists in Croatia. Our own investigations of these reports, conducted during a series of fact-finding missions to Croatia in the past year, indicate that many of these reports are well-founded. We call upon you to investigate the abuses enumerated in this letter and to punish those responsible for them. We call upon you to take immediate measures to ensure that such violations of human rights do not occur again. The abuses described in this letter include violations of the laws of war in the current conflict between Croatian and Serbian forces and the Yugoslav army, including the summary execution of civilians and disarmed combatants; the torture and mistreatment of detainees; arbitrary arrests and disappearances; destruction of civilian property and the killing of journalists covering the war. In addition to violations connected with the war, Helsinki Watch has also documented restrictions on freedom of expression and the press and interference with the independence of the judiciary. Finally, we are gravely concerned about the harassment, discrimination and rising violence against Serbs not engaged in the armed conflict in Croatia. Rules of War Violations in Croatia by Croatian Forces Violations of the rules of war are often committed by local police officers and members of the Croatian army1 in areas which are under heavy siege by Serbian forces and the Yugoslav army.