The Religious Worldview of the Indigenous Population of the Northern Ob’ as Understood by Christian Anatoliy M. Ablazhei; translated by David N. Collins

n the eve of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, the Russian that enter during conflict with a different culture, thus increasing O Orthodox Church had at least nine missions operating the value of the sources used. among Siberia’s . The Red victory in the ensuing documents as sources bear specific characteris- civil war led to the elimination of all missionary activity, whose tics stemming both from the particular worldview of the mis- resumption was possible only after the fall of the Communist regime sionaries as bearers of alien cultural and from the type seventy years later. The few accounts of Christian missions published of relationships they had with the indigenous population. As a in the USSR were tendentious in the extreme. Only in the post- rule, the missionaries gained their information by indirect obser- Communist era have scholars in the former Soviet Union been free to vation, such as knowledge of one or another traditional rite explore the rich archival and journalistic resources left by the mission- obtained by chance or through disclosure during conversation aries. with a local inhabitant. Communications of the latter type were Anatoliy Ablazhei’s article was chiefly addressed to scholars in rather rare, considering the attitude of the overwhelming major- Russia. It explores the extent to which the newly available missionary ity of the missionaries to the native people’s cultural riches and accounts are useful sources for contemporary scholars investigating the staunch unwillingness of the latter to reveal their ancestral native and cosmology. His work is reproduced here in transla- secrets to outsiders. This limitation was compounded by the tion for several reasons. It exemplifies the new wave of Russian almost universal lack of knowledge of local languages and scholarship about missions history, giving us a glimpse of the mass of customs (especially characteristic of the earlier period of Ortho- documentary material available for researchers to use. Its critique of dox missions in the Northern Ob’) and, with rare exceptions, by Russian Orthodox perceptions of native religion and the imperfect a general unwillingness to investigate in depth the specifics of methods employed to spread in Siberia provides us with traditional culture. Serious attempts to become deeply involved material from a mission field little known in the outside world. This in the local milieu and fulfill the role of spiritual mentors, as well information can prove useful for comparative missiological investiga- as a sincere determination to enlighten the “lost natives” rather tions. Above all, however, its value lies in its contribution to the ongoing than simply formally baptizing them, date from the final years of debates about contextualization and , the validity of the the missions, mainly the early twentieth century. Gospel for all peoples, and the appropriation of Christianity by the world’s indigenous peoples. It exemplifies the errors of ignorance often Missionary Methods committed by outsiders trying to spread the Gospel within a thoroughly alien culture. As Terence Ranger reminded us in the first Adrian According to the 1822 [Russian government] Statute on the Hastings Memorial Lecture at Leeds University in November 2002, Administration of the Natives, the indigenous peoples were authentic Christianity is indeed possible among indigenous peoples. accorded full freedom of religious . Adoption of The Holy Spirit can inspire a transformation of their lives and culture, was encouraged but was not obligatory, which ruled out the without an excess of Eurocentric accretions.1 methods of forcible baptism characteristic during the eighteenth century. This legislation forced the missionaries to seek new The fullest possible reconstruction of traditional worldviews modes of activity based more on seriously plunging themselves requires the use of a wide range of sources. Among these are the into the life of their existing and potential flocks. They began documents of the [Russian] Orthodox religious missions to the single-mindedly gathering information about the local peoples, pagans that operated in the Northern Ob’ region [of western studying their religious beliefs and the details of their everyday Siberia] for more than three hundred years. The present article lives. Study of the local languages was encouraged; missionaries uses materials relating to the concluding period of the missions’ in fact compiled several dictionaries, and portions of Sacred activity, from the mid-nineteenth to the early twentieth centu- Scripture were translated. The Obdorsk branch of the missionary ries. The information of interest to us is found in various types of Brotherhood of St. Gury had a special “museum of the Brother- diaries, reports, and accounts emanating from missions as a hood, or repository for a collection on the ethnography of the whole and from individual missionaries, predominantly those peoples of the Tobol’sk North, whose aim was to assist the study who had interacted directly with the local population during of the life, customs, and mores of the natives by graphic means.”2 their missionary trips. Most of the material used for the analysis Several missionaries, particularly the hieromonk Irinarkh (Ivan is from the Obdorsk Mission, founded in 1854, which worked for Semyonovich Shemanovsky), published works on the ethnogra- the most part among the Nenets, Khanty, and Mansi popula- phy of the people of the Northern Ob’. tions, who knew very little or nothing about Christianity. There The main conditions for success in Christianizing in the are grounds for believing that in this case we are dealing with period under review consisted in making missionary trips through cultural traditions little affected by the alien cultural influences the localities where the baptized population had lived from time immemorial, relating to them within the confines of their cus- tomary dwellings and establishing close contact with represen- Anatoliy M. Ablazhei is a member of the Institute of Philosophy and Law of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, based in Novosibirsk. tatives of the various categories of traditional society. The mis- David N. Collins, translator, was Senior Lecturer and Head, Department sionaries frequently made no distinction between the peoples of of Russian and Slavonic Studies, University of Leeds, Leeds, England. Collins the north, lumping them together under the general term “na- has written extensively on Siberian missions and history, including editing the tives,” which demonstrated a lack of understanding of the differ- twelve-volume series Siberian Discovery (Curzon: 2000). ences between their ethnic cultures. Nevertheless, there were

134 I NTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH, Vol. 29, No. 3 instances of intelligent discerning of the discreteness of the missionaries pointed out that “the beliefs of the Ostiaks and cultures of the region’s peoples. The missionaries began to Samoyeds were formed partly under the influence of the condi- “hear” and “listen to” the voices of these cultures. Instead of a tions of life . . . economic, family, and social.”7 In the missionaries’ monologue, the predominant form of contact became dialogue, opinion, “the peculiar conditions of life of the natives inhabiting a clear example of which we see in the following missionary the region of the Obdorsk Mission, their distance from the parish account: “At first the conversation, as ever, was general. We church (between 300 and 600 versts [320–640 km. / 200–400 mi.]), talked of the daily life of the natives, about their troubles and their frequent absences from their dwellings for hunting, and in misfortunes, about buying and selling, about the lives of the general their nomadic way of life” also created obstacles in the Russians. . . . We touched on Christ . . . an old pagan man said how path of Christianization.8 From the missionaries’ point of view much he liked the way the priest sings in church and how the the natural environment also determined various elements of the Russians pray. To my question ‘Why don’t you get baptized and worldview that arose through contemplating it: “The Ostiaks become a member of the church?’ the old man replied that the regard elevated locations and mountains as holy, because, as priest had spoken to him many times about this, but he did not they say, ‘ could see better’ from such places.”9 But “God want to be baptized now. . . . The old man said . . . that we sees” through the eyes of people; in one of these high places a foreigners should also reindeer to God.”3 missionary saw “a heap of antlers that, according to Vasia, were Two elements in this account are significant: the missionary placed on the summit to show the route.”10 view that conversation is the best form of communication with The missionaries considered that strict observance of the native population (which can also be found in other docu- was another extremely important facet of the indigenous ments) and the mention of to “God.” It is not clear population’s spiritual life. As one observed, “The kernel or which “God” is meant—Christ, the icon of St. Nicholas the leaven of morals, , and beliefs of tundra paganism is Miracle Worker (whose identity was transmuted through the unshakable fidelity to the traditions of the ancestors.”11 Irrespec- local worldview, a matter to be discussed in more detail below), tive of rational bases for the retention of traditional , the or a figure from the native pantheon. Regardless of the answer, missionaries saw the root of the evil in the habitual nature of the the missionary’s interlocutor considers sacrifice the best gift (as beliefs, which led to “deep-rooted fanaticism.” A missionary the Russians do singing or ). From this incident we can writing in 1910 came to the following conclusion: “If he sticks to draw the conclusion that to the traditional worldview both his shamanistic belief, it is mainly through habit.”12 religions (paganism and Christianity) coexisted on an equal Striving to overcome such , the missionaries de- basis. They were distinguished only by the objects and means of voted enormous attention to educating children in school. In used by one people or the other. 1919 the missionary Shikhalev wrote: “I consider that the most important question for the mission, for our missionary life, the Missionary Evaluation of Native Worldviews basis and main foundation for the mission are native boarding and day schools and orphanages.”13 It is no accident that the Since the elements of traditional worldviews that missionaries missionaries encountered strong opposition from the indig- found most interesting were religious perceptions, not a single enous population over the issue of education. The latter correctly missionary account omitted a distinctive “theoretical section” in saw the schools as a special institution to destroy their traditional which the authors attempted to interpret local beliefs. One re- way of life. One of the teachers in a mission school wrote in his port, for example, described the people’s “religious cult of sha- manism” as “one of the oldest religions of mankind. It has no doctrine, and all its power and essence consist in beliefs indis- For the missionaries solubly linked to ceremonies making scant appeal to human reason. They subjugate people mentally, filling all the natives’ was the most fearful and timid interior world with images and perceptions, significant element of forcing them to live and struggle with visible and invisible enemies under the most severe and burdensome conditions.”4 In indigenous religion. this particular case the peculiarities of the indigenous religion are explained (which was one of the basic tasks) from the point of view of its specific role in the natives’ daily lives. This approach report: “The reason [for the small number of students and the coincides in many respects with contemporary views on the continual dropping off of their numbers—A.A.] was their un- character and role of traditional worldviews, which for “the willingness, which they expressed to me, to educate their chil- majority of the northern peoples are not only spiritual expres- dren. This unwillingness came from die-hard superstitious con- sions of the various layers of ethnic cultures, but are also a special victions, for they saw that if their children became literate, they means (mechanism) of psychological adaptation to the extreme would no longer imitate the people’s superstitions.”14 social and climatic conditions of the Far North.”5 As regards the term “shamanism,” within which the mis- The Shaman sionaries typically subsumed the whole gamut of traditional beliefs, it obviously cannot reflect all their complexity and mul- Mission documents pay tremendous attention to the figure of the tiple layers. For the missionaries shamanism was the most tan- shaman, whom missionaries viewed as their basic ideological gible, understandable, and significant element of indigenous opponent. According to the missionaries, the shaman in tradi- religion. It therefore became the object of the most strenuous tional society had an exceptionally important role, not only in the opposition on their part, even though the level of its develop- religious sphere, but in all aspects of life. The shaman is “a person ment among various peoples differed.6 possessing the ability to enter into communication with invisible In explaining the peculiarities of the environment within spirits and to learn their demands under a trance. . . . In all the which traditional worldviews were formed and functioned, the circumstances of life a native needs the shaman’s help, and the

July 2005 135 shaman, according to the words and beliefs of the natives, is discern that the owner of the chum had lost a large quantity of chosen by God, a teacher and doctor.”15 I draw your attention to fur trade goods and had asked the witch doctor ‘Tachibe’ and the fact that the word “God” here has been written with a capital was seeking the thief. . . . The assembly included simple spec- letter, as in the case of the Christian God, even though it has been tators and a large number of those upon whom suspicion of used to refer to a pagan . As becomes clear from missionary theft had fallen. ‘Tachibe’ had practiced his sorcery for five days accounts, the shaman also performed the task of protector, which already and yet had not been able to ferret out the necessary was extremely important in traditional worldviews. At the same suspect. To my question about whether he really knew any- time, he was the interpreter of the principles of traditional beliefs, thing and whether he could find the thief by this means, being in the eyes of his fellow tribesmen the guarantor of their ‘Tachibe’ spoke his mind, not without fear, in the presence of retention and continuance. the assembly of natives, saying that he knew nothing positive, In 1857 one of the missionaries visited, in his own words, “an but if he took on himself the role of ‘Tachibe’ and beat the elder and shaman famous for his influence on other idol wor- ‘Pender’ drum, it was only because he had been asked to shippers, who kept two idols. . . . Acquaintanceship and friendly practice sorcery.”19 communication forced the shaman to relate the absurd history of This description coincides with the characteristic noted in the significance and influence of old idols on the Ostiak clan.” We ethnographic investigations of the Nentsy, according to which “shamans of the ia nayy (ia nayy tadibia) category are shamans connected with the spirits of the earth. They ‘healed’ the less Missionaries accorded seriously ill, sought lost reindeer, and so on. Unlike other sha- mans they performed their rites at night around the campfire.”20 to shamans a decisive In analyzing the missionaries’ conceptions about shamans significance as protectors and shamanism, it is important to reemphasize that they ac- and transmitters of corded them a decisive significance as protectors and transmit- ters of traditional culture, predominantly religion. This recogni- traditional culture. tion is evident from the means proposed to struggle against them, namely, the missionaries would “compile and present to the consistory a list of all shamans, having obtained signatures must distinguish several important points about this descrip- from them to the effect that they would not do this [i.e., would not tion. First of all, taking into account the reasons advanced above, offer sacrifices—A.A.] again.”21 we do not have to agree with the missionary in defining the “protector of idols” as a shaman. Z. P. Sokolova notes that the Nature Spirits and Spirit Protectors images of the ancestors (and these images were probably what the missionaries meant when they referred to idols) were usually In recording the various aspects of traditional religion, the mis- guarded by a special person, but “this was not the shaman, sionaries noted the existence of a cult of nature spirits: “Accord- although often identified as one.”16 The missionary’s direct refer- ing to Ostiak and Samoed notions, the world is full of numerous ence makes it clear that he was convinced that shamanism and spirits, both good and evil. Everything has its own deity—water, “idol worship” were things of the same order. fire, wood, stone, and locality—and these have an enor- Finally, and most important, the document refers to “friendly mous influence on the fate of humankind. Particularly danger- communication” as forcing the interlocutor to relate something ous is the influence of evil spirits, which try to harm people important to the other person. This is one of many examples of wherever possible. They send various fears. People must beware the complex process of intercultural interaction, which is mutu- of angering them in any way, thus attracting their wrath. If, ally enriching when information passes in both directions: from despite everything, they become angry, then attempts must be the native to the missionary and vice versa. In the excerpt in made to mollify them, or else something very bad would happen. question the conduct of the “shaman” is comparable to the way . . . According to Ostiak and Samoed beliefs, no medicines can in which the missionary behaves: he explains the principles of his help poor humans. The only way to combat disease is to offer religion, its significance, its influence on the life of his people, and penitentiary sacrifices to the spirit that has sent the disease.”22 its necessity for their continued existence. These functions are Missionaries cite examples of cult practices with regard to significant in the practice of traditional religion, for in order to these deities: “At one sacred place I saw reindeer antlers scat- explain them, the “shaman” himself must think through and tered about with dried bread rings [ baranki] threaded on them. formulate his convictions. For a member of a traditional society, Reindeer hides, antlers, and heads had been placed on two this communication is an absolutely new phenomenon, formed sticks.”23 The accuracy of this observation is confirmed by the under the influence of cultural interaction. description of a similar location in one of V. N. Chernetsov’s The missionaries gained reasonably clear views about the travel diaries: “It [the sacred place—A.A.] consists of a large heap role of the shaman in the daily lives of the indigenous population, of antlers. . . . Omdiu [the guide—A.A.] placed a dried bread ring and not only in the sphere of the sacred. In some accounts dealing on the ialia (sacred tree).”24 The missionaries transferred the specifically with shamans, however, the missionaries preferred division of the world into good and evil, which is characteristic to use the name they heard: “The natives express complete of Christianity, to the traditional religion of the indigenous in witch doctors, prophets and exorcists, Tadibe, who travel all peoples. Judging by contemporary data, however, there was no over the tundra with the aim of enticing their brothers and sisters such division, and the spirits of the underworld (naturally seen into the world of superstitions and prejudices.”17 From another as evil by the missionaries) could perform good deeds as well.25 account it is also evident that the missionary did not know that The missionaries recorded the presence of family spirit the Tadibe [also Tachibe—A.A.] is one of the categories of sha- protectors quite accurately. In the description included below, a man: “I entered the chum. 18 There was a great assembly of natives distinction between specific aspects of the Khanty and Mansi cult in it. Evidently something special was afoot. Soon I managed to is also mentioned. “Besides shamanism the Samoeds, and in

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July 2005 137 particular the Ostiaks, practice idol worship. Worship of the The missionaries themselves paid a great deal of attention to shaitans, anthropomorphic depictions of the deities . . . continues the worldview phenomenon connected with the figure of St. in almost every yurt or chum. There is a deity—a shaitan—which Nicholas the Miracle Worker. If we compare accounts from the whole family reveres, bows down to, and makes prostrations different periods, we can clearly follow the evolution of religious to as a sacrifice. They keep their shaitans in boxes in the front stereotypes and the gradual adaptation of figures of the Chris- corner. When you go in to the chum, they try to hide this box.”26 tian pantheon by traditional religion. A mission report from 1857 From this description it is obvious that in this case the mission- notes, “Some, however, extended their folly as far as calling their aries were in contact with a population ignorant of Christianity, idol [in this case meaning the family spirit protector] St. Nicholas because their neighbors, the Mansi and southern Khanty, who the Miracle Worker’s brother.”30 Gradually, however, the au- had experienced Christian influence, already had icons in many thority of the Christian saint rose, and in 1916 the missionary of their homes. The missionary would have made direct refer- Tutomlin pointed out that “among the native shamanists St. Nicholas Mirlikskii the Miracle Worker is revered everywhere. The natives consider him a Russian god stronger than pagan St. Nicholas the Miracle ones.”31 The Khanty Mikola, however, was not the Christian St. Nicholas the Miracle Worker but a substantially new deity Worker was the most subsuming within itself traits of various religious traditions. popular Christian saint According to M. B. Shatilov’s observations, “Ostiak religion contains elements of a whole range of beliefs. . . . there is an among both the Russian identification of Christian saints with Ostiak deities or heroes of and the aboriginal the national epic, for example Mikola-Torum or Mikola-Ike.”32 A corresponding cult rooted in traditional observances de- populations of the area. veloped in relation to the new deity. The missionaries were correct in considering it a result of Christianization, when they wrote about the practice of “vows” made to Mikola to ward off ence to their existence, as, for example, in the following report: various misfortunes such as reindeer plague, diseases, failure “Some of our informants state quite categorically that earlier during the hunt, and so forth. Analysis of reports about such ‘before the Russians’ they had puby in the right corner.”27 This vows (a usual expression of which was the obligation to cross comment refers to the fact that icons, which had to be placed in oneself) allows us to conclude that baptism (an important act the right corner, had displaced the spirit images, now found on from the point of view of the church) had very little significance the left. Also, the missionary would not have been given access for the newly baptized person. It was understood to be a super- to a box that had been retained, since “relations between humans ficial formality and therefore was undergone perfunctorily. Chris- and the spirit protectors had an intimate character.”28 Infringe- tianity could thus be partially adopted, merely by accepting ment of this prohibition, all the more so when missionaries were some of its propositions and ceremonies. The result was addi- concerned, laid the owner open to the supreme penalty. tions to the structure of the traditional worldview and limited modification of certain elements of religious consciousness—all Christian Influence on Traditional Worldviews changes that fit the needs of traditional society. One of the most complex questions in the context of the theme Conclusion under discussion is that of the influence of Christianity on the traditional worldview of the peoples of the Northern Ob’. In the In conclusion, the evidence demonstrates that because of a whole present article analysis of this matter will be concentrated on the series of objective and subjective reasons, missionaries, as bear- transformations to which the figure of St. Nicholas the Miracle ers of Christian traditions, formed perceptions of the traditional Worker was subjected through cross-cultural interaction. He worldview of the indigenous population of the Northern Ob’ was the most popular Christian saint among both the Russian that were in many ways incomplete and frequently incorrect. and the aboriginal populations of the area. Two reasons for these Their conceptions must be carefully checked against the data of changes must be distinguished. First, the church itself contrib- ethnographic investigations. Nonetheless, they did record a uted significantly to the process by building a church of St. series of elements completely correctly. The missionaries distin- Nicholas in almost every newly founded Russian settlement. guished three constituent parts of the aboriginal religious con- Second, and more important, was the phenomenon of so-called sciousness: shamanism, worship of nature spirits, and the family folk orthodoxy, that is, a noncanonical variant of official doctrine spirit protectors. They considered the main figure in ceremonial that included a considerable number of pagan elements charac- cult practices to be the shaman, who also played an important teristic of the Russian peasant population ever since [early medi- role in daily life, fulfilling medical and other functions. Mission- eval] Kievan Rus’. Speaking of the influence exerted on the ary statements about the adaptive role of the traditional worldview aboriginals’ worldview by proximity to the Russian population, also coincide with ethnographic data. The adoption of Christian- investigators concluded that “only in the few places where the ity could take the form of simply incorporating individual Chris- Ostiaks were significantly influenced by the culture of the Rus- tian elements as additions to the existing structures of traditional sian population do we have a gradual modification of the general consciousness, while rethinking and reinterpreting the new ele- Ostiak worldview.”29 ments as appropriate. Notes 1. The remainder of this article, following these introductory remarks text are by the translator, who also supplied subheadings. Preparation by the translator, is a translation of Anatoliy M. Ablazhei’s text. of the original article by Ablazhei was funded by the Russian Except where marked “A.A.,” bracketed comments inserted in the Humanities Scientific Fund.

138 I NTERNATIONAL BULLETIN OF MISSIONARY RESEARCH, Vol. 29, No. 3 2. The Tobol’sk Section of the State Archive of Tiumen Oblast’ (TF 15. Ibid., fond 58. GATiumO), fond 58 (Tobol’sk Diocesan Committee of the Orthodox 16. Sokolova, “Perezhitki religioznykh verovanii,” p. 214. Missionary Society). 17. TF GATiumO, fond 58. 3. Ibid., fond 703 (Khensk missionary station). 18. Chum is the Russianized form of an indigenous word for tepee. 4. Ibid., fond 58. 19. TF GATiumO, fond 703. 5. Z. P. Sokolova, “Adaptivnye svoistva kul’tury narodov Severa” 20. L. V. Khomich, Nentsy. Istorkio-etnograficheskie ocherki (The Nentsy. (Adaptive characteristics in the culture of the peoples of the north), Historical and ethnographic studies) (Moscow and Leningrad, 1966), Sovetskaia etnografiia 4 (1991): 15. p. 212. 6. Z. P. Sokolova, “Perezhitki religioznykh verovanii u Obskikh Ugrov” 21. TF GATiumO, fond 156. (Remnants of religion among the Ob’ Ugrians), in Religioznye 22. Ibid., fond 58. predstavleniia i obriadov narodov Sibiri v XIX–nachale XXvv. (Religious 23. Ibid. perceptions and rituals of the Siberian peoples in the nineteenth and 24. Istochniki po etnografii Zapadnoi Sibiri, p. 73. early twentieth centuries) (Leningrad, 1971), p. 223. 25. I. N. Gemuev, Mirovozzrenie Mansi. Dom i kosmos (The Mansi 7. TF GATiumO, fond 58. worldview. Home and the cosmos) (Novosibirsk, 1990), p. 20. 8. Ibid. 26. TF GATiumO, fond 58. 9. Ibid. 27. Gemuev, Mirovozzrenie Mansi, p. 20. 10. Istochniki po etnografii Zapadnoi Sibiri (Sources of the ethnography of 28. Ibid., p. 30. West Siberia) (Tomsk, 1987), p. 59. 29. M. B. Shatilov, Vakhovskie ostiaki (The Vakhov Ostiaks) (Tomsk, 11. TF GATiumO, fond 58. 1931), p. 99. 12. Ibid. 30. TF GATiumO, fond 156. 13. Ibid. 31. Ibid., fond 58. 14. Ibid., fond 156 (Tobol’sk religious consistory). 32. Shatilov, Vakhovskie ostiaki, p. 99.

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