DOCSLIB.ORG

27 JOHN CAMPBELL—A SQUATTER of '41. (By Thomas Welsby). (Read at a Meeting of the Historical Society of Queensland on November 24, 1936)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
27 JOHN CAMPBELL—A SQUATTER of '41. (By Thomas Welsby). (Read at a Meeting of the Historical Society of Queensland on November 24, 1936) 27 JOHN CAMPBELL—A SQUATTER OF '41. (By Thomas Welsby). (Read at a meeting of the Historical Society of Queensland on November 24, 1936). One of the pioneers of the Moreton Bay Settle­ ment was John Campbell, said to be of aristocratic Scottish birth, and one with a remarkable aptitude for adapting himself to circumstances, and turning them to his own profit. He was not "the first Queensland squatter," as some have declared him to be, and his claims to fame as a pastoral pioneer can be best understood by a consideration of his own words when he wrote: "The country on the north side of the river being the best, my cattle camps were made on the Queensland side, and thus I was accidentally the first stockowner in Queensland—I mean as a squatter, there having been a Government stockman at Ipswich years before." The river to which he refers in that statement had been named by Campbell himself as the Mayne, in honour of the then Crown Lands Commissioner of New South Wales. Later on Campbell found out that this river Mayne was none other than the Duma- resque of Allan Cunningham (1827). That stream, however, is to-day kno"wn generally as the river Severn. The real first Queensland squatter was Pat­ rick Leslie, who took up Toolburra on the Darling Downs in March, 1840. John Campbell has left but few records of his early life in New South Wales, or even in Queens­ land before and after Separation. Luckily, from cer­ tain of his blood relations still living, I have been able to obtain possession of a part of what he re­ corded in regard to the Queensland of 1840—1850. Property On The Hunter. The actual date of his landing in Sydney is not known, but I have good reason for believing that it was about 1833. His real business occupa­ tions from that time up to 1840 can only be con­ jectured, but he appears to have made a fair amount of money for, before 1840, he owned landed property on the Hunter River. In that year Camp­ bell sold out his Hunter River property and, journey­ ing to Kittah Kittah, as he called his station, he 28 engaged in cattle raising with a fair amount of suc­ cess. Crossing the Severn River later and coming into Queensland territory he was fortunate enough to encounter Arthur Hodgson and Joseph King, and, acting on their advice, he established himself at Westbrook. He thus became the fifth squatter on the Downs, those before him being Patrick Leslie at Toolburra in 1840; Sibley and King at Clifton; Hodg­ son and Elliott at Eton Vale; and Hughes and Isaac at Gowrie, all in 1841. The "Clock Maker." Some time prior to 1833 a publication en­ titled "The Clock Maker, or the sayings and Doings of Samuel Slick, of Slick Vale," by Judge Thomas C. Haliburton, of Nova Scotia, first saw the light. Prob­ ably a knowledge of the date of its issue would assist materially to determine the year of Campbell's sail­ ing for New South Wales. On December 25, 1836, a letter from one Samuel Slick, of Pugnose Farm, River Philip, was sent to a Mr. Howe, apparently the pub­ lisher of the work above named, and though no doubt written by Judge Haliburton himself, has a definite reference to the name of Campbell. I quote from a postscript of that letter, giving it verbatim: "I see in the last page it is writ that the Squire is to take another journey round the shore, and back to Halifax with me next Spring. Well ... I did agree to drive him round the coast, but don't you mind . We'll understand each other, I guess, afore we start. I conceit he'll rise considerably early in the momin' afore he catches me asleep again. I'll be wide awake for him next hitch, that's a fact. I'd a ginn a thousand dollars if he had only used Camp­ bell's name instead of mine, for he was an most almighty villain, and cheated a proper raft of folk and then shipped himself oflF to Botany Bay, for fear folk would transport him there . .' . You could-n't rub out Slick, and put in Campbell . could you . that's a good fellow? If you would I'd make it worth your while . you may depend." Now John Campbell had not been long in Aus­ tralia before he received the sobriquet of "Tinker" Campbell, this epithet, or nick-name, being attached almost throughout the whole of his career, and ever 29 resented by (not himself alone), but by all his family. Why, I do not know. Judge Haliburton portrays Samuel Slick as a pedlar of various articles, includ­ ing tinware, but more especially clocks of all sizes and descriptions. So if this John Campbell was the only and original Sam then the title of "Tinker" was fittingly assigned him. I have every reason to be­ lieve that he was the original individual, for, from casual and unpremeditated remarks from his own sons to me, it was very apparent to me that these two were one and the same. Ere I complete this address there will be added a final testimony of its correctness—at least I think so. Pedlar Becomes Pastoralist. Personally, I am quite satisfied in my belief that Campbell had been in Nova Scotia and that, on his arrival here in the colonies, he did roam the country —then the suburban part of Sydney—pedlaring, and that clocks were amongst his merchandise. From this roaming vocation he made good money, and thereupon entered into the pastoral ventures with which I propose to deal. Campbell, without doubt, had a small cattle station on the Hunter River, for in 1840 he sold whatever belongings he had there, and betook him­ self to the Severn. Crossing that river for better feeding country he entered Queensland territory and, in 1841, took up Westbrook. It was on the ad­ vice of Hodgson and King that he decided to settle on the Downs. Blacks were numerous and inclined to be troublesome. At that time there was only one wooden and bark humpy—the hut at Toolburra— upon the whole of the Darling Downs. Supplies for the settlers on the Downs were then coming from Brisbane by teams passing through Cunningham's Gap. Campbell remained but a few years at West­ brook, as he sold out to a Mr. E. W. Hargraves, of Niew England, and came to Brisbane. On his way, he passed through Limestone (now Ips"wich) where, at the time, there was only one house, a small brick cottage in the occupation of Mr. George Thorn Senior, whose son of the same Christian name was Premier of Queensland for nine months in 1876. 30 Adventurers Three. Campbell soon became well known in the More- ton Bay settlement—also the fact that the nickname of "Tinker" had been borne by him in Sydney. There was little doubt that he had come from Nova Scotia in a brig called the "Mic Mac," which he had chartered, and loaded up with all sorts of trading material, and an enormous number of clocks. With him were two travelling companions who were also adventurers—one named Sneddon, and the other Smith, both being trained tinsmiths. After disposing in New South Wales, of the whole of this trading stock, and thus making a very substantial profit, Campbell started these two men in Sydney proper, as tinsmiths, equipping them with all requirements, in­ cluding finance. On its becoming knowm that he was backing the tinsmiths, some of his boon companions, in merry mood, christened him "Tinker" Campbell, a name that stuck to him throughout his career. At the first sale of Moreton Bay lands, which was held at Sydney in 1842, Campbell purchased ten acres at Kangaroo Point, and 27 acres of the best land in the Valley—it was not known as Fortitude Valley until some years later. He cleared and fenced the land in the Valley immediately. When leaving North America he was accom­ panied by his wife. Temperance Perkins Campbell, and one son, John Edwin Campbell, who had been born in 1832. Two other boys were born in Austraha, viz., Frederick Foster Campbell, at Murrurundi, in New South Wales, in 1838, and Robert Perkins Camp­ bell at Kangaroo Point in 1843. There was also a daughter bom in Australia. Beef-curing Venture. The problem of providing for his family and for the future was no easy one. Owing to the extreme drought conditions it would have been folly to take up grazing land anywhere, and the travelling of cattle over any distance was out of the question. When the suggestion was made to him that the cur­ ing of beef might be profitable, Campbell decided to use his land at Kangaroo Point for an experiment m that direction. An agreement between certain Sydney business men, some Queensland squatters and John Campbell was drawn up under which the 31 last-named was to find salt, casks and labour, and to cure the beef at 25/- per cask, the beef to go to the providers of the cattle, and Campbell to retain as his quota all hides, tallow and offal. Operations were commenced on June 23rd, 1843, and Campbell was able to turn out a prime and marketable article. The squatters, however, failed to keep up a steady supply of cattle as they had undertaken to do, and it was impossible to keep all the men fully employed.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Aboriginal Camps and “Villages” in Southeast Queensland Tim O’Rourke University of Queensland
    Proceedings of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand 30, Open Papers presented to the 30th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand held on the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia, July 2-5, 2013. http://www.griffith.edu.au/conference/sahanz-2013/ Tim O’Rourke, “Aboriginal Camps and ‘Villages’ in Southeast Queensland” in Proceedings of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand: 30, Open, edited by Alexandra Brown and Andrew Leach (Gold Coast, Qld: SAHANZ, 2013), vol. 2, p 851-863. ISBN-10: 0-9876055-0-X ISBN-13: 978-0-9876055-0-4 Aboriginal Camps and “Villages” in Southeast Queensland Tim O’Rourke University of Queensland In the early nineteenth century, European accounts of Southeast Queensland occasionally refer to larger Aboriginal camps as “villages”. Predominantly in coastal locations, the reported clusters of well-thatched domical structures had the appearance of permanent settlements. Elsewhere in the early contact period, and across geographically diverse regions of the continent, Aboriginal camps with certain morphological and architectural characteristics were labelled “villages” by European explorers and settlers. In the Encyclopaedia of Australian Architecture, Paul Memmott’s entry on Aboriginal architecture includes a description of semi- permanent camps under the subheading “Village architecture.” This paper analyses the relatively sparse archival records of nineteenth century Aboriginal camps and settlement patterns along the coastal edge of Southeast Queensland. These data are compared with the settlement patterns of Aboriginal groups in northeastern Queensland, also characterized by semi-sedentary campsites, but where later and different contact histories yield a more comprehensive picture of the built environment.
    [Show full text]
  • History, Life and Times of Robert Anderson, Gheebelum, Ngugi, Mulgumpin
    ROBER T ANDERSON, GHEEBELUM, NGUGI, MULGUMPIN HIS T O R Y LIFE AND TIMES HISTORY LIFE AND TIMES of Robert Anderson, Gheebelum, Ngugi, Mulgumpin, is a community and personal history of an Aboriginal elder of the Quandamooka area. The life experiences of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander elders are varied and are many and access to their knowledge is essential to the process of continuing our traditions. HISTORY LIFE AND TIMES OF ROBERT ANDERSON GHEEBELUM, NGUGI, MULGUMPIN Community and personal history of a Ngugi Elder of Mulgumpin in Quandamooka, South East Queensland, Australia. Nations and people are largely the stories they feed themselves. If they tell themselves stories that are lies, they will suffer the future consequences of those lies. If they tell themselves stories that face their own truths, they will free their histories for future flowerings. Ben Okri, Birds of Heaven History Life and Times of Robert Anderson, Gheebelum, Ngugi, Mulgumpin First published in September, 2001 by Uniikup Productions Ltd. PO Box 3230, South Brisbane, Queensland 4101 Australia Design by Inkahoots, www.inkahoots.com.au Distributed by Uniikup Productions Ltd. © Robert V. Anderson 2001 This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission. Enquiries should be made to the publisher. This project has been assisted by: Community and Personal Histories Department of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Policy, Queensland Government REF: 11507.3 23/6/97 Cataloguing-in-Publication Data: National Library of Australia Peacock, Eve Christine, 1951-.
    [Show full text]
  • The Origins of Rockclimbing Culture in Australia
    Reinventing the heights: The origins of rockclimbing culture in Australia Author Meadows, Michael Published 2013 Journal Title Continuum DOI https://doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2013.772104 Copyright Statement © 2013 Taylor & Francis. This is an electronic version of an article published in Continuum, Volume 27, Issue 3, 2013, Pages 329-346. Continuum is available online at: http:// www.tandfonline.com with the open URL of your article. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/55835 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au CCON 772104—22/2/2013—RAGHAVAN.K—439140—Style 1 Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies, 2013 Vol. 00, No. 0, 1–18, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304312.2013.772104 1 2 3 4 Reinventing the heights: the origins of rockclimbing culture in 5 [Q1] Australia 6 7 Michael Meadows* 8 9 School of Humanities, Griffith University, Nathan Campus, Nathan, Brisbane 4111, Australia 10 11 Australian rockclimbing culture and climbers have been imagined in a particular way with the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century press playing a key role. Australian 12 landscapes, including mountains, were incorporated into Indigenous cosmology for 13 millennia before Aboriginal people discovered Europeans. But with the colonial invasion, 14 the very nature of the landscape in the new colony meant that climbing culture was bound 15 to take on a different persona from its European antecedent and undergo a rethinking or [Q2] 16 reinvention process. Figuring strongly in this discursive reconstruction was the particular geography of one region in Australia – southeast Queensland – with its diverse collection 17 of volcanic peaks within range of a major population centre, along with a climate that 18 encouraged the emergence of a set of complementary leisure activities.
    [Show full text]
  • Thematic History of the Sunshine Coast Sunshine Coast Heritage Study Sunshine Coast Council August 2020
    Thematic History of the Sunshine Coast Sunshine Coast Heritage Study Sunshine Coast Council August 2020 Converge Heritage + Community Contact details are: Simon Gall Converge Heritage + Community ABN:71 366 535 889 GPO Box 1700, Brisbane, 4001 Tel: (07) 3211 9522 Email: [email protected] Copyright © 2018 Document Verification Project Sunshine Coast Heritage Study Project Number 16031C Document Title Thematic History of the Sunshine Coast FINAL_14-02-2018 File Location Share Point Client Sunshine Coast Council Version history Revision Date Nature of revision Prepared by Authorised by 0 15/02/2016 Draft report BR, CB CB 1 14/02/2018 Final report CB - 2 Thematic History of the Sunshine Coast | 2 Contents 1 Introduction ........................................................................................................................ 7 1.1 Project Background ....................................................................................................................... 7 1.2 Purpose of this report ................................................................................................................... 7 1.3 Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 8 1.4 Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 9 1.5 Aboriginal cultural heritage and scope of document .....................Error! Bookmark not defined. 1.6 Authorship
    [Show full text]
  • A Hanging, a Hostage Drama and Several Homicides
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk 717 brought to you by CORE A hanging, a hostage drama andprovided several by University of Southern Queensland ePrints homicides: why sovereignty in 1859 is problematic Libby Connors* The Brisbane township was on edge the morning of 5 January 1855. Crowds both white and black were gathering to witness what was to be one of the last official public hangings in the colony of New South Wales. As the white residents made their way to the northern end of Queen Street, large numbers of Turrbal, Ningy Ningy and Djindubari were gathering in the scrubs on the hill which the Central Railway Station now occupies. The convict system was almost defunct as the last of the lifers’ terms were drawing to completion and the authorities were now confident that such brutal displays were no longer necessary to convince the public of the state’s power to discipline and control.1 Yet Brisbane officials were nowhere near as confident as their southern counterparts this morning. A detachment of Native Police and every town constable had been called out on duty. It was not the emancipist class but the Indigenous community that the Brisbane officials feared. One newly arrived settler, Robert Lane, 61 years later recalled for the Brisbane Courier the tensions in the town. ‘I was ordered to get out of the city,’ he claimed, ‘as the blacks might be hostile.’2 Extra precautions had been put in place for the hanging of the Indigenous leader Dundalli accused of several murders, but in the end sentenced to suffer death for just one, a sawyer by the name of William Boller.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconstructing the Battle of 'Narawai (Moongalba)
    Reconstructing the Battle of ’Narawai (Moongalba) Ray Kerkhove [email protected] Abstract The Battle of ’Narawai on North Stradbroke Island, and skirmishes that culminated in this event (c. 1827–32) have been sidelined in recent decades, based on the assumption that the event was more likely a massacre, and that sources are too conflicted to build a workable narrative. Here we utilise known and unexamined sources, and the untapped oral tradition and environ- mental knowledge of Stradbroke Island Aboriginal peoples, to reconstruct both the build-up and phases of the confrontation. We find that our primary sources for this incident ultimately derive from Aboriginal informants; together with current Aboriginal perspectives, these allow a more nuanced and Aboriginal- driven narrative than is normally possible for a frontier wars skirmish. It is argued that the Battle of ’Narawai was not a one-sided massacre but rather a well- planned operation by Aboriginal combatants, orchestrated to provide tactical advantages. We contend that the battle merged tactics of traditional pullen- pullen (inter-tribal tournaments) with strategies more suited to the demands of the frontier wars, and that it was perceived as a victory by Aboriginal Stradbroke Islanders. Introduction Twenty years ago, Chilla Bullbeck called for the violent incidents within Australia’s frontier wars to be better memorialized.1 More recently, Raynald Lemelin has urged historians to develop Indigenous-based narratives concerning these events, to atone for the relative absence of this perspective.2 Subsequently, there have been cooper- ative studies with Aboriginal families, aimed at providing more nuanced detail. A good example is Heather Burke’s spatial reconstruction of the Rufus River incidents (1841).
    [Show full text]
  • The Mv Mirrimar
    THE M V MIRRIMAR – A PART OF QUEENSLAND’S HISTORY By Myrtle Beitz June 2015 The Mirrimar proudly made of Queensland timber was built in Brisbane by Norman Wright & Sons. She had the length of 96 foot, a beam of 18 foot 6 inches and a draught of 5 foot 6 inches. Launched on 13 June 1934 which was a year after I was born. She was Brisbane’s largest ferry. The vessel fitted with Gardiner 228 HP diesel engines made her capacity speed of up to 13 knots for a cruising range of 2,000 miles. That photo was taken by my sister-in-law over at Dunwich. There were three sister ferries. They served the Brisbane River and the bay. The largest was the Mirrimar and her sisters were Mirrabel and the Mirana. The boats were all built by Norman Wright & Sons. Who can remember boarding the Mirrimar at North Quay to head upstream on the way to Lone Pine. The Mirana would pass under two bridges – there were only two bridges that it went under – the Victoria and the Grey Street Bridge. The captain would come in close to the river bank at Indooroopilly to smell and show the passengers the bat colony. When berthing at Lone Pine, there was an Alsatian dog with a koala on its back to welcome the visitors to the sanctuary. The RSPCA stepped in to stop this from happening. I don’t know why. They might have been frightened that the koala would get hurt or anyway. A young Cathy Beitz was a little apprehensive with her first cuddle of a koala.
    [Show full text]
  • IN SEARC H of a RIVER Two Little-Known Voyages to Moreton Bay
    IN SEARC H OF A RIVER Two Little-known Voyages To Moreton Bay by J. C. H. GILL, B.A., LL.B. INTRODUCTION their attitudes towards the problem are themselves sufficient to indicate that neither of the 1822 explorers could have been In 1913 H. 1. Diddams & Co. of Brisbane published Thomas seeking out something which neither Cook nor Flinders suspected Welsby's book "The Discoverers of the Brisbane River" based or even hinted at. on certain newspaper articles previously written by the author. THE MYSTERIOUS RIVER This work traversed the already well known accounts of the Familiar as we are now with the many navigable streams which voyages of exploration of Cook, Flinders and Oxley so far as enter the Pacific along our eastern coastline it is perhaps hard to they related to Moreton Bay and its environs, but it broke new t~at ~n realise how well hidden those streams were from the ship-borne ground in that the author stated, as his own surmise, explorers of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. idea, based on the writings of Cook and Flinders, prevaIled III The great Cook in his description of New South Wales says the early nineteenth century that a large river existed somewhere It is indifferently well watered, even in the dry seasons, with small in the vicinity of Moreton Bay. Brooks and springs, but no great Rivers unless it be in the wet Welsby noted from the preface of the "Geographical Memoirs Season when the low lands and Vallies near the Sea I do suppose on New South Wales", edited by Barron Field, the editor's are mostly laid under water; the small brooks may then become large Rivers but this can only happen with the Tropick.J statement that the master of a Colonial Government vessel had The equally great Flinders expresses his disappointment that been sent to survey Moreton Bay only a few months before Oxley's voyage there and discovery (with some unexpected his 1799 explorations of Moreton Bay and Hervey Bay did not assistance) of the Brisbane River.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining the Hinterland: Literary Representations of Southeast Queensland Beyond the Brisbane Line
    Imagining the Hinterland: Literary Representations of Southeast Queensland Beyond the Brisbane Line Author McKay, Belinda Published 2005 Journal Title Queensland Review Copyright Statement © 2005 University of Queensland Press . The attached file is reproduced here in accordance with the copyright policy of the publisher. Please refer to the journal's website for access to the definitive, published version. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/4151 Link to published version https://doi.org/10.1017/S1321816600003913 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Imagining the Hinterland: Literary Representations of Southeast Queensland Beyond the Brisbane Line Belinda McKay Southeast Queensland — the region encompassing Coolangatta and the McPherson Range to the south, Cooloola and the Blackall Range to the north, and the Great Dividing Range to the west — represents one of Queensland's most significant literary landscapes. For millennia, this area — defined by mountains and waterways — contained important gathering places for ceremonies and trade, and its inhabitants elaborated the meaning of the landscape in a rich complex of stories and other cultural practices such as the bunya festivals. Colonisation disrupted but did not obliterate these cultural associations, which remain alive in the oral traditions of local Aboriginal people and, in more recent times, have surfaced in the work of writers like Oodgeroo Noonuccal and Sam Watson. European interest in the Moreton Bay region developed slowly. A penal colony was established in 1824, but the area was not opened to free settlement until 1842. The separation of Queensland from New South Wales in 1859 accelerated the growth of two towns: Brisbane — the region's only viable port as well as the capital of the colony — and, to a lesser extent, the river town of Ipswich a few miles inland.
    [Show full text]
  • The Changing Role of Queensland Newspapers in Imagining Leisure and Recreation Michael Meadows
    The Changing Role of Queensland Newspapers in Imagining Leisure and Recreation Michael Meadows THE CHANGING ROLE OF QUEENSLAND NEWSPAPERS IN IMAGINING LEISURE AND RECREATION by Michael Meadows Introduction Leisure and recreation are central features of Western lifestyle in the new millennium. They dominate popular media images, especially if we include sport, but even excluding rugby league and cricket, around half of the 10 most popular programs on Australian television are consistently the so-called ‘infotainment’ shows. Newspapers have followed suit and sections addressing key leisure pursuits like travelling and bushwalking have become a permanent part of the regular news menu. Clearly, the media play an important role in the process of imagining leisure and recreation in our society (Anderson 1984). But is this a new phenomenon? If so, when did the trend emerge? And what role has the press played in the process? I want to look at these questions in relation to the role of the Queensland press in representing leisure and recreation from the earliest newspapers in the mid 19th century to the present. While the ideas of leisure and recreation remain central to my argument, I plan to look at these through the lens of rockclimbing —a leisure activity which had its genesis as mountaineering in Europe in the mid 16th century although it was not until the late 19th century that it became what might be termed a mainstream leisure activity (Conway 1902, p. 25). Importantly, the emergence of tourism and mountaineering were closely linked (Withey 1998, p. 204). But that was Europe. Across the Atlantic, the idea of mountaineering was bound up in the emergence of North American Alpine clubs around 1870 with the idea of rockclimbing in hot pursuit (Nettlefold and Stratford 1999, p.
    [Show full text]
  • THEY CAME to MURRAMARANG a History of Murramarang, Kioloa and Bawley Point
    THEY CAME TO MURRAMARANG A History of Murramarang, Kioloa and Bawley Point THEY CAME TO MURRAMARANG A History of Murramarang, Kioloa and Bawley Point BRUCE HAMON Edited by Alastair Greig and Sue Feary Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Hamon, B. V., author. Title: They came to Murramarang : a history of Murramarang, Kioloa and Bawley Point / Bruce Hamon ; edited by Alastair Greig, Sue Feary. Edition: Revised edition. ISBN: 9781925022742 (paperback) 9781925022759 (ebook) Subjects: Murramarang (N.S.W.)--History. Kioloa (N.S.W.)--History. Bawley Point (N.S.W.)--History. Other Creators/Contributors: Greig, Alastair Whyte, 1960- editor. Feary, Sue, editor. Dewey Number: 994.47 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press Cover illustration: North Beach, Bawley Point, from near the mouth of Willinga Lake. Watercolour by Alma Hamon, c. 1920. Printed by Griffin Press First edition published © 1994 Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, The Australian National University This edition © 2015 ANU Press CONTENTS List of maps, figures and tables . vii Acknowledgements . xi About the editors . xiii Unit conversions . xv Introduction to the new edition . xvii Alastair Greig Peopling the landscape . xxvii Sue Feary Author’s preface . xxxiii Locality map and notes .
    [Show full text]
  • UQFL122 Paul Tripcony Collection
    FRYER LIBRARY Manuscript Finding Aid UQFL 122 Paul Tripcony Collection Size 9 boxes, 2 parcels Contents Certificates and testimonials, outgoing and incoming correspondence, photographs, financial papers, booksellers' catalogues and newsletters, publishers' announcements, political and pressure group leaflets, maps of Moreton Bay Islands, notices and plans of Moreton Bay land for sale, newspaper cuttings, subject files on people and organisations, notes and notebooks. Most papers cover the period from the 1950s to the 1970s. Biography Paul Tripcony was born at Dunwich on Stradbroke Island in 1901. He worked as a grader driver, machinery man, and road maker. Tripcony was interested in Australian aborigines and their culture and collected aboriginal artefacts. He had an extensive collection of both Australian and overseas literature, which covered his wide range of interests from politics to poetry. His collection included many limited editions and rare items. He died in 1975. Notes Open access Box 1 Folder 1: Certificates and Testimonials Certificate of competency, Second Class Refrigeration, no 776, issued to Paul Tripcony by Thomas Alford, Chairman of the Board of Examiners, 23 Sep 1938 [two copies] Certificate of Competency, Second Class Internal Combustion, no 2710, issued to Paul Tripcony by Thomas Alford, Chairman of the Board of Examiners, 23 Sep 1938 Testimonials from: • Bottomley Brothers Ice Manufacturers, 8 Jul 1938 [Paul Tripcony worked there from 8 Feb – 28 May 1938] [typescript copy of reference provided along with original]
    [Show full text]