POTTS, D.T. — Mesopotamian Civilization: the Material Cusses Textual Evidence on Crafts and Materials When Appro- Foundations

333 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 334

Mesopotamia currently on the market (p. viii), as a quick comparison with P.R.S. Moorey’s monumental Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries: the Archaeological Evidence (Oxford, 1994) shows. This book appeared during the conception of the book under review and appears in its bibliography, but seems not to have been fully integrated in the body of the text (see for example the treatment of various mineral materials in ch. 4). Moorey offers a meticulous study of those aspects of the Mesopotamian material culture that can be identified in the archaeological record: his book comprises six parts devoted to common stones, ornamental ASSYRIOLOGIE stones, animal materials (bone, ivory and shell), ceramics and glass, metals and finally bricks and building crafts and dis- POTTS, D.T. — Mesopotamian Civilization: the material cusses textual evidence on crafts and materials when appro- foundations. The Athlone Press, London 1997. (23 cm, priate (for a detailed appraisal of the book see C.C. Lamberg- xxi + 366 pp.) Athlone Publications in Egyptology and Karlovsky, JAOS 117 [1997] 87-102). Potts’s book is also Ancient Near Eastern Studies. ISBN 0 485 93001 3. primarily devoted to the study of Mesopotamia’s raw mate- £ 60. rials and industries, but his approach is markedly different from that of Moorey. For example, Potts’s main goal in dis- The author of this book is a leading and prolific expert on cussing Mesopotamia’s inedible resources (ch. 4) is to chal- the archaeology and history of the Arabian Gulf area and lenge the prevailing notion that Mesopotamia lacked most Southwest Asia, who has previously advocated the integra- natural resources other than clay or reeds; whereas Moorey tion of the investigation of material remains with the data deals with the technical aspects of forming, firing and deco- from pertaining written records in the study of the ancient rating pottery, Potts argues for a functional understanding of past (see most notably his impressive survey of the history ceramic forms as a response to a range of functional of the Arabian Gulf from 1990). The book under review is a demands, whereby changes in typology can be explained, strong plea for an integrated approach to ancient inter alia, by changes in food preparation and storage tech- Mesopotamian material culture. The author sets the agenda nology (ch. 5). Potts also addresses topics that left little to no in its preface: his intention is to fill the niche in the current trace in the archaeological record, such as agriculture or ship bibliography on ancient Mesopotamia between the purely building, and reserves ample space for a discussion of archaeological or art historical manuals and the handbooks Mesopotamia’s climate, geophysical characteristics and its devoted to the portrayal of the intellectual and cultural his- hydraulic regime, topics absent in Moorey’s book. Finally, tory of Mesopotamia. He wanted to write “something like an several chapters are devoted to non-material aspects of ethnography of ancient Mesopotamia, combining an under- Mesopotamian culture, such as religion and social structure, standing of its material and its mental culture” (p. viii). as can be expected in a book designed to form an ethno- The book is intended to sharpen the senses of Assyriologists graphic description of Mesopotamian culture. While Ancient and archaeologists for the potential riches of such an inte- Mesopotamian Materials and Industries will remain the stan- grated approach and to form a reference compendium on the dard reference manual for all students of Mesopotamia’s material foundations of Mesopotamian civilization for stu- archaeological artefacts, Potts’s monograph will probably dents and ill-equipped institutional libraries. The author pre- offer interesting and sometimes unexpected perspectives on sents his material in fourteen chapters, which can be divided the same material, and is likewise of interest for students of in four sections. The first four chapters are devoted to the Mesopotamia’s intellectual culture. geophysical and demographic setting of Mesopotamia and to When writing a synthesis of a large research field such as its resources: agriculture, animal husbandry, and inedible ani- Mesopotamian studies, every author is forced to select what mal, mineral and vegetable products. In the second part to include and what to leave out. Such is also the case in this (ch. 5-7) the author highlights a number of topics relating to book, and the author points out that it is a personal repre- ancient technology in discussing watercrafts, pottery pro- sentation of the Mesopotamian past. He discusses a selection duction and metals. The third section (ch. 8-11) is devoted to of topics which he considers “essential areas which must be the discussion of social and cultural phenomena and their cor- understood in order to have a basic grasp of what actually relation to the material culture: religion, kinship and social made Mesopotamia” (p. 302) and justifies this approach by identity, mortuary practises and uses of writing and sealing. pointing out that all scholarship is a synthesis of data gath- The final part (ch. 12-13) is devoted to material and cultural ered by means of a process of selection, whereby data is cho- connections of Mesopotamia with its eastern and western sen from the vast body of available information on the basis neighbours, and the book concludes with a final chapter con- of a set of preferences rooted in every scholar and fed by his taining reflections and prospects, an elaborate bibliography educational and social background. Although the author is and extensive indices. right in conceding that all scientific production is affected The book is a multidisciplinary investigation of the geo- by the personal interests and preferences of the scholar, graphic setting of Mesopotamian civilization and the human this condition cannot be used to justify a certain lack of bal- response to its environmental challenges, in other words a ance in topic choice that can be observed in this book. study of its culture as the product of technological and organ- For example, one chapter is devoted to ships and water isational adaptation to its surrounding world. The author is transport, but methods of overland transport are left unex- right in remarking that his approach and choice of topics plored, and arable farming is well treated whereas cattle breed- is different from those found in other general works on ing and date palm cultivation are only summarily discussed. 335 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 336

Pottery production is described at length, but other uses of The book’s final chapter does not contain a summary clay are only hinted at briefly (p. 97) and brick production is or conclusion based on the preceding chapters, but is not discussed at all. Use of writing and sealing as adminis- devoted to an interesting evaluation of the construction of trative tools are discussed, but systems of weight and mea- the disciplines devoted to Mesopotamian studies and to a sure and weighing techniques, topics where written sources discussion of a potential strategy for future scientific and archaeological relics can often be matched successfully, progress. The author pleads for a better integration of the are only briefly mentioned (p. 178). The book deals with scientific results achieved by the archaeological and philo- Mesopotamian religion and its material aspects, but no com- logical disciplines and argues for co-operative “lateral plementary chapter on kingship and royal ideology and its thinking” involving philological research in collaboration material aspects is offered. Organic and mineral imports to with scientific analysis of artefacts to explore more com- Mesopotamia from its eastern neighbours during three mil- plex domains of the ancient past than traditional (archaeo- lennia are discussed is detail in ch. 12, but the complemen- logical) hypothesis-testing research methods could address. tary following chapter, devoted to the relations of It is remarkable that the most provoking breakthrough of Mesopotamia with its western neighbours, does not discuss the last decade, the combined effort of philologists, archae- Mesopotamia’s access to their raw materials but offers ologists, and specialists in astronomy and ceramics in revis- instead a discussion of Greek impact on Mesopotamia during second millennium chronology (H. Gasche et al., Dat- ing the last centuries BC. ing the Fall of Babylon [MHEM 4, Ghent, 1998]) is the The author states in the preface that the book focuses on result of the same type of scientific method as promoted in southern Mesopotamia, mainly during the third millennium this chapter. BC with scattered cases from later periods. The decision to A number of essays have been written in recent years on concentrate on the early historical period of Mesopotamian the problem of integrating textual and archaeological data to civilization might have been guided by the available sec- study Mesopotamia’s past. A common approach has been to ondary literature, since many studies of topics where texts study cuneiform tablets and other inscribed objects as archae- and archaeology meet, such as land use, crafts or trade, based ological artefacts in the perspective of their context in the on late third millennium textual sources are available. By archaeological record and in relation to other objects from focussing on southern Mesopotamia, i.e. the alluvial plain the same complex: “working with both inscribed and unin- south of Baghdad, some important archaeological sites scribed artifacts to understand the various categories of arti- remain outside of the focus of this book. Notably the absence facts better and to reconstruct the whole picture they describe of discussions of archaeological and textual data from Mari in more detail and more accurately than would be possible is regrettable, all the more since this Middle Euphrates city utilizing only one or two categories of artifacts”, according was perceived by the ancient Mesopotamians as part of to R.L. Zettler, in: J.S. Cooper and G.M. Schwartz (eds.), Mesopotamia proper, and this region is clearly comparable The Study of the Ancient Near East in the Twenty-First Cen- in many aspects, such as humidity and agriculture conditions, tury (Winona Lake, 1996) 84. He argues for a “holistic inter- to the southern alluvium. pretation of the Mesopotamian archaeological record” which The chapters devoted to aspects of mental culture and is remarkably similar to the author’s plea for multidiscipli- social organisation (ch. 8-11) will be appreciated as a valu- nary “lateral thinking”. able part of this book by an archaeologically oriented audi- Like any other category of archaeological artefacts, the ence. The author is right in stressing that a significant part presence of tablets and other inscribed objects in the archae- of Mesopotamia’s material culture, such as tombs and tem- ological record is conditioned by different factors, such as ples and their artefacts, should be understood within the con- ancient modes of archive keeping and tablet recycling and text of Mesopotamian religious conceptions. It is unavoid- circumstances surrounding the end of the record keeping able that the author has to rely largely on secondary organisation and the abandonment of (part of) its records. literature, and that only a limited number of topics can be For a large part of the present sample of cuneiform records touched upon within the scope of a single chapter. The archaeological evidence for find circumstances is at best choice for a specific authoritative source influences the rep- patchily available, and this forms a serious handicap in the resentation of a topic, and the heavy reliance on van Dijk’s correct evaluation of the data it contains. Besides the accu- 1971 survey of divine concepts in the portrayal of rate appreciation of its archaeological provenance, different Mesopotamian religion (pp. 185f.) should have been bal- problems surround the interpretation of the internal evidence anced by reference to the conclusions reached by other provided by ancient texts. Much has been written on the scholars. Old studies, such as Meissner’s 1898 study of limitations of the cuneiform record as database for histori- funerary rituals, cannot be used without reference to later lit- cal research and less optimistic opinions about the value of erature (p. 221f., 229). The author focuses in his chapter on textual data are now fashionable since A.L. Oppenheim material correlations of religious life (ch. 8) on aspects of wrote his judgment on the primacy of textual information the official temple cult, namely the temple building and the over archaeological data that the author cites with disap- cult of the divine statue. The author does not discuss other proval (p. 303). Ancient texts were written to fulfil a spe- material aspects of official religion, such as foundation cific need perceived by the ancient user but frequently not deposits and apotropaic figurines both recovered from build- expressed in the text itself, and their data should be under- ings and described in ritual instruction texts. It is also regret- stood with this ancient utilitarian purpose in mind. Most table that he does not discuss private religion, since this cuneiform texts are products of ancient bookkeeping, aspect of Mesopotamian religion offers links with topics recording duties and liabilities of executives commissioned treated in other chapters, such as the importance of ancestor to manage human and material resources on behalf of their cult in relation to burial practises (ch. 10) or the role of fam- superiors. The changing styles of administration determine ily religion in the construction of social identity (ch. 9). what segment of economic activity is documented by its 337 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 338 textual products. In a bureaucratic system based on an obstacles in the correlation of naturally occurring materials “archival mode” of operations, exemplified by the Ur III with the terms used for them in ancient languages and in period, texts have been preserved that record information understanding ancient semantic and functional word cate- on, e.g., amounts of labour invested in the production of gories abound. Reference can be made in this context to specific types of pottery (see the book under review pp. J.N. Postgate’s stimulating study of Mesopotamian concepts 155ff.) or in reed work. Although the raw materials (in this of classification based on a set of stones found in a tomb from case clay or reed) were cheap and readily available and Abu Salabikh and an evaluation of the (later) textual hence of little interest for the controlling superiors, these traditions concerning stones (CAJ 7 [1997] 205-224). activities were documented because day labour was A handful of descriptive texts are famous, but these must be accountable property and these records served to justify the contextualised in their specific settings, which might limit proper application of the labour output of the employees their value as direct witnesses for ancient material culture. working for these executives. In a system of bookkeeping The Farmer’s Instruction served to instruct apprentice bureau- based on different principles, like the legal or commercial crats in the agricultural technical jargon, and the famous glass mode attested in different second millennium administra- recipes were copied and preserved for their magical associa- tive systems (following the terms used by J.N. Postgate, in: tions in first millennium Mesopotamia when they were not S. Voutsaki and J. Killen (eds.), Economy and Politics in longer representative for the level of technological develop- the Mycenaean Palace States [Cambridge Philological Soci- ment achieved in contemporary glass manufacture (E. Rob- ety Suppl. Vol. 27, Cambridge, 2001] 181-194), executives son, in: A.J. Shortland (ed.), The Social Context of Techno- appear as partners in contract-styled agreements with their logical Change: Egypt and the Ancient Near East 1650-1550 superiors, and these records mainly document the liability BC [Oxford, 2001] 50-54). for or transfer of commodities used for their monetary qual- All specialists working in Mesopotamian studies will agree ity (barley or silver), but contain little information on the with the author of this book that the archaeological heritage daily activities directed by these executives. Pottery pro- from Mesopotamian soil offers a remarkable rich and still often duction or reed work are for this reason almost undocu- underexplored field of research. The author has succeeded in mented in second millennium administrative sources. producing a highly original and stimulating contribution to this It is therefore not surprising that the records produced field. It has been recommended for academic reading lists by bureaucracies operating according to an “archival (by Z. Bahrani and M. Van De Mieroop, JAOS 119 [1999] mode” have often been used to study Mesopotamia’s mate- 187f.) and will be consulted as a reference compendium as rial culture and crafts from a textual perspective. Here much as a provocative synthesis in years to come. again an unassuming positivistic appreciation of the textual data can be misleading. The author is surprised by the Minor details length of labour-time per piece of pottery produced by the Umma potters, and explains the low productivity by assum- It is unavoidable that in a quickly developing field such ing that this time includes the collection and preparation of as Mesopotamian studies every synthesis can be promptly the clay (p. 156). This explanation might be true and augmented with new studies. The book under review deals deserves further study, but it is equally possible to explain mainly with the third millennium BC, and an exemplary the (in our eyes!) long labour-time as an administrative survey of the history and textual sources from this millen- norm used to calculate the normative output of workmen nium is now available in the series Annäherungen edited for which the executive was responsible, without much cor- by P. Attinger and M. Wäfler (J. Bauer, R.K. Englund and relation to the actual production speed of an Ur III potter. M. Krebernik, Späturuk-Zeit und Frühdynastische Zeit The same reservation can be made for the interpretation of [Annäherungen 1, OBO 160/1, Freiburg-Göttingen, 1998] other quantitative indications contained in administrative and W. Sallaberger and A. Westenholz, Akkade-Zeit und records, e.g. whether harvest yields correspond to the com- Ur III-Zeit [Annäherungen 3, OBO 160/3, Freiburg- plete realised production or only to that amount of produce Göttingen, 1999]). What follows are cursory remarks based that should be reported to higher authorities. Fixed rela- on the reading of a volume of great richness and ample tions appear in many administrative records concerning documentation. The user of the book is also referred to the labour performance (e.g. amount of bricks produced and additional references collected by M. Jursa in AfO 46-47 transported per labourer) and productivity (e.g. yield per (1999-2000) 290-295. surface unit) and some of these relations recur in mathematical texts. An integrated study of mathematical and Chapter 1 The Country and its Climate practical attestations (see for example E. Robson, p. 6: For other studies on climatic micro-variations see Mesopotamian Mathematics, 2100-1600 BC [Oxford, 1999] J. Neumann and S. Parpola, JNES 46 (1987) 161-182 ch. 9) in combination with archaeological and ethnographic (11th century BC) and see H. Weiss et al., Science 261 (1993) observations will doubtlessly enhance our understanding of 995-1004 (late third millennium Northern Mesopotamia); the relation between bureaucratic constants and actual per- p. 7f. and 26: For the role of the Tigris, see now P. Steinkeller, formance. ZA 91 (2001) 22-84; p. 21: For access to irrigation water as a The results obtained by evaluating the archives relevant for motive in early Old Babylonian history see D. Frayne, Bull. the study of ancient crafts and industries (mainly the crafts CSMS 17 (May 1989) 17-28; for hydraulic disasters see H. archives from Ur, Isin and Mari) are in general more reveal- Gasche, La Babylone au 17e siècle avant notre ère (MHEM 1, ing for the history of administration and bureaucracy than for Ghent, 1989) 140-142; p. 22f.: For diversion of rivers as mil- the understanding of ancient technology (Moorey, Ancient itary tactic see ABC 20 B rev. 8-10, Abiesuh year name Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, pp. 13-17). Much o (ídidigna gis – kés-da) and perhaps also Hammurabi year information can be found in lexical and literary texts, but here name 38 (bàd ès-nun-naki a gal-gal-la gul); p. 24f.: For the 339 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 340

Pallukkatu channel see now T. Boiy and K. Verhoeven in: reviews by D.T. Potts, BiOr 55 [1998] 448-450, R. de Maai- H. Gasche and M. Tanret (eds.), Changing Watercourses in jer AfO 46-47 [1999-2000] 246-253 and W. Heimpel, JNES Babylonia (MHEM 5, Ghent, 1998) 147-158. 60 [2001] 140-141) and P. Steinkeller, AoF 23 (1996) 232-253; p. 148ff.: For wine see the essays of M.A. Powell Chapter 3 Agriculture and Diet and R.L. Zettler and N.F. Miller in: P. E. McGovern, p. 68: Sesame oil was also used as a basis for perfumes, S. J. Fleming, S. H. Katz (eds.), The Origins and Ancient His- see F. Joannès, MARI 7 (1993) 251-270; p. 79: For critique tory of Wine (Amsterdam, 1996); p. 150: M.A. Powell, op of M.A. Powell’s “two-finger rule” see M. Civil, The cit 103ff. argues that làl (dispu) mainly designates grape or Farmer’s Instructions (AuOr Suppl. 5, Barcelona, 1994) 83- date syrup (cf. Arabic dibs). 84; p. 80: For a motive for setting wide furrows see M. Civil, The Farmer’s Instructions p. 82f and idem, in: H. Klengel Chapter 7 Metal Production and J. Renger, Landwirtschaft im alten Orient (BBVO 18, p. 168f.: For Old Assyrian copper terminology see Berlin, 1999) 260-262; p. 82ff.: For plough oxen see the J.G. Dercksen, The Old Assyrian Copper Trade (Leiden, essays of G. van Driel, W. Heimpel and M. Stol in BSA 8 1996); p. 179f.: For workshops see Moorey, Materials and (1995); p. 84: Terms for ploughs used for preliminary Industries p. 265-269; p. 180f.: For su-GAN see R.K. Englund, ploughing are discussed by M. Civil, The Farmer’s Instruc- Ur III-Fischerei (BBVO 20, Berlin, 1990) 28f. note 99. tions pp. 167-169; p. 85 and 90 note 13: Farmer’s Instruc- tions 26 prescribes 180 iku (not 18 iku!) as the “work assign- Chapter 8 Some Material Correlates of Religious Life ment” (és-gàr) for one plough, see the comments by M. Civil, For “private” religion, fundamental for the understanding The Farmer’s Instructions p. 75; p. 86: For field shapes see of kinship concepts and funerary practises, much information also M. Liverani, JESHO 39 (1996) 1-41; p. 89: The alleged can be found in K. van der Toorn, Family Religion in Baby- minor importance of meat in the Mesopotamian diet is con- lonia, Syria and Israel (Leiden, 1996); p. 188: There are tradicted (at least for the higher echelons of society) by the many more inventories of cultic objects, see e.g. YOS 4 296, high frequecy of animal fattening (small and large cattle and MVN 3 152, OIP 115 483 (Ur III) and DCS 115 (Old Baby- other species) mentioned in all periods of the cuneiform lonian list of [stolen?] temple property to be replaced by a record, see in general J.-M. Durand and D. Charpin, in: person, cf. C. Wilcke, in: V. Haas [ed.], Außenseiter und T. Barrelet (ed.), L’archéologie de l’Iraq du début de Randgruppen [Konstanz, 1992] 59 and 73); p. 189: For redis- l’époque néolithique à 333 avant notre ère: Perspectives et tribution of food offerings see D. Charpin, Le Clergé d’Ur limites de l'interpretation anthropologique des documents au siècle d’Hammurabi (Gèneve-Paris, 1986) 318-325; (Paris, 1980) 131-156. Fish as an important source of protein p. 190: For Marduk’s exile and the date of the Babylonian is missing in this context; p. 89 and 143ff.: For milk prod- Epic of Creation (p. 207 note 4) see S. Dalley, AoF 24 (1997) ucts see R. Englund, Or 64 (1995) 377-429 and idem, BSA 8 163-171; p. 192f.: For divine symbols and emblems see (1995) 33-48 and M. Stol, RlA 8 (1993-97) 189-201. B. Pongratz-Leisten, K. Deller and E. Bleibtreu, BagMit 23 (1992) 291-356; p. 194ff.: For the deification of the divine Chapter 4 Inedible Natural Resources residence and its (architectural) elements cf. G. Selz in: p. 91ff.: For wool production see also M. Stπpien, Animal I.L. Finkel and M.J. Geller (eds.), Sumerian Gods and their husbandry in the Ancient Near East, A Prosopographic Study Representations (CM 7, Groningen, 1997) 167-209; p. 206: of Third-Millennium Umma, Bethesda 1996. For the shift Besides Arabic parallels for the survival of Mesopotamian from predominantly flax to wool for textile production in late religious thinking in the post-cuneiform world, reference preliterate Mesopotamia see J. McCorriston, CA 38 (1997) should be made to Mesopotamian elements in Mandaic incan- 517-549; p. 91: More identifications of textile fragments as tations (4th-7th century AD), see C. Müller-Kessler and linen have been made on the basis of finds from the royal K. Kessler, ZA 89 (1999) 65-87 and C. Müller-Kessler, in: tombs of Nimrud (E. Crowfoot et al., Iraq 57 [1995] 113- T. Abusch and K. van der Toorn (eds.), Mesopotamian Magic 118; The Fibers & Textiles Labatories, Al-Rafidan 17 [1996] (Groningen, 1999) 197-209. 199-200) and in a tomb of uncertain date (first half first millennium BC) from Ur (H. Ganger-Tayler apud J. Curtis, Chapter 9 Kinship in an Urban Society AnSt 33 [1983] 94-95; p. 95: The labour-intensive comple- p. 211: For inheritance law see now J. Oelsner and tion of luxury textiles is well illustrated by the Old Baby- G. Kalla, RlA 9/1-2 (1998) 34-44; p. 214f.: For a critique of lonian administrative text studied by S. Lackenbacher, Syria the theory of Renger 1973 see K. van der Toorn, Family Reli- 59 (1982) 129-149; p. 97: In the absence of a discussion of gion p. 92f; p. 215: For veiling see K. van der Toorn, brick production the reader is referred to P.R.S. Moorey, in: D.P. Wright et al. (eds.), Studies Jacob Milgrom (Winona Materials and Industries, ch. 6 and M. Sauvage, La brique Lake, 1995) 327-339; p. 216f: For neighbourhoods see now et sa mise en œuvre en Mesopotamie (Paris, 1998); p. 103ff.: also M. Van De Mieroop, The Ancient Mesopotamian City For salt see also J.-M. Durand, MARI 5 (1987) 199-205, idem, (Oxford, 1997) ch. 5 and 6 and E.C. Stone, in: K.R. Veenhof MARI 6 (1990) 629-634 and M. Guichard, FM 3 (1997) 167- (ed.), Houses and Households (Leiden, 1996) 229-235. 200; p. 117: For a reed house (kikkisum) in Old Babylonian Babylon see C. Wilcke, ZA 80 (1990) 297. Chapter 10 Mortuary Practises p. 221: The text studied by Meissner 1898 is reedited by Chapter 6 Pottery Production J. McGinnis, SAAB 1/1 (1987) 1-12 with comments by A critique on this chapter was given by M. Roaf, AJA 102 K. Deller, SAAB 1/2 (1987) 69-71; p. 222f.: More evidence (1998) 622. For philological evidence on potters and pottery for funerary gifts appears in Ur III and Old Babylonian texts. uses see now W. Sallaberger and M. Civil, Der babylonische References in texts from Ur III and Isin dynasty date can be Töpfer und seine Gefässe (MHEM 3, Ghent, 1996) (with found in W. Sallaberger, JCS 47 (1995) 15-21 (personal 341 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 342 ornaments and utensils of gold; furniture, waterskins and SNELL, D.C. — Flight and Freedom in the Ancient Near other leather objects). Other references appear in letters from East. (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East, 8). Esnunna: R.M. Whiting, AS 22 no. 11 (gold, silver and E.J. Brill Publishers N.V., Leiden, 2001. (24 cm, bronze cups [gal], copper kettle, textile) and 15 (good XII, 200). ISBN 90 04 12010 6; ISBN 1566-2055. weapon [kakkum]). Many references can be found in Mari Nlg. 105,78/EUR 48,00 texts: VII 58, 3 (1984) 91 nr. 50 (oil); ARMT MARI ARMT Selon l'opinion commune, l'idée de la liberté est née en XXV 565 ( -oil containers); XXI 347, IV huburnu ARMT FM Grèce classique, elle fait partie du «miracle grec». Cette 25 (textiles); XXV 17 ( -weapon for the ARMT katappum observation est largement admise,1) même si la démonstra- tomb of the king of Yamhad; for its symbolism see D. tion se limite à l'Athènes du Ve s. et si la notion de liberté Charpin 2001/53); XXV 539, XXV NABU ARMT ARMT reste floue dans une société qui trouvait l'esclavage normal 571 (silver objects [har, ]), XXI 278 (cf. J.- memmu ARMT et naturel. La thèse défendue par D. Snell est de montrer que M. Durand, XXVI/1, p. 574) (metal cups [gal] and ARMT la liberté n'est pas un «phénomène unique et miraculeux» et wooden furniture). Note that an amount of bronze (ca. 15 kg) qu'on peut la trouver dans d'autres cultures que celle de la stored in the tomb of Yahdun-Lim in Terqa was removed dur- Grèce. Une question connexe est de savoir si le concept de ing Samsi-Addu’s reign for the production of weapons, see liberté est compatible avec les régimes qui gouvernaient les D. Charpin and J.-M. Durand, 1989/27; For Alalah NABU sociétés du Proche-Orient ancien. La documentation «cunéi- see N. Na{aman, JNES 40 (1981) 47f. p. .: Much infor- 226ff forme» permet cette recherche. mation on ancestral cult and care for the death can be found L'ouvrage a sans doute pour origine la communication pré- in texts from Emar and Nuzi, outside of the geographical sentée par D. Snell à la 43e RAI de Prague.2) focus of this book, see K. van der Toorn, 84 (1994) 38- ZA Les lettrés de Mésopotamie ne maniaient guère les abs- 59, , in: K.R. Veenhof (ed.), idem Houses and Households tractions, d'où la nécessité, pour l'auteur, de rester dans les (Leiden, 1996) 69-78. For Old Babylonian Sippar, see the réalités telles qu'elles sont révélées par les textes. D'abord le remarkable text published by C. Wilcke, 73 (1983) 49-54 ZA vocabulaire, bien que la liberté ait pu exister sans qu'il y ait with remarks by F.R. Kraus, 77 (1987) 96-97 and K. van ZA un mot pour la nommer. Dans les édits (p. 21) figurent les der Toorn, p. 52-55; p. : For the priest Family Religion 228 termes ama-ar-gi/gi , en akkadien a , employés aussi Dudu and his mortuary cult in Lagas see J. Bauer, 160/1 4 andur ru OBO pour désigner l'affranchissement (p. 26). Par au Ier 471f. and 552. The veneration of Dudu in the Ur III period kidinnu, millénaire, on entend les privilèges accordés à certaines per- might refer to a homonymic deity, who is already attested in sonnes; Snell relève aussi des termes comme s Abu Salabikh texts, see P. Mander, hurru, hup u Il Pantheon di Abu- (p. 27) qui s'appliquent à des nomades ou marginaux. ∑a (Napels, 1986) 16. A comparable case is the harpist labikh Au chapitre 2 sont cités de nombreux passages de textes Dada attested during the reign of Ibbi-Sîn, whom W. Heimpel, administratifs qui signalent des fuites d'esclaves. Elles se sont 1997/137 identified with the deity Dada in later gods NABU produites de façon continue à travers les siècles et, par com- lists. See the critique of Th. Richter, Panthea Süd- und paraison avec d'autres sociétés en d'autres temps, ne présen- ( 257, Münster, 1999) note 982 on Mittelbabyloniens AOAT tent rien d'exagéré ou d'anormal. Le chapitre 4 (p. 99-116) est pp. 246f.; p. : It is interesting to note in this context that 234 le pendant du 2: les fuites signalées dans la littérature royal tombs (ki-mah) occur in literary litanies (together with et dans l'histoire (le cas d'Idrimi, par ex.). Le chapitre 3 the burial places of deceased divine figures), cf. M.E. Cohen, (p. 63-98) traite de l'idéologie, c'est-à-dire des principes qui 2 (1988) 675-677. This has been interpreted to mean CLAM dictaient la conduite des lettrés et des gouvernants à l'égard “that these graves were honored as sources of fertility”, see des fugitifs. Ceux-ci, quand ils étaient esclaves, ne pouvaient B. Alster, in: K. Hecker and W. Sommerfeld, Keilschriftliche pas être recueillis par des tiers et s'ils étaient pris devaient être ( 6, Berlin, 1986) 27. Literaturen BBVO rendus à leur propriétaire. Les personnages importants ne trouvaient guère asile dans les pays où ils s'étaient enfuis. Les trai- Chapter 12 East meets West tés entre États imposaient aux parties des solutions plus nuan- See for Mesopotamia’s political relations with its eastern cées. Un chapitre 5 est consacré à la situation en Israël. P. 119, neighbours and for trade in stones and metals the complete les conclusions: la fuite, c'est échapper souvent à sa condition, survey of T.F. Potts, (Oxford, Mesopotamia and the East restructurer sa personnalité (idée anachronique?). 1994); p. .: Cotton (together with linen) is now attested 270f Il y avait, dans l'antiquité mésopotamienne des manifesta- in the textiles from the queens’ tombs at Nimrud tions de liberté, celle-ci étant un sentiment inhérent à tout (9th-8th century BC), see the report by the Fibers & Textiles homme: quand on ne se sent pas à l'aise dans sa situation Labatories in 17 (1996) 199-200. Sennacherib’s Al-Rafidan sociale ou familiale, voire politique, on a la tentation de fuir claim to have grown “wool-bearing trees” was investigated dans l'espoir d'une vie meilleure ailleurs. Les possibilités de by E. Frahm, ( Einleitung in die Sanherib-Inschriften AfOBeih fuite offertes par le désert, les marais, les tribus de nomades 26, Vienna, 1997) 277f, who points to another import from ne manquaient pas. India in first millennium Mesopotamia: Assyrian rulers claim Au ch. 1, on pourrait ajouter au vocabulaire le verbe com- building with -wood, a word related to the Sanskrite sindû posé su…bar, qui s'applique, à l'époque d'Ur III, aux céréales term sindhu, “Indian”. ou aux animaux, et est devenu sumérogramme à Mari (ARM Leiden University, Frans VAN KOPPEN January 2002 1) «L'idée de la liberté vient de Grèce où elle a été découverte et proclamée avec force pour la première fois et de façon durable», ainsi débute le livre de J. de Romilly, La Grèce antique à la découverte de la ** liberté, Paris, 1989. 2) D.Snell, «Intellectual freedom in the Ancient Near East?», dans Intel- * lectual life of the Ancient Near East, CR 43e RAI, Prague, 1998. 343 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 344

XXII/1, no12, rev. I, 19/22/24). Voir aussi en akkadien, des aux faits observables et nous propose un nouveau type de expressions comme asar libbi-su «(aller) où cela lui plaît», recherche qui apporte quelque lumière sur certains aspects, summa libbi-su «s'il le souhaite»; erebu ù waÒû «entrer et sor- peu abordés jusqu'ici, de l'histoire mésopotamienne. La lec- tir». Elles indiquent qu'il existait, en Mésopotamie, des formes ture de ce livre original et bien documenté suscite maintes de liberté individuelle (cf. CAD E, 263a). réflexions et mérite largement de retenir l'attention. P. 7. La société sumérienne ou babylonienne était loin d'être aussi figée et despotique qu'on le dit, cf. La voix de Université de Liège, avril 2002 Henri LIMET l'opposition en Mésopotamie, recueil d'articles, A. Finet éd., Bruxelles, 1973. P. 13. À propos de la liberté en Grèce, J. de Romilly, op. ** cit. (n. 1), p. 123, avait elle-même signalé les limites de la * liberté: la pratique de l'esclavage, les «démagogues» qui dominaient les assemblées du peuple, les groupes de pres- sion, la transgression trop fréquente des lois, l'ostracisme. SOLDT, W.H. van (ed.) — Veenhof Anniversary Volume. P. 17-18. Au Proche-Orient, il y eut, sans doute, une forme Studies Presented to Klaas R. Veenhof on the Occasion de «démocratie» aux temps archaïques (Th. Jacobsen), exer- of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (PIHANS LXXXIX), Ned. cée par les chefs de famille et les jeunes guerriers. Quant aux Inst. v. h. Nabije Oosten, Leiden, 2001. (26 cm, 560). rois, ils ont toujours dû compter avec certaines «élites» et ISBN 90-6258-091-2. / 85,–. une «opposition» (intrigues de palais, mouvements popu- Le volume de Mélanges offert à K.R. Veenhof réunit laires) qui pouvait remettre en cause leur autorité. 44 articles. Faisant écho aux travaux majeurs du destinataire P. 26. Voir aussi Br. Lion, «L'anduraru à l'époque médio- du recueil, la plupart d'entre eux sont consacrés aux époques babylonienne», dans Studies on the Civilization and Culture paléo-assyrienne et paléo-babylonienne; l'ouvrage réunit of Nuzi and the Hurrians 10, 1999. donc une somme extrêmement précieuse pour ces périodes. P. 86. Cf. la lettre de Yarim-Lim, citée dans M.A.R.I. 4, On y trouve aussi des contributions variées portant sur l'en- 1985, p. 334, et note 205: le Yamhad ne sera pas terre semble de l'histoire mésopotamienne, du IIIe millénaire av. d'asile; les exilés venant de Mari et réfugiés au Yamhad J.-C. à l'époque parthe, et sur les textes bibliques. La majo- seront appréhendés et reconduits au Yamhad; cette promesse rité des études sont épigraphiques, mais quatre d'entre elles vaut pour un, deux et dix ans. concernent l'archéologie. La bibliographie des œuvres de P. 99. Un aspect de la recherche de la liberté est le rachat K.R. Veenhof complète ce riche ensemble. Le compte rendu d'un prisonnier par le paiement d'une rançon (ip†iru); qui suit donne un très bref résumé de chacun des articles. cf. CH § 32 et plusieurs textes de Mari (P. Villard, ARM Les études sumériennes font l'objet de trois articles. Celui XXIII, p. 476 sv.). La famille se fait un devoir de ne pas de Th. J.H. Krispijn porte sur lexème *urum, qui signifie abandonner un parent tombé en servitude par fait de guerre «bien», «propre» (own) dans les textes de Girsu et Lagas, et (voir le vocabulaire wussur/wussurat, ip†uru-su, kasap ip†eri, jusqu'à l'époque néo-sumérienne; les termes proches éclai- abu-sa ip†uru-si). On pourrait aussi étudier le sort des otages rent le lien entre propriété immobilière et famille au sens (li†u, li†utu) ou la liberté accordée sous serment à un roi large, dans le nord comme dans le sud de la Mésopotamie. comme Sattuara, qui fut autorisé à retourner chez lui par Selon W.W. Hallo, une tablette d'Ur III enregistrant l'envoi Adad-nirari (RIMA 1, p. 136, lignes 4-14). d'Umma à Ur de carcasses de mouton et de diverses pièces P. 103. Les fugitifs et les émigrants trouvaient parfois de l'aide de viande d'un bœuf, ainsi que d'autres mentionnant des dans leur quête de liberté. Le dieu Samas était réputé leur indi- parties de corps d'animaux, telles qu'on les trouve dans quer «des lieux saints» et, aux captifs, «des routes que seul ÎAR-ra = Ìubullu XV, suggèrent que les textes administra- Samas connaît» (M.J. Seux, Hymnes et prières…, p. 56, 71-72). tifs ont pu servir de sources aux listes lexicales. R. de Maai- P. 108. Au cas d'Idrimi, comparer l'exil et le retour à Mari jer étudie les marques de propriété, souvent appliquées sur le de Zimri-Lim. bétail, et les objets métalliques servant à les apposer, à par- P. 179. Bibliographie: voir le volume Immigration and tir de textes de Gasur et de Girsu pour l'époque sargonique Emigration…(Mélanges E. Lipinski), K. van Lerberghe — et de nombreux exemples pour l'époque d'Ur III. A. Schoors éd., Leuven, 1995, dans lequel figurent plusieurs L'époque paléo-assyrienne est évidemment à l'honneur articles traitant de l'émigration. P. 181 (et p. 18, note 16), dans ce volume. Une étude générale d'E. Reiner précise lire: Recueils de la société J. Bodin et non: J. Budé. quelques particularités de la grammaire paléo-assyrienne qui Dans la mesure où en Mésopotamie, on n'a pas connu la la différencient du paléo-babylonien: état construit du nom, démocratie de type occidental moderne et que les régimes y formes verbales sans préfixes aux systèmes II et III, préfixe étaient manifestement despotiques, traiter de la liberté était de l'optatif, suffixes pronominaux pluriels du verbe, verbes pour Snell une gageure qu'il a, d'ailleurs, parfaitement rele- à 2° faible… D'autres articles portent sur des points spéci- vée. Il lui fallait beaucoup de subtilité et de sens des nuances fiques. D. O. Edzard examine la question de l'aleph en fer- pour traiter le sujet. Il n'a pas voulu, avec raison, aborder les meture de syllabe, qui soit se maintient, soit disparaît, soit est questions théoriques relatives à la liberté.3) Il s'en est tenu compensé par un allongement vocalique. K. Hecker relève les cas où, pour les dentales vocalisées en «a», il y a emploi 3) Par exemple, on lie généralement liberté et égalité, mais tous les d'une graphie notant une sourde pour une sonore, ou une penseurs «libéraux» n’ont pas cessé de discuter de l'équilibre à respecter sonore pour une sourde ou une emphatique. H. Hirsch étudie entre les deux: une liberté non contrôlée menace l'égalité, et celle-ci, les formes verbales pourvues d'un suffixe -am ou -nim et poussée à l'extrême, risque d'entraver la liberté de chacun. D'autre part, il recense les verbes présentant tantôt des formes avec ces suf- faut distinguer la liberté individuelle et la liberté politique, qui se marque par la participation au pouvoir, mais la démocratie ne protège pas néces- fixes, tantôt des formes sans suffixes dans la correspondance sairement contre la tyrannie. d'Innaya (C. Michel). 345 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 346

Plusieurs nouveaux textes sont publiés, comme le procès permet de le situer dans la première génération d'Assyriens Kt 92/k 543, par S. Bayram; cette tablette mentionne à quatre établis en Anatolie. reprises la stèle, naru'aum, où sont vraisemblablement ins- L'archéologie anatolienne n'est pas oubliée. T. Özguç fait crites des lois; le terme naditum désigne le «document la synthèse des découvertes archéologiques dans le quartier déposé» (dans des archives officielles) qui enregistre une assyrien de Kanes (karum II), densément urbanisé, avec des décision conforme aux lois gravées sur la stèle (une version maisons groupées en îlots. Celles des marchands suivent un plus longue de cet article, en turc, figure dans ArAn 4, 2000, plan type qui sépare les magasins et les pièces d'archives p. 29-48). Selon V. Donbaz les références au GÌR (patrum) fermées des pièces d'habitation et de la cuisine; dépourvues figurant dans Kt n/k 67 et 66, ou aux autres emblèmes de cour, elles peuvent avoir une ou deux pièces à l'étage. d'Assur, renverraient également à des prêtres qui portent ces L'une de ces maisons, bien conservée, occupait plus de emblèmes, lors des jugements dans les karum et les wabar- 100 m2 au sol; 947 tablettes y ont été découvertes. N. Özguç tum. W. Farber présente une lettre inédite de Chicago, de étudie les restes d'un char de bronze trouvé à Acemhöyük Buzazu à Puzur-Assur, qui documente les activités du rabi dans un niveau daté par les empreintes de sceaux de Samsi- sisi'e et de son épouse; tout un dossier implique les mêmes Addu, de ses fonctionnaires et d'Aplahanda de Carkémis. personnages et révèle des dissensions entre la femme du rabi Les deux côtés et l'avant de la caisse du char ont été conser- sisi'e et Buzazu. Kt n/k 504, publié par C. Gunbattı, est un vés, ainsi que les roues, leurs attaches et plusieurs morceaux duplicata avec variantes d'une tablette éditée par C. Michel des essieux. L'auteur suppose une utilisation religieuse de et P. Garelli dans Fs Hirsch, WZKM 86, 1996; l'expression ce véhicule et le compare aux chars représentés sur les ana id alakum, «aller à la rivière», y ferait allusion à une sceaux paléo-assyriens. D.J.W. Meijer discute les théories épreuve ordalique, première mention de cette pratique dans de Polanyi sur le marché et le commerce, pour les contester les textes paléo-assyriens (une version en turc de cet article en les confrontant aux informations fournies par les textes figure dans ArAn 4, 2000, p. 73-88). paléo-assyriens. Les fouilles de Tell Hamman al-Turkman, D'autres études portent sur des lots d'archives ou sur des en Syrie du nord, montrent que cette ville a pu servir de thématiques précises. J.G. Dercksen examine trois archives lieu d'étape aux marchands assyriens; un complexe admi- contemporaines de la première moitié du niveau Ib du karum nistratif a été dégagé sur le tell et, au pied de celui-ci, un de Kanes (début du XVIIIe s. av. J.-C): celles de Nabi-Enlil établissement qui évoque celui des marchands assyriens à et d'Iddin-kubum, provenant d'Alishar, et celle de Daya Kanes. trouvée à Hattusa; les routes du commerce anatolien docu- L'autre grand domaine de recherches de K.R. Veenhof, mentées au niveau Ib montrent une réorientation du com- les études paléo-babyloniennes, ont elles aussi suscité de merce, autour de Mama et dans la boucle du Kızılırmak; nombreux articles. Celui de N.J.C. Kouwenberg est une le volume des échanges diminue, même si leur contenu étude grammaticale des cas où, dans les textes du sud de semble avoir assez peu varié. G. Kryszat étudie les archives la Mésopotamie, les verbes à voyelle fondamentale «e» d'Iddin-Istar, un marchand qui réside à TurÌumed (même si présentent des formes à vocalisation en «a». Le «e» l'em- les tablettes le concernant ont été retrouvées à Kanes) et les porte cependant progressivement au cours de l'époque paléo- particularités de formulaire et de paléographie des textes babylonienne. vraisemblablement rédigés par Iddin-Istar lui-même. Il est Trois articles présentent des textes babyloniens nouveaux. créancier dans CCT I 10a, la plus ancienne tablette datée du F. van Koppen publie quatre tablettes de Sippar relatives aux karum II. En appendice figure une liste de 24 joints faits sur activités de fonctionnaires de Sippir-Òerim (Abu-Habbah): des textes provenant des fouilles de B. Hrozny. M.T. Larsen deux reçus d'argent compensant les absences de balayeurs de consacre une belle étude à l'expression des sentiments, qui la cour du palais, une liste d'objets livrés par le chef des trouvent à se manifester d'autant plus directement que les balayeurs, et une promesse de livraison d'armes par l'un des Assyriens rédigent eux-mêmes leur correspondance, mais en collecteurs de l'argent versé en compensation des absences. faisant preuve d'une certaine retenue dans les manifestations M. Stol rattache aux archives de Larsa une tablette de Yale, émotionnelles. Les femmes, moins impliquées que leurs copie d'une lettre de Lu-Ninurta à Samas-Ìazir et Marduk- époux dans les affaires, sont en revanche plus actives qu'eux naÒir qui enregistre des attributions de champs, datée du dans la vie de la maisonnée et font face à la solitude impo- 28-vi-Hr 35. H. Waetzoldt publie 23 «lentilles» scolaires de sée par les déplacements des membres masculins de la provenance inconnue, dont la plupart notent des noms de per- famille; leurs missives comptent parmi les plus expressives sonnes commençant par LUGAL ou NIN. et les plus chargées d'émotion. C. Michel identifie le Deux articles abordent des problèmes juridiques. M. Roth Ìusarum au lapis-lazuli (et non à l'hématite), pierre rare et observe que la clause commençant par assum, «parce que», précieuse, dont le commerce est un monopole des autorités dans plusieurs paragraphes du Code de Hammurabi, répète assyriennes. Les quantités mentionnées, de quelques souvent le point fondamental de la protase qui justifie la sen- grammes à 2,5 kg, concernent des blocs bruts ou des objets tence; le même usage se retrouve dans l'édit d'Ammi-Òaduqa travaillés: vaisselle, sceaux, bijoux, dont l'archéologie a livré et dans des procès où cette clause insiste sur le délit précis de multiples témoignages. Les prix, toujours élevés, varient qui entraîne la décision des juges. R. Westbrook propose une en fonction du lieu d'achat, de la qualité de la pierre et de interprétation nouvelle de CT 45 37, procès portant sur la son travail. W. H. Ph. Römer ajoute aux rares contrats de vente d'une esclave par une naditum de Samas quinze ans ventes de maisons connus dans les archives de Kültepe plus tôt: l'acheteuse a bien payé le prix complet, mais la pré- VS 26 100, une vente de maison à Kanes entre Anatoliens. cision ina marustim ina mesirim fait allusion aux difficultés Th. Sturm reconstruit l'arbre généalogique du métallurgiste économiques de la vendeuse, qui a dû céder son esclave à un (nappaÌum) Puzur-Anna; attesté par six textes, il est le plus prix inférieur à sa valeur réelle; cela laisse aux héritiers une souvent témoin, mais fournit aussi une somme d'argent, et possibilité de rachat (cf. D. Charpin, NABU 1999/79 et est créancier dans un prêt d'or. Son cercle de relations «Lettres et procès paléo-babyloniens», dans F. Joannès, 347 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 348

Rendre la justice en Mésopotamie, Saint-Denis, 2000, p. 107- de voir dans l'expression é igi-du8-mes = bit tamarti, «endroit 108, qui comprend cette clause de la même manière). où l'on regarde», la désignation du théâtre de Babylone à Les archives de Mari apportent leur lot de documents l'époque hellénistique; c'est là que se réunit la communauté inédits. D. Charpin publie des étiquettes de coffres à tablettes grecque (pu-li-te-e, du grec politai), jusqu'à l'époque parthe, trouvées dans le palais: sept d'entre elles indiquent le contenu lorsque les autorités veulent lui signifier une décision ou lire du coffre; une autre peut être associée à un lot de tablettes une lettre royale. précis (payement de la taxe-miksum des Sutéens, règne de Trois articles relèvent des études bibliques. O. Loretz exa- Yahdun-Lîm), tout comme une étiquette du chantier A scel- mine Gn 1,2 et les diverses interprétations de ce verset, en le lée par le fils d'Asqudum, trouvée à côté de reçus de laine et plaçant dans la perspective des mythes ouest sémitiques d'étoffes pour la maison d'Asqudum. Un scellement de connus par les textes de Mari et d'Ugarit. J. Hoftijzer pro- paquet porte la seule empreinte connue à ce jour du sceau de pose de comprendre Ex 18,16 comme une règle générale Hammu-rabi de Babylone. J.-M. Durand publie une lettre énoncée par Moïse, en fonction de laquelle le peuple doit envoyée par Habdu-malik, un marchand d'Assur et de Kanes, venir devant lui pour qu'il tranche les litiges, ce qui explique à Iddin-Numusda, le chef des marchands de Mari, A.2881; la situation décrite par les versets précédents: Moïse siège comme ARM 13 101, elle évoque un échange de présents devant le peuple du matin au soir. K. van der Toorn relati- entre les deux correspondants ainsi que le mariage de leurs vise les influences des littératures mésopotamienne, égyp- enfants. Les graphies et la facture ne ressemblent ni à celles tienne et grecque sur le livre de Qohelet; si des motifs com- de Mari, ni à celles des documents de Kanes. J. Sasson étu- parables figurent dans des épisodes précis de Gilgames et die cinq noms de divinités, Astabi-El, Ikrub-El, Itur-Mer, dans Qohelet, il ne peut s'agir que d'influences indirectes, Tasqi-Mama et Tar'am-El, qui pourraient être ceux d'ancêtres explicables par le climat d'ouverture intellectuelle qui règne divinisés, la formation de ces théonymes et leurs usages, la à Jérusalem à l'époque hellénistique. présence de ces divinités dans les fêtes, cérémonies et rituels. H.L.J. Vanstiphout relève, dans le conte irakien de Sham- Enfin L. De Meyer publie un texte juridique de Suse en shum aj-Jabbar, des emprunts à l'histoire biblique de Sam- akkadien: c'est la déclaration d'un certain Ea-gamil qui, suite son, mais aussi de nombreuses références à des motifs mytho- à un meurtre, s'engage à retrouver l'assassin et le corps de la logiques sumériens et akkadiens très précis, issus des cycles victime. de Gilgames, Lugalbanda, ou d'Etana, qui ont donc traversé Une contribution évoque le monde hittite, celle de J. de quatre millénaires. Roos; elle montre que le «testament politique» de Hattusili Enfin deux études portent sur des durées plus longues de Ier, qui relate les événements l'ayant conduit à choisir Mur- l'histoire mésopotamienne. G. van Driel tente de cerner la sili pour successeur, ne les présente pas en ordre chronolo- notion de village, tâche malaisée du fait de la difficulté à trou- gique, mais fait alterner épisodes négatifs (successeurs poten- ver des critères de définition précis et du silence des sources tiels indignes) et positifs (centrés sur la personne de Mursili) textuelles et archéologiques, les petits établissements échap- en un jeu de contrastes qui vise à la persuasion, mettant en pant souvent aux prospections, lorsqu'ils n'ont pas complè- œuvre divers procédés rhétoriques. tement disparu; dans le cas de la province d'Umma à W.H. van Soldt relève, parmi la centaine de textes prove- l'époque d'Ur III, les prospections permettent de proposer nant du «palais Sud» d'Ugarit, rédigés surtout en akkadien, une hiérarchie des établissements humains et de leurs fonc- une lettre adressée au scribe Nahesi-salmu, qui travaille pour tions, tandis que les tablettes fournissent des données sur l'ex- le satammu rabû; Nahesi-salmu pourrait être l'auteur des ploitation des terres. D. Homès-Fredericq présente le résultat tablettes trouvées dans ce secteur: son nom indique une ori- des fouilles de Lehun (Jordanie), à la limite des zones d'agri- gine mésopotamienne, et la paléographie, le choix des signes culture sédentaire et steppique, ce qui explique son occupa- et la grammaire de plusieurs textes montrent une forte tion discontinue. Le site est habité de façon permanente au influence assyrienne. paléolithique, au Bronze Ancien, à la fin du Bronze récent, Pour l'époque néo-assyrienne, P. Garelli relève dans les au Fer II, aux époques nabatéenne, islamique, ottomane, et volumes des SAA les mentions de hauts fonctionnaires un village s'y est finalement développé au XXe s. royaux ayant été éponymes et étudie leurs diverses activités. Il reste donc à remercier les éditeurs, ainsi que les auteurs J.N. Postgate cherche dans la documentation textuelle les qui, dans cet ouvrage dense et divers, ont non seulement offert termes désignant l'uniforme des soldats néo-assyriens; en les un fort bel hommage à leur ami et collègue K. R. Veenhof, mais confrontant aux représentations des bas reliefs, il identifie le aussi mis à la disposition du lecteur de nombreux documents sagu au «kilt» et le gulenu à la chemise. inédits, et un grand nombre d'études neuves et stimulantes. A l'époque néo-babylonienne, A.C.V.M. Bongenaar montre que les temples, propriétaires de maisons, parfois sai- Paris, mars 2002 Brigitte LION sies sur leurs débiteurs insolvables, les louent à des artisans ou travailleurs du temple, ce qui constitue une importante source de revenus; les loyers sont collectés par des entrepre- ** neurs indépendants. M. Dietrich relève, dans deux textes, * les allusion aux contrats d'apprentissage par lesquels des esclaves n'appartenant pas aux temples y sont cependant for- DEUTSCHER, G. — Syntactic Change in Akkadian. Oxford més au métier de scribe. M.W. Stolper étudie un testament University Press, Oxford, 2000. (24 cm, XV, 204). ISBN d'époque achéménide, celui de Mannu-kâ-attar qui laisse la 0-19-829988-5. £ 40.00. moitié de ses biens à son épouse, l'autre moitié à quatre per- sonnes dont sa fille; il partage ses biens meubles, immeubles, It is the subtitle The Evolution of Sentential Complemen- et mentionne également des biens dont il est propriétaire mais tation rather than the title of this outstanding book which qui sont provisoirement aliénés. R.J. van der Spek propose accurately describes its contents, because it deals with 349 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 350 changes in the way in which Akkadian expresses sentential grammaticalization with all its concomitant features of seman- complements, clauses that are traditionally defined as tic bleaching, divergence, formal erosion, etc. (p. 75ff).1) embedded clauses serving as subject or object of a verb. The second part of the book deals with complementation Deutscher shows that Akkadian has many different ways of in Akkadian from the opposite viewpoint: instead of the expressing sentential complements, and that they undergo structures that Akkadian uses to express complementation, fascinating developments in the long period covered by the author takes the function of complementation as his start- Akkadian texts. ing point and examines what kind of strategies Akkadian uses After introductory chapters about the nature of sentential to perform that function. The total set of these strategies is complementation in general and about the Akkadian language the “Functional Domain of Complementation” (FDC), which and the problems and the potential of our documentation, the apart from complement clauses includes in particular author sets out to address his subject in three major parts. parataxis and infinitive constructions. Distinguishing various The first one concerns the emergence of finite complements classes of complement-taking verbs (verbs of speech, manip- from adverbial clauses with the conjunction kima, and from ulation, perception, knowledge, fearing, proving and modal- the quotative marker(s) enma/umma. The second one deals ity), Deutscher gives a detailed diachronic survey of how with the changes over time in the various ways in which these verbs combine with various constructions in the FDC. Akkadian expresses sentential complements, and the third one It may be useful to mention the most important results of discusses the relation between the development of comple- this part. The main developments in the FDC are, first, that mentation and increasingly complex communicative needs in in Old Akkadian complementation is completely dominated more complex societies. by parataxis; second, that Old Babylonian is characterized by In the first of these three parts the author gives a detailed the emergence of kima as a complementizer and by the wide- account of how kima, originally a preposition meaning “as, spread use of infinitive constructions; third, that from Middle like”, developed mainly from an adverbial conjunction, both Babylonian onwards these infinitive constructions gradually temporal (as soon as) and causal (because), into a comple- decline and ultimately disappear; and finally, that in Neo- mentizer that via “bridging contexts”, i.e., contexts in which Babylonian umma comes to be used as a complementizer in both interpretations are possible. This occurred especially speech-related contexts, whereas the older complementizers with verbs such as speak, inform and complain. For instance, ki or sa are restricted to other types of complements. in a message such as “I complained kima the barley has not In the third, and doubtless most provocative part of the been collected” the existing causal meaning of kima book, with consequences that reach beyond the boundaries “because of the fact that” may easily be reinterpreted as of Akkadian, Deutscher argues that the emergence of finite “about the fact that”, or simply “that” (cf. p. 47). complements is an adaptation to more complex communica- The next step is the extension of this construction to other tive needs. He shows elaborately that finite complementation verbs where a causal interpretation is implausible (in partic- is a more subtle and powerful means of expressing the ular to knowledge and perception verbs). Formally, the semantic relationship between clauses than parataxis or infini- change becomes observable from the tendency to place the tive constructions. Therefore it is better able to deal with kima-clause after the main verb, whereas adverbial clauses more complex communicative contents in an increasingly keep their pre-verbal position (p. 50f). This migration is com- complex society than other types of complementation. plete in Middle Babylonian. The semantic change also There is very little to find fault with in this excellent and involves a gradual change in the status of the kima clause: thoroughly enjoyable book. It is a highly original and even a from a peripheral element of the sentence if kima introduces pioneering work, not only because the study of Akkadian an adverbial (causal) clause to an argument of the verb if it grammar has always been dominated by morphological is a complementizer. and lexical rather than syntactic studies,2) but also by its prin- In order to explain how this change is possible, the author cipled blend of synchronic and diachronic description, in makes a firm stand against the widespread definition of complement clauses as subject or object of the main predicate. He argues that this definition is too narrow, and that it is bet- 1) In a long footnote on p. 69f, Deutscher speculates on the etymology of the quotative markers enma and umma, and finds it “tempting to try to ter to define them as arguments of predicates: also in Eng- relate enma to a verb meaning ‘say’”, because verbs of speech are a com- lish many complement clauses may occupy the same slot as mon source of quotative particles (p. 70). He points to West Semitic verbs oblique arguments, e.g., I informed him that he failed, but with the root NˆM, marginally attested in Hebrew and Arabic. However, it I informed him of/about his failure rather than *I informed requires considerable formal and semantic acrobatics to connect possible forms of this root with Akkadian enma/umma. If we follow the author in him his failure. Thus no “fairly spectacular reanalysis” assuming that a speech verb is likely to be the source of the quotative par- (p. 47) is required in order to explain Akkadian kima “that” ticle, it seems far more likely (or less far-fetched, if you like) that the Old from kima “because” or “so that”, via clauses such as Akkadian verb wamaˆum “to swear” has something to do with it: one might s i a su is “write to PN hypothesize that the meaning “to swear” is a specialization of an earlier ana PN upurma k ma n rum sekrat d um more general meaning “to speak”, and that umma is nothing but the regu- and inform him, because the river is blocked” > “inform him lar 3rd p. sg. present of this verb: “he says”. The obvious disadvantage of that the river is blocked” (quoted on p. 43). this solution is that we (probably) have to separate enma from umma and The second source of complementizers in Akkadian is think of a different etymology for it. For another proposal about the etymology of umma (which is difficult to take seriously), see Heimpel, NABU the quotative marker (Old Akkadian enma, later umma). 1996/107. The author shows in detail how this word was used as an 2) This may be said without doing injustice to the sections about syntax independent clause (“this is what X said”) in the oldest stages in Von Soden’s Grundriß der akkadischen Grammatik (Analecta Orientalia of Akkadian, and slowly developed into a general comple- 33, Rome 19953) and a large number of articles on specific syntactic issues. Among the not very numerous monographs, Aro’s thorough description of mentizer, a process which only reached its completion in the the use of the infinitive in Akkadian deserves special mention (J. Aro, Die last (Neo-Babylonian) period of Akkadian. He shows that Akkadischen Infinitivkonstruktionen (Studia Orientalia XXVI, Helsinki this development is a textbook example of a process of 1961)). It has various points of contact with the book under review. 351 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 352 combination with a considerate use of typological arguments. HAUL, M. — Das Etana-Epos. Ein Mythos von der Him- Deutscher illustrates his exposition with a wealth of evidence, melfahrt des Königs von Kis. (GAAL, Heft 1). Seminar both from his Akkadian corpus, which mainly consists of let- f. Keilschriftforschung, Göttingen, 2000. (24 cm, XII, ters, and in the form of typological parallels from a wide 259, XVI Tafeln). range of languages which illustrate developments observable This book inaugurates the new series Göttinger Arbeitshefte in Akkadian. In doing so he shows full competence in Akka- zur Altorientalischen Literatur (= GAAL). Haul's reworking dian grammar and in general linguistics, and a remarkable of his Magisterarbeit, which was completed under the direc- skill in sorting out and presenting a huge mass of often con- tion of B. Groneberg, sets a high standard for this series as it flicting data. presents reliable editions of all three recensions of the Etana Not the least merit of this book in the opinion of the epic, as well as thorough and well-rounded studies of related reviewer is that it shows how rewarding it can be to study in matters. The first five chapters — 1. Einleitung, 2. Die Gestalt detail phenomena which at first glance may seem straightfor- des Epos, 3. Zur Geschichte der mythischen Etana- ward and barely worth looking at. Even a familiar and seem- Tradition, 4. Schlange und Adler und Etanas Himmelfahrt, ingly unexciting word as turns out to have a fascinating umma and 5. Das Etana-Epos im Lichte der Folklore — make a com- history if we take the trouble to take a close enough look at it. petent attack on many difficult issues, including the arrange- It is not only (historical) linguists interested in Akkadian ment of the text, the origin and background of the mythic tra- who will benefit from consulting this book, but also those dition, and the significance of the serpent and the eagle. who work on the interpretation of Akkadian texts. The last four chapters — 6. Katalog der Quellen, 7. Die alt- Deutscher’s detailed study of complement structures offers babylonische Version, 8. Die mittelassyrische Version, and 9. some new insights which have a direct impact on the level of Die späte Version — provide a catalogue of the positively our understanding of Akkadian. The most important of these identified exemplars and carefully prepared score (“Partitur”) are the following. First, in order to express manipulation, transliterations of the Old Babylonian, Middle Assyrian, and especially with in the meaning “to order”, Akkadian qabû Late (Neo-Assyrian) recensions with detailed textual com- uses either an infinitive complement or a paratactic con- mentary. Since there are very few places where Haul's struction with a precative; Deutscher demonstrates that these transliterated text is incorrect, it can be used by scholars and two options are not interchangeable but that the infinitive students with confidence; for example, on p. 198, III 43, M complement goes with the past tense of “to say”, and 10 qabûm - is actually - !; and on p. 200, III rev. 5, M should be the precative with non-past forms: a s “I told him lik lak 1 al k u aqbi read as [ ]- [ !, not KIMIN, since the traces of a horizon- to go”, but i “I will tell him to go”, and not vice qé r eb luqb ma lillik tal and a vertical wedge follow KI. All the Middle Assyrian versa (132ff). Second, in perception verbs Old Babylonian fragments in Berlin and the Neo-Assyrian fragments in Lon- Akkadian may also use two different types of complements: don were collated; accurate, well-drawn copies of a few of an infinitive or a finite clause with i . Deutscher shows k ma these tablets and some collation notes are conveniently pro- (p. 111/2) that with verbs of seeing the former tends to denote vided at the back of the book. These are a great improvement immediate perception and the latter “non-immediate” per- over the copies published in Harper, 2 (1894) pp. 439-463; ception (“to see that something is the case”). Third, also in BA Langdon, 12 (1931) pls. IV-IX; Kinnier Wilson, perception verbs, it is possible to distinguish between voli- Babyloniaca pls. 7-8, 11, 13-19, 23, 26-28, 30; and tional and non-volitional perception according to whether the The Legend of Etana Saporetti, pls. I-II, VI-VII. perception verbs comes before or after the complement, Etana With regard to the copies of the Kuyunjik fragments, there respectively (p. 179f). are only a few places where the copies deviate from what is Finally, Deutscher’s detailed investigation of the long-term actually on the tablets. These minor inaccuracies are:1) grammaticalization processes in the domain of complementation is of considerable interest to those general linguists pl. IV working on diachronic developments in language. 1) K 2606 iv 1'!: [… n]a!-[di!] […] A small point of criticism remains to be voiced against the 2) K 2606 iv 2': -sú! (blank space)! title Syntactic Change in Akkadian. It is inaccurate in two respects: first, the book actually describes changes in a sin- 3) K 2606 iv 3': i-[Òi]-r[u! gle domain of Akkadian syntax only, namely complementa- pl. V tion (as is made clear by the subtitle); second, it deals exclu- 4) K 2527:18': the TU after Ú is LA! DIS! sively with the Babylonian dialect, whereas Assyrian is almost completely ignored. Therefore Syntactic Change in pl. VII Babylonian would be a more appropriate title. However, if K 1547:8': u]s-si should probably be read as [d(?)!UTU(?)!]- the present title will be more conducive to attracting schol- si ars from outside Assyriological or Semitic circles and to alert- pl. XI ing them to the possibilities of Akkadian for diachronic K 3651+:2: [ ] !-[ ] /[ ] research on a language which is attested over more than two b e lu m l í millennia, we will be happy to forgive the author (or the pub- In addition, the signs which are drawn as being clear in the lisher?) for this hyperbole. heavily shaded areas in pls. VIII-XI and XII are now virtually

Leiden, 7 March 2002 N.J.C. KOUWENBERG 1) I wish to thank J.E. Curtis and C.B.F. Walker for their permission to collate the Etana fragments in the British Museum. Collations were made on two separate occasions, in February, 2001 and 2002. These tablets were ** originally collated for SAACT 2, but since that volume had already gone to press, none of the collations made it into the final version. These Etana * fragments were recollated in preparation for this review. 353 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 354 illegible. Haul's choice of rendering these signs as legible in With regard to the beginning of the SB recension, some a shaded area is, in the reviewer's opinion, preferable to minor alternative readings to Haul's can be made in Etana I drawing them as they actually are on the tablets since they 1, 3, 6, and 24: are very poorly preserved. 1) Haul (p. 166) reads the incipit as URU i-Òi-ru i*(?)- With regard to the arrangement of the text (Die Gestalt la*(?)-nu(?) rabûtu(?), “Sie entwarfen die Stadt, die grossen des Epos, pp. 5-33), Haul convincingly argues that Etana Götter(?);” admittedly, he notes that the restoration, which twice ascended on the back of an eagle a distance of three is based on collation, is uncertain and the traces in K 2606 i leagues into the heavens of Anum. This is in contrast to 3 could also be [dí]-[gì-gì] or [da]-[nun-na-ki]. Compare Par- Langdon (Babyloniaca 12 pp. 43-52) and Horowitz pola's equally conjectural restorations of ul(?)-tak(?)-li(?)- (Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography pp. 47-65) who suggest lu(?)-sú and ul(?)-te(?)-eÒ(?)-bu(?)-u(?)-sú (Novotny, that Etana flew up into the heavens only once for a distance SAACT 2 p. 15). In any event, the reading of [i*(?)-la*(?)]- of six leagues, and Kinnier Wilson (The Legend of Etana, [nu(?) rabûtu(?)] in l. 3 is not possible since ilanu rabûtu is pp. 10-12) who proposed that Etana and the eagle might invariably written DINGIR.MES GAL.MES (courtesy Par- have flown upwards as many as four times. Until now, the pola), and since the final sign in 79-7-8,43 rev. 3 (= incipt) arrangement of the post-Tablet II material has been a major is clearly SÚ!, not -t]ú, -t]u, or even .ME]S. crux. Haul's main evidence stems from the observation that 2) Haul (p. 166) reads the beginning of Etana I 6 as K 8563 (= ex. K) represents the lower left corner of the [LUG]AL*, following collation and the suggestion of von obverse and upper right corner of the reverse of a large six- Soden (WZKM 55 [1959] p. 60). The restoration of sarru column tablet, that is, the end of col. i and the beginning (“king”) is probably incorrect since no king had yet been of col. vi. This arrangement of the material is further appointed over the inhabitants (Etana I 13 = OBM[arsh] i 6) validated by the fact that the first eight lines of K 3651+ and since kingship had not yet descended from the heavens. (= ex. N), that is Etana III 1-8, almost certainly narrate how The beginning of this line could also be read as [L]Ú(?) Samas harmonized the speech of the Kisite king and the ([amel]u), “man.” Etana I 6-7 should probably be read as: eagle. This episode makes sense only if it is placed at the 6) [LÚ(?)]2) lu-u re-ú-um-si-n[a …] very beginning of Tablet III, not halfway through it, since 7) [d!(?)][e-t]a-na lu-u i-[tin]-si-na e-x[x…] it fits perfectly into the natural progression of the narrative, 6) Let [a ma]n(?) be their shepherd, […] that is, just after Etana discovers the wounded bird of prey 7) Let [Et]ana be their master builder, […] (Etana II 148-150), and immediately before the two Note also that there is the same number of syllables in both exchange words for the first time (Etana III 9-14). This pas- the preserved half-lines (3: 1: 4). sage makes absolutely no sense if it is placed after the two 3) In K 2606 i 24 (p. 168), pa-rak-ki AN-[e*(?)] […] have already flown three leagues into the heavens and have probably should be read as pa-rak-ki d[e(?)!]-[ta-na …], as already discussed a series of dreams. According to Haul's suggested by Kinnier Wilson (The Legend of Etana p. 84) arrangement, which essentially follows McCall (Mesopo- since Etana I 26-28 give the impression that Enlil had just tamische Mythen pp. 119-120) and Dalley (Myths from nominated Etana to be the first human king and introduced Mesopotamia pp. 196-200), the following conclusions can kingship in Kis. be made about the SB recension: With regard to the transliterations, they are accurate and 1) The flatter side of K 3651+ is the obverse of the tablet they can be used with confidence. Restored passages are gen- and the rounded side, the side with the horizontal ruling at erally well-thought out and are founded on parallels occur- the bottom, is the reverse. ring in the other versions. There are numerous improved 2) Since the obverse and the reverse of K 3651+ dupli- readings, particularly in the MA version; these improvements cate material from both faces of K 19530+ (= ex. M) and are in part due to new collations and extensive comparisons since K 3561+:1-8 are considered to be the first episode with the OB and SB recensions. Unfortunately, all of these narrated on Etana III, then Etana and the eagle ascended a new readings cannot be listed here. distance of three leagues into the heavens of Anum twice, For the reviewer, the more interesting sections of the book, and not once for a distance of six leagues into the heavens apart from the discussion of the arrangement of text and the of Anum and beyond. The original flight was aborted imme- text editions, are Chapter 3.1, Ein sumerisches Etana-Epos? diately after the Kisite king panicked and requested to be (pp. 35-38), which explores the possibility of there being taken back to the comforts of solid ground. The second Sumerian Vorläufer as there are for the Gilgames Epic; Chap- ascent took place after Etana and the eagle had returned to ter 3.2.2, Die altakkadischen “Etana-Rollsiegel” (pp. 40-44); Kis, and had a series of dreams revealed to them. Unlike and Chapter 4.4.4, Die politisch-ideologische Erklärung the first journey to the heavens of Anum, the second and (pp. 67-70), which discusses the animal names of the Kis-I final flight was successful. Furthermore, this reconstruction Dynasty and the serpent and the eagle as clan-totems. of the text lends further support to the notion that the Assyr- In sum, this book is a thorough and professional treatment ians and Babylonians envisioned the heavens as being three of all three recensions of the Etana epic and related matters. distinct levels, with the heavens of Anum being the high- Das Etana-Epos is a very welcome addition to the field. est, exactly as it is in KAR 307:30-33 (Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography pl. 1) and AO 8196 iv Toronto, April 2002 Jamie R. NOVOTNY 20-22 (Weidner, AfO 19 [1959-60] pl. 33). Another point of interest with regard to the flights as illustrated by Haul ** is that the verb elû (p. 196 III 38, M6, [u]l!-[li!]-su-ma) is used in the narrative of the first flight, whereas the verb * saqû (p. 204 III rev. 35, M25, ú-sá-qí-sú-ma) is employed in the second and final ascent. 2) Traces of this sign are no longer visible on the tablet. 355 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 356

FREEDMAN, S.M. — If a City Is Set on a Height. Termini und Stämme (Guti, Subartu/Akkad/Lullubû/Îana; The Akkadian Omen Series Summa Alu ina Melê Sakin. Akkad/Amurru) genau die kosmographische Konzeption der Vol. 1: Tablets 1-21. (Occasional Publications of the Einteilung in die vier »Weltgegenden« oder Windrichtungen Samuel Noah Kramer Fund, 17). University Museum of Osten (= Guti, Subartu), Norden (= Akkad), Süden (= Lul- Philadelphia, Philadelphia, 1998. (28 cm, VII, 361). lubû), Westen (= Îana) bzw. Norden (= Akkad) und Westen ISBN 0-924171-66-9. $ 65.00. (= Amurru) reflektieren, die auch in den Mondomina der Serie Enuma Anu Enlil belegt ist (vgl. dazu F. Rochberg- Sally M. Freedman legt mit If a City Is Set on a Height Halton, AfO Bh. 22 [1988] p. 51-55, und U. Koch- den ersten Band einer, wie wir annehmen dürfen, ganzen Westenholz, Mesopotamian Astrology, Copenhagen 1995, Reihe von Publikationen der terrestrischen Omenserie Summa p. 106-109). An diese Omina mit der Voraussage von könig- alu ina melê sakin vor. Die Bearbeitung der Serie durch die lichen Toden schliesst sich Tafel II mit Voraussagen von der Autorin reicht zurück bis in die 70er Jahre, aus denen Zerstörung von Städten an. In den Tafeln III bis X, XII bis ihre Dissertation (publiziert in Mikrofilm) The Omen Series XV und XVIII bis XXI werden der Erscheinungen beim »Summa Alu«: A Preliminary Investigation stammt. Freed- Hausbau, welches das Graben des Fundamentes und das Auf- man veröffentlicht in dem vorliegenden Band die Tafeln I finden von Gegenständen bei der Anlage des Fundamentes bis XXI, die bislang nur in der veralteten Edition von umschließt, im Haus selbst und im Eingangsbereich des Hau- F. Nötscher in Orientalia 31 (1929) und Orientalia 39-42 ses behandelt. Tafel XI, deren Identifikation, wie erwähnt, (1929) verfügbar waren. nicht sicher ist, durchbricht das Schema mit Beobachtungen Summa alu ist eines der umfangreichsten keilschriftlichen der Kulttätigkeiten des Königs. Tafel XVI ist der Anlage Omenhandbücher, die auf uns gekommen sind. Freedman eines Grabes gewidmet; bis auf die Omina in Z. 54-56, die setzt vorläufig eine Zahl von 107 Tafeln an (p. 7), verweist als Ort des Grabes Land und Garten nennen, wird wohl jedoch auf einen der von S. Parpola publizierten Katalog- und Inventartexte aus Assurbanipals Bibliothek, in welchem Bezug auf den Grabbau im eigenen Haus genommen sein, die Zahl 112 bzw. 113 genannt ist (JNES 42 [1983] p. 25). welches auf die Praktizierung eines Ahnenkultes weist Dass wir offensichtlich von einer noch höheren Anzahl, (s. dazu K. van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, nämlich 120 Tafeln ausgehen müssen, zeigte unlängst Assyria and Israel, Leiden 1996, p. 58-62). Tafel XVII erwei- W. Sallaberger (ZA 90 [2000] p. 230-232). tert unsere Kenntnis vom Bau von Brunnen in Privathäusern In ihrer Einleitung bietet Freedman einen kurzen und prä- und Grundstücken; diese Informationsquelle, die den Ort des zisen Überblick über die Traditionsformen terrestrischer Brunnens — Hof, Hinterhof, Garten, bewässertes Landstück, Omina basierend auf Serientafeln, Exzerpttexten, extraseri- neben dem Haus — einschließt, kann als Illustrierung für ellen und alternativen Sammlungen, Kommentaren, ferner Dokumente wie T. Kwasman, NALK Nr. 123 und 373 sowie apotropäischen Ritualen und schließlich Zitaten in der Kor- SAA VI Nr. 271 gelten und sollte zu M. van de Mieroops respondenz assyrischer Könige mit ihrem Gelehrtenstab. Für The Ancient Mesopotamian City, Oxford1999, p. 158-161 eine ausführliche Diskussion der Genese der Serie verweist (Sources of Drinking Water), hinzugefügt werden. sie auf einen späteren Zeitpunkt, wenn die Publikation von Für ihre Edition ist S.M. Freedman der Dank der Fachwelt Summa alu abgeschlossen ist (p. 14). gewiss, eröffnet sie doch den ersten Schritt der Gesamtpu- Die ersten 21 Tafeln der Serie werden in Transliteration blikation der so umfangreichen Serie »Wenn eine Stadt auf und Übersetzung geboten, jeder Tafelrekonstruktion folgt die einer Anhöhe gelegen ist«. Erwartungsvoll sehen wir den Partitur aller Textvertreter. Nicht alle der 21 vorgestellten Folgebänden entgegen! Tafeln sind erhalten: so fehlen bislang Textvertreter von Die folgenden Angaben sollen das Verdienst von Freed- Tafel IV — Freedman zieht hier zur Rekonstruktion Omina man keineswegs schmälern. Rez. hielt es für sinnvoll, einen der Serie Iqqur ipus §6 heran — ferner sind Duplikate der Index der Texte nach Publikationsort zusammenzustellen. Tafeln VIII und XVIII nicht identifiziert; die Natur des zur Ferner erschien es Rez. im Hinblick auf die folgenden Bände Rekonstruktion von Tafel VII herangezogenen Textes ist von Summa alu hilfreich, hier eine Tafel in Autographie zu unklar — Freedman vermutet, dass dieser Text zu einer ande- bieten, die vermutlich in den 60er oder 70er Tafeln von ren Tradition gehört; auch die Identifikation von Tafel XI ist Summa alu plaziert sein könnte oder zumindest das Thema nicht gesichert. An die Textbearbeitung schliessen sich dieser Tafeln reflektiert. Es handelt sich um BM 66963,1) Appendices mit den Katalogen der Serie und den Quellen für einer Tafel, deren Vorderseite physiognomische Omina bie- die Tafeln XXII bis CVII an. Texte in Keilschriftautographie tet und auf deren Rückseite Summa alu-ähnliche Omina ver- werden nicht geboten. Das mag nicht verwundern, denn der zeichnet sind. Da die erste Hälfte der Omenprotasen auf der Umfang des gebotenen Materials ist enorm, wie allein der Rs. in BM 66963 abgebrochen ist, ist eine Zuordnung schwie- Blick auf die in den Quellen zu jeder Tafelbearbeitung rig. Soweit erhalten, tritt etwas in das Haus eines Mannes ein genannten unpublizierten Textzusammenschlüsse zeigt. Eine (ana É NA KU4). Einen ähnlichen Aufbau bietet, soweit ich Publikation der Keilschriftkopien würde einer Re-Edition sehe, nur CT 41 pl. 6-8 (K 3240+), eine lange Liste von zahlreicher CT-Bände (wie etwa CT 37-41) gleichkommen! Vögeln, die das Haus eines Mannes betreten. Die Apodosen Summa alu ist — grob gesagt — eine Sammlung von von BM 66963 lassen sich jedoch nicht mit denen von Beobachtungen aus der Umwelt des Menschen. Dies umfasst K 3240+ korrelieren. zunächst den Standort einer Stadt und ihre Bewohner, Thema von Tafel I. Ungewöhnlich sind Diktion (Verwendung der 1. Sg. in der Protasis) und Thematik des letzten Abschnittes dieser Tafel (Z. 175-213), in welchem der Tod von Königen 1) Die Vorderseite der Tafel ist publiziert in meinem AfO Bh. 27, Wien weisgesagt wird (vgl. Freedman p. 40 zu Z. 175). Interessant 2000, Tafel 30 mit p. 274-277. Ich danke den Trustees des British Museum ist, dass die in den Z. 175-181 genannten geographischen für die Erlaubnis, die Tafel zu veröffentlichen. 357 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 358

Konkordanz nach Publikationsort: CT 38 35-36 (note) K 6071 p. 329 CT 38 37-38 K 3956 p. 331 2R Nr. 47 K 229 p. 10 CT 38 39 K 3730+ p. 331 ABL 74 (SAA 10 Nr. 42) K 185 p. 9 CT 38 40 K 6912+ p. 331 ABL 142 (SAA 10 Nr. 127) K 551 p. 10 CT 38 41-43 BM 38418 p. 332 ABL 353 (SAA 10 Nr. 58) 82-5-22,169 p. 9 CT 38 44 BM 30427 p. 334 ABL 385 (SAA 10 Nr. 33) Rm 2, 6 p. 9 CT 38 44 K 10801+ p. 333 ABL 1015 K 4680 p. 10 CT 38 45 K 3055 p. 336 ABL 1278 (SAA 10 Nr. 183) K 915 p. 10 CT 38 46 K 3725+ p. 336 ABL 1321 (SAA 10 Nr. 160) K 3034+ p. 10 cf. CT 54 106 CT 38 49 K 236+ p. 335 cf. CT 39 2; AfO 18 67-77 Funck 3 p. 69, 71 CT 38 50; CT 39 1 AfO 18 71 Sm 332 p. 341 CT 38 50 K 8063+ p. 335 cf. CT 39 2; AfO 18 73 K 14843 p. 341 cf. CT 38 49; CT 39 1 CT 37 49-50 CT 39 1 K 8063+ p. 335 cf. CT 39 2; AfO 18 76 K 8768 p. 65 CT 38 50; CT 38 49 AfO 18 pl. 5-9 VAT 7525 p. 13 CT 39 2 K 236+ p. 335 cf. CT 38 49; AfO 21 46 mit pl. 9-10 Funck 2 p. 10, 330-331 CT 38 50; CT 39 1 AfO pl. 1, nach p. 360 Rm 1 p. 341 CT 39 3-5 K 2319+ p. 7, 9, 337 BBR 2 Nr. 43 K 6052 p. 234, 240 CT 39 6 K 3840 p. 337 BRM 4 27 Nr. 21 MLC 1867 p. 338 CT 39 7 95-4-6,1 p. 11 CT 28 37 K 798 p. 9 CT 39 7 K 3900 p. 11 CT 28 39-40 K 6286+ p. 336 CT 39 8 K 8406 p. 338 CT 37 45 K 9537+ p. 341 CT 39 10 K 3092+ p. 338 CT 37 46-48 K 2464+ p. 341 cf. CT 39 31 CT 39 10-11 K 149+ p. 338 CT 37 49-50 K 9739+ p. 341 cf. AfO 18 73 CT 39 13 K 2922+ p. 338 CT 38 1 K 7669+ p. 25 CT 39 14-21 K 47+ p. 338-339 CT 38 1, 6-7 K 9701 p. 25 cf. CT 38 6-7 CT 39 14-21 K 8191+ p. 338-339 CT 38 1, 7-8 80-7-19,81 p. 25, 63 CT 39 22 K 116 p. 339 cf. CT 38 7-8 CT 39 23-24 Rm 2, 138+ p. 339-340 CT 38 1-6 Sm 1406 p. 25 CT 39 24 K 9572+ p. 9, 339 CT 38 2-3 BM 55550 p. 25 CT 39 24 K 9572+ p. 9, 339 CT 38 2-4 Sm 797 p. 25 CT 39 25 K 2898+ p. 7, 340 CT 38 2-5 K 6097+ p. 25 CT 39 25 K 3892 p. 340 CT 38 2-6 BM 35582 p. 25 CT 39 25 Sm 1376+ p. 13, 339 CT 38 5 Sm 736b p. 25 cf. CT 41 14 CT 38 6-7, 1 K 9701 p. 25 cf. CT 38 1, 6-7 CT 39 26-27 BM 47938 p. 340 CT 38 7-8, 1 80-7-19,81 p. 25, 63 cf. CT 38 1, CT 39 28, 30 Rm 2, 135 p. 340 cf. CT 39 30 7-8 CT 39 29-30 K 4110+ p. 340 CT 38 7-8 K 10359 p. 63 CT 39 30, 28 Rm 2, 135 p. 340 cf. CT 39 28 CT 38 7-8 Sm 915+ p. 63 CT 39 31 K 11537+ p. 341 CT 38 8 K 2143 p. 63 cf. CT 37 46-48 CT 38 9 BM 65466 p. 77 CT 39 31-33 K 3811+ p. 64-69, 341 CT 38 10-13 K 196 p. 87 CT 39 31-33 K 7885+ p. 66, 68-69, 341 CT 38 10-13 K 2307 p. 87 CT 39 34-36 K 4097+ p. 341-342 CT 38 14-18 K 190+ p. 109 CT 39 36 K 10423+ p. 342 CT 38 14-18 K 2159+ p. 109 cf. CT 38 14-18 CT 39 38 K 4057 p. 341, 343 CT 38 14-18 K 8816+ p. 109 CT 39 39-40 DT 10 p. 342 CT 38 15-18 K 12801 p. 109 CT 39 40 K 9768 p. 342 CT 38 18-20 K 4076+ p. 207 CT 39 41-42 K 2238+ p. 342 CT 38 21 68-5-23,1 p. 229 CT 39 41-42 K 9697+ p. 342, 343 CT 38 21 K 4041+ p. 229 CT 39 43 K 3134 p. 343 CT 38 22-23 K 2312+ p. 253 cf. OrNS 40 CT 39 43 K 3677 p. 343 pl. 5-6 CT 39 43 K 12310 p. 343 CT 38 23 K 3910+ p. 253 cf. OrNS 40 CT 39 43 Rm 924 p. 343 pl. 7 CT 39 44-46 K 126 p. 343 CT 38 24 BM 34092 p. 253 CT 39 44-46 K 1994 p. 343 CT 38 24 K 6405 p. 253 CT 39 47 K 1455 p. 343 CT 38 24 K 9773 p. 253 CT 39 48 Sm 1924 p. 343-344 CT 38 25 81-2-4,202 p. 275 CT 39 50 K 957 p. 5, 135, 326-327 CT 38 25-26 81-2-4,338+ p. 275 CT 40 1-4 K 45+ p. 87, 97, 109, 112, CT 38 25-26 K 2942+ p. 275 114, 116-118, 129-130, CT 38 25-26 K 3019+ p. 275 132, 134-135, 137, 170, CT 38 25-26 note K 4036+ p. 275 172, 207, 275, 307, CT 38 27 K 2850+ p. 295 309-311, 315 CT 38 28-29 K 3698+ p. 38, 295 CT 40 5 K 268+ p. 159 CT 38 30-31 BM 40469 p. 307, 329 CT 40 6-7 K 2285+ p. 115, 129 CT 38 33 K 1350+ p. 329 cf. CT 38 34 CT 40 6-7 K 2719+ p. 115, 129 CT 38 33-36 K 2128+ p. 329 CT 40 6-7 K 6715+ p. 7, 109, 159 CT 38 34 (note) Sm 1980 p. 329 cf. CT 40 8 CT 38 34 K 2149+ p. 329 cf. CT 38 33 CT 40 8 K 2192 p. 7, 147 359 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 360

CT 40 8 K 7932+ p. 7, 109, 159 JNES 42 17 K 12722 p. 5 cf. CT 40 6-7 KAR 20 VAT 9302 p. 194-195 CT 40 8 K 10407 p. 135 KAR 212 VAT 10147 p. 241-243, 256-257 CT 40 9 80-7-19,86 p. 159 KAR 387 VAT 10759a+ p. 13 CT 40 9 K 7177 p. 147, 181 KAR 388 VAT 10180b p. 13 CT 40 9 Rm 136 p. 147, 181 KAR 389b VAT 10905b p. 330 CT 40 9 Sm 772 p. 181, 337 KAR 394 VAT 9775 p. 322-323 CT 40 10-11 K 2685+ p. 159 KAR 396 VAT 10504 p. 275 CT 40 12-13 K 2888+ p. 147 KAR 407 VAT 9438+ p. 322-323 CT 40 14 K 7030+ p. 147, 191, 207 KAR 436 VAT 10781 p. 191, 193 cf. OrNS 40 pl. 2 Labat Calendrier pl. 2 K 2163 p. 83 (K 8819) Labat Calendrier pl. 3-4 K 4100 p. 83 CT 40 14 K 11616 p. 147, 191 (= K 32) CT 40 14 K 12774+ p. 147 LKA 116 VAT 10036 p. 195 CT 40 15-18 82-5-22,518 p. 191 LKU 4 VAT 14481 p. 10, 223 CT 40 15-18 K 7749+ p. 191 LKU 5 VAT 14482 p. 10 CT 40 15-18 K 8020+ p. 191 LKU 6 VAT 14483 p. 10 CT 40 19 81-2-4,104 p. 216 LKU 131 VAT 14591 p. 337 CT 40 19 K 9170+ p. 207 Maul 355-366 K 157+ p. 194-195 CT 40 19 K 10390+ p. 207 Maul 551 K 8650+ p. 295 CT 40 19 K 11729 p. 207 Or 42 512 MM 889 p. 253 CT 40 19 Sm 1408 p. 216 OrNS 36 pl. 60 K 8784 p. 295 CT 40 20 K 3739 p. 223 OrNS 39 pl. 6-7 K 2773+ p. 99 CT 40 21 K 743 p. 9 OrNS 40 pl. 2 K 9670+ p. 147, 191, 207 CT 40 22 K 3674 p. 330 cf. CT 40 14 CT 40 26-27 K 3974+ p. 7, 331 OrNS 40 pl. 2 K 13335 p. 253 CT 40 27 K 11563 p. 332 OrNS 40 pl. 5-6 K 13902+ p. 253 CT 40 29 80-7-19,85 p. 332 cf. CT 38 22-23 CT 40 30 K 2937+ p. 334 cf. CT 40 30 OrNS 40 pl. 8 K 12324 p. 253 CT 40 30 K 10173+ p. 334 cf. CT 40 30 OrNS 40 pl. 9 K 11798 p. 253 CT 40 33-34 K 3886+ p. 334 OrNS 40 pl. 9 Sm 1785 p. 253 CT 40 36-37 DT 298 p. 334 OrNS pl. 2 K 8819+ p. 87, 97, 129, 134, CT 40 41 70-7-8,128 p. 334 136, 138, 147, 159, CT 40 41 K 4038 p. 7, 334-335 173, 295-296 CT 40 42 81-7-27,104 p. 334 cf. OrNS pl. 2 CT 40 42-43 K 2259+ p. 335 (K 9456) CT 40 44 K 3821 p. 336 OrNS pl. 2 K 9456+ p. 87, 97, 129, 134, CT 40 48 K 6278+ p. 8, 13 136, 138, 147, 159, CT 40 48-49 BM 108874 p. 8, 13 173, 295-296 CT 41 1 K 67691 p. 65 cf. OrNS pl. 2 CT 41 2 K 6734+ p. 63, 66-67 (K 8819+) CT 41 2 Sm 230 p. 63, 67 OrNS pl. 7 K 2571+ p. 253 cf. OrNS 40 pl. CT 41 9 Sm 919 p. 333 7 (K 9498+); CT 41 13 K 8023+ p. 339 CT 38 23 CT 41 14 Sm 1952+ p. 13, 339 OrNS pl. 7 K 9498+ p. 253 cf. OrNS 40 pl. cf. CT 39 25 7 (K 2571+); CT 41 23-24 K 3844+ p. 13 CT 38 23 CT 41 25 K 2895 p. 18, 253-255, 257, RA 13 27-33 Rm 122 p. 10, 337 259, 261, 273, 275, RA 17 140-141 K 4229 p. 10 295-299 RA 18 136 Rm 150 p. 5 CT 41 26-27 K 1 p. 18 SAA 10 Nr. 33 (ABL 385) Rm 2, 6 p. 9 CT 41 28 K 2919+ p. 18 SAA 10 Nr. 42 (ABL 74) K 185 p. 9 CT 41 29 K 36+ p. 18 SAA 10 Nr. 58 (ABL 353) 82-5-22,169 p. 9 CT 41 30-31 DT 37 p. 336 SAA 10 Nr. 127 (ABL 142) K 551 p. 10 CT 41 32 DT 36 p. 335 SAA 10 Nr. 160 (ABL 1321) K 3034+ p. 10 CT 41 33 K 118 p. 18, 342 cf. CT 54 106 CT 41 34 K 103 p. 18, 343 SAA 10 Nr. 183 (ABL 1278) K 915 p. 10 CT 51 44-45 Nr. 137 Sm 975 p. 87, 109 SpTU 1 73 W 22256/0 p. 109 CT 51 50 Nr. 146 BM 121041 p. 25 SpTU 1 77 W 22319b p. 10 CT 54 106 (SAA 10 Nr. 160) K 3034+ p. 10 cf. ABL 1321 SpTU 1 78 W 22226/1 p. 10 CTN 4 Nr. 36 ND 5440 p. 207 SpTU 2 32 W 22729/10 p. 8 CTN 4 Nr. 41 ND 4405/6 p. 338 SpTU 2 33 W 22729/7 p. 8 CTN 4 Nr. 48 ND 5504 p. 25 SpTU 2 34 W 22650 p. 8 CTN 4 Nr. 156+160+ SpTU 2 35 W 22644 p. 8 161+162 ND 5507+ p. 259 SpTU 2 36 W 22758/3 p. 10, 335 DA 1 103-106 K 217+ p. 8, 335 SpTU 3 97 W 22554/0 p. 8, 343 HUCA 40 nach p. 104 BM 113915 p. 13 SpTU 3 99 W 22659 p. 10 JNES 42 13 80-7-19, p. 5 STT 2 242 p. 77 144(+)262 STT 2 321-322, 323 p. 14, 330 JNES 42 17 K 4753+ p. 5 STT 2 323 p. 14, 330 361 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 362

BM 66963 (Rückseite) The textual finds from Ekalte spread over three-four gen- Maße: 11,7 cm × 7,2 cm erations, from the late 1530 BC (the period of the struggle between Yamhad and the Hittites) to 1458, the year of the 8th campaign of Thutmosis III (his 33rd year), when the city seems probably to have been destroyed. Although the city is still mentioned in the time of Suppiluliumas in the 14th century, there is no evidence of its existence in the 13th century. On the basis of philological considerations, Mayer places the textual finds somewhere between the OB and the MB periods, in what he terms the “post-OB-period.” In his view, the language of the texts exhibits features of the end of the OB dialect, but still does not call into view MB characteristics. Also, according to the writing tradition reflected in the texts, Mayer suggests locating them between AlalaÌ levels VII and IV (p. 17; and see also RLA 8, p. 417). Mayer further notes that the texts reflect a western rather than eastern orientation, and this is especially true with regard to the Canaanite influences manifest in them, particularly in personal names (p. 3a; see also below). Mayer notes that these texts fill in an important niche in the political and cultural history of the middle of the 2nd millennium BC by offering much information about a hitherto undocumented point in time and place (the middle Euphrates in the LB period), not only with respect to the state and people but also with respect to the languages spoken then and the writing traditions that were transpiring at the time.1) The present volume sets out to publish in photos, hand copies, transliteration and translation (as well as a few philological comments, supplemented by the detailed exposition in the first nine chapters of the book; see below) the texts that were unearthed in Tall Munbaqa during the 1979, 1984, 1986, 1988, 1989, and 1990 seasons — altogether 96 texts and fragments. Some of these (nos. 90-95) are from private collections, and therefore are of unknown provenance (see pp. 7f.). According to Mayer, however, on the basis of their writing, style, and formulation, at least part of these may very well have stemmed from Ekalte, or at least from a nearby site. After prefaces by the editor D. Machule and the author, a short bibliographical list, a list of abbreviations, and a short introduction (pp. 1-4), a series of detailed and informative Barcelona, Oktober 2001 B. BÖCK chapters follows (Chaps. 2-9, pp. 4-72). These offer the reader substantial information and introductory insights into ** the texts to be presented in Chap. 10 (pp. 73-157). The fol- * lowing topics are covered by Chaps. 2-9: Chap. 2 (pp. 4-8) presents a full description of the archives and their finding contexts. All the texts are reviewed here MAYER, W. — Tall Munbaqa-Ekalte II. Die Texte. SDV with regard to the exact place they were found in the tell. Saarbrücker Druckerei u. Verlag, Saarbrücken, 2001. Of particular interest is House P at the summit of the tell, (35 cm, XIV, 198, 86 Tafeln). ISBN 3-930843-67-6; which yielded altogether 34 texts — a third of the whole cor- ISSN 0342-4464. DM 131,– Euro 67,00. pus. According to Mayer’s analysis, this house must have Tall Munbaqa, also called Tall Munbayah, Tall Mumbaqat, been some administrative center where public meetings and which has been identified with ancient Ekalte, lies in north procedures may have taken place (pp. 4f.). Possibly, it was Syria, on the Aleppo Plateau, on the east bank of the the meeting place of the official bodies of citizens, called in Euphrates. Six km north lies Tall Îadidi (ancient Azû) and the texts LÚ.MES.aÌÌe “the brothers” and sibut URU.KI close by, about 25 km from Ekalte, lies Emar, under whose “the elders of the city” (see for these more below). rule Ekalte seems to have been (D. Machule, RLA 8, p. 418). Chap. 3 (pp. 8-13) discusses the city, its name, outline, The digs in the tell started in the late sixties of the 20th location, and neighbors. The ancient name of the place, century, first as a reaction to the Assad dam project of the Ekalte, is mentioned 17 times in 15 texts, by far the most Syrians, and then continued for several seasons. Although the levels of the tell extend from the EB to the Roman period, 1) For the historical and chronological background of the finds from the most important level is from the LB period, the time when Ekalte and for the historical background of the period, see Mayer’s outline the ancient city Ekalte was thriving. in Chap. 4, pp. 14ff.; cf. more on this below. 363 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 364 often attested name (other names of other places mentioned (no. 21), according to Mayer (p. 20), hints at their existence in the texts include Azû, Emar, as well as the Sutû nomads; in Ekalte too. But see also the combination DINGIR MES see further below). According to Mayer, despite the sound ù mi-ti-ia “(my) gods and ancestral spirits” in no. 65: 17. More resemblance, the name Ekalte has nothing to do with Akka- insights about the pantheon and the religious life of the people dian ekallum (>Ekallatum), and probably it is related to the of Ekalte may be gleaned from the personal names — about Canaanite place and tribe name Yakalit, Yakaltum that is 600 (pp. 21ff.). The most frequently mentioned god as a mentioned in the texts from Mari (p. 8). theophoric element in personal names is Dagan, written dDa- Some topographic features of the city and landscape are dis- gan or Da, or dKUR “the mountain.” As many of the sale doc- cussed, especially the mountain and the three stone structures uments of immovable property record acts of selling lands and on top of it, which were probably temples of the gods Dagan houses to private persons by the city elders and the god Baälka, (himself called in the texts dKUR “the mountain”) and Baälka, it is clear that the city god and its authorities were actually the the city god. According to Mayer, the Euphrates, bordering the owners of most of the landed property of the city. tell on the west side, may in the LB period have flown in a more Chap. 6 (pp. 23-27) deals with the city administration western course, perhaps at the feet of Gabal Ärudah, which — the mayor(s), the city council, and the herald. In all pub- stands opposite the city on the west bank of the river. lic and official matters the body of citizens called the “elders Among the nearby cities/states that are mentioned in the of the city” (sibut ali) was in charge, who gathered together texts one may find Azû/Tall Îadidi, which lies about 5-6 km as the formal city council. For private and inner family mat- to the north of Ekalte on the west bank of the Euphrates and ters there was another body of citizens, called aÌÌu “broth- seems to have been in close contact with it. In the farther ers,” who took charge of various legal and economical issues neighborhood lie other cities/states that are mentioned, less of the family and was headed by a rab aÌÌe. As persons from often though, in the texts, such as Ebla, Emar, Iniba, Summa, both bodies sometimes appear in the same document, Mayer Tuttul, and the Sutû nomads. suggests that actually there was only one body of citizens, Chap. 4 (pp. 14-19) presents an historical outline of the 12 persons + a scribe, who officiated on both capacities: as archives and their assumed location within some chronologi- the elders, the city council, in public matters, and as “broth- cal scheme. Mayer offers here a short and informative review ers” in all other matters. of the historical and geo-political events that transpired in the Chap. 7 (pp. 27-34) discusses the occupations attested in the region during the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, and texts and various other issues having to do with the economy although the textual finds from Ekalte are practically silent of the city. Among the occupations are mentioned smiths, with respect to these events, on the basis of many hints, points shepherds, and probably also wine- and oil-pressers. Other top- of contact, and similarities between the Ekalte finds and the ics discussed here have to do with the immovable property archives from other nearby cities, Mayer attempts to offer an mentioned in the texts, its types, their location, and sizes. There assumed chronological anchor to these finds. Mayer reviews were privately-owned houses, industrial buildings, threshing in particular points of contact with the archives from Emar. floors, gardens, vineyards, and fields. The close proximity of He finds not only similarities in the onomasticon (mainly the city to a rich source of water as the Euphrates enabled what Canaanite), but also analogies in the formulae of the docu- seems to have been a rich agricultural life. An enigmatic des- ments of sale of immovable property in both places. Still, at ignation of some type of building is mentioned, kerÒetum or least from the point of view of the writing system and syl- kiirÒitum, which Mayer suggests identifying a non-residential labary, Emar seems to reflect a younger stage, whereas Ekalte building that was located inside the walls, perhaps even adja- stands closer to AlalaÌ VII than to IV (p. 17). As already said, cent to the inner part of the city wall (p. 30). with respect to the linguistic features of the Akkadian of Mayer calls attention to the difficulties involved in any Ekalte, Mayer opts for a “post-OB-period,” although in his attempt to visualize the exact orientation of any piece of prop- view the language of Ekalte reflects a unique linguistic stage, erty whose measures and coordinates on all sides are actu- not yet documented elsewhere (see below the comments about ally duly recorded in the texts. Despite these details, not only a few hapax legomena and rare words detected in the texts). are we unable to decipher the point of view of the scribe who Chap. 5 (pp. 19-23) reviews the pantheon of the city and supplies these details with respect to the location of the piece other ritual aspects that are reflected in the textual evidence. of property, but even such supposedly fixed anchor points of Not much may be gleaned from the texts — actually technical- reference as the relation of the said property to the Euphrates legal documents with an altogether different goal in view — are not definitive in view of the fact that the river, most prob- regarding the cultic life of Ekalte. The city god seems to have ably, has changed its course since the LB period. been Baälka, whose name seems to be a shortened form of Interesting in this context of sales of immovable property Baäl Ekalte — that is, Baäl of Ekalte (as Baäl of is the figure of MuÌra-aÌi the son of AÌiyanni who, much Ugarit, Istar of Arba’il, etc.).2) Other gods are mentioned in the like similar persons in the Nuzi archives (e.g., TeÌiptilla son texts, mainly in oath and curse formulae, include Addu, Dagan, of PuÌisenni), seems to have been an energetic entrepreneur Samas, and IsÌara. As regards family gods, only one text who concentrated much immovable property in his hands (p. 29). Mayer mentions also Pilzu son of Ba¨la-malik as another such entrepreneur. 2) This tendency to shorten names or name-elements seems to have been Chap. 8 (pp. 35-38) discusses the scribes from Ekalte and widely enjoyed by the ancient scribes. Note, e.g., such abbreviations as Da for Dagan, ga for gamil, ka for kabar, ma for malik, and more; see p. 21 other nearby places (especially Azû), their languages and for a list of names. And see also such short writings as a-Ìa la ta in no. 14: writing traditions. Scribes are mentioned in documents at 27, which Mayer suggests should be interpreted as an abbreviation of aÌa times also as witnesses. It is in this chapter that Mayer la taraggum “you should not raise claims against the brother” (p. 88 note reviews the various philological and writing features of our to line); and the phrase sikkanumi in no. 61: 27, which is a shortened form of the formula GN sikkana in bitisu lizqup “may GN erect a s. in his house” documents that lead him to anchor them somewhere between (see p. 128 note 50 line and p. 20; see more below on this). AlalaÌ levels VII and IV. 365 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 366

Of special interest is the Canaanite substratum that is See also the above mentioned enigmatic kirÒitum or reflected in the language of the texts, mostly in terms of kiirsitum, a type of industrial building. (For this word see vocabulary (see the list of Canaanisms detected by Mayer on Seminara cited by Mayer on p. 30 n. 127; on p. 130 note to p. 38). Canaanite influence is evident also in the verbal pre- ll. 1-4 Mayer suggests to derive it from kaÒaru.) fix ya- (Akkadian i-), in the use of WS ytn (Akkadian Note also the word metequ “road, path” (CAD M/2 44f.), nadanu), and in the emphatic ending -na (e.g., is-bu-na “they which in Ekalte seems to mean something like “step, stride” became satisfied,” p. 92 note to 18: 12). in the sense of a length measure (p. 28 + n. 113). Mayer A surprisingly large number of hapax legomena or rare recalls in this context the Nuzian muselmû “land surveyor(s)” words have been found in these texts, and the exact meaning who did their job by actually walking around the land to be of some of them is not certain. Mayer lists the following: surveyed and measured. ÌuÌenu “wall” (50: 12; 51: 7, 20; 56: 6, 7, 8) (attested Other words of interest include the following: also in Emar) (p. 9 + n. 23). sumula’u (32: 3, 18), which Mayer suggests to identify as utniatu/utniattu “potter ovens” (10: 6; 11: 6) (p. 10, refer- some type of service. Is this word related to samallû “assis- ring to some actual remains of such ovens found on the bank tant, apprentice” (CAD S/1 291ff.)? The list of names in of the river). no. 32: 13ff. ending with the statement LÚ.MES an-nu-ti tarrapitum (16: 11) (< tarapu “mit Farbe überzogen su-mu-la-ia (ll. 17-18) “these men are my s. (= assistants, sein”[?] AHw 1325b), some kind of dye-houses or holes in apprentices?)” might point in this direction. the ground where the dyeing took place (p. 10). kura’u (34: 4), interpreted by Mayer on the basis of Ara- KÁ ER-I-A-U[M] (3: 2), an Akkadogram, which is inter- bic karaˆa “vermieten” as “Mietarbeiter” (p. 163a). preted by Mayer as a euphemism for a necropolis, “(Ort,) wo qubrutum (63: 3; 94: 2) “graves/graveyards”? man nebeneinander liegt” (< Akkadian erâ, adv. “side by ilkutu (94: 4), according to Mayer probably a mistaken writ- side,” CAD E 254) (p. 9 + n. 26). ing of iklutu from ˆkl “(for) consumption” (p. 156 note to line). sikkanu (2: 28; 9: 29; 61: 27; 70: 17), a stone object, “die Chap. 9 (pp. 39-72), finally, offers the reader a detailed state- Betyle” (a betyl, or “a deity’s house”, pp. 10f.), which occurs ment about “Who is who in Ekalte”. This is a large chapter in in a curse formula directed against the violator of the agree- which an attempt is made, despite the difficulties involved, to ment: GN sikkana i/ana bitisu lizqup “may GN erect a s. give face and identity to the various names attested in the texts. in/for his house.” In Mayer’s view, it is not to be connected A series of genealogical tablets, arranged according to eleven with the object of the same name attested in Mari and Ugarit; prominent families of Ekalte along three-four generations, with it was rather some large stone object in which the deity dwelt their property and whereabouts, close this chapter. and that was placed at the entrance of the house of the vio- Chap. 10 (pp. 73-157) then presents the texts unearthed in lator of the contract, thus rendering the entrance and use of Tall Munbaqa in transliteration, translation, and a few philo- the house taboo.3) logical comments. Each text is identified by its number in the Ìablu (9: 9, 19, 22; 35: 7) (attested also in Emar), a type volume, its excavation number (two concordances matching of building (É-tum Ìablu 37: 7) or some part of a building the two kinds of number are offered on pp. 1-2), the exact complex (É u Ìablu isam 9: 19) that cannot be accurately place where it was found, its scribe, its measures, and seal specified (p. 29 + n. 126; and see also p. 83 note to 9: 2). impressions, if any. sikris(s)i (74: 2, in connection with selling a vineyard qa- The corpus of texts unearthed in Tall Munbaqa falls basi- du [si-ik-ri-si] “together with (its) sikris(s)i”; also in Had. 1: cally into the following categories: (1) Sales and exchanges 2 from Azû). This word is probably to be connected to of immovable property. (2) Family law-related documents sik(a)ru + the Hurrite ending -sse- with the meaning of some (wills, divisions of inheritance, and adoption documents). basin(s) for stamping and pressing wine (p. 32). In no. 95: (3) Debt notes. (4) Letters and miscellania (such as lists of 14-15 a certain utensil is mentioned, also having to do with persons and fragments of other texts). All in all, the major- vines and the production of wine (gis] ra-†ú-bi [a]-[na m]u- ity of the texts deal with private and family matters, and few kur GIS.GESTIN.MES “a washing tub for washing the if any reflect the public and state life. This is true even in the grapes” [p. 157 note to lines]). case of documents that report the sale of state and temple zaraÌatu (43: 22; 45: 1; 47: 1, 12; 74: 1) “Saatland” property to private persons. This picture falls in line with the (pp. 11, 33), probably to be derived from WS zr¨. If so, this fact that most documents were found in private houses, and word is probably the WS equivalent of Akk. merestu B, that no state or central temple archive has been found (p. 3). meresu A “cultivated land, cultivation (CAD M/2 23ff.), both In fact, as Mayer emphasizes time and again (pp. 13, 14, 15), to be derived from eresu. meresu occurs in no. 48: 1 and it there seems to have been no royal palace in Ekalte and too, like the zaraÌatu, is said to be located in the raqqatu this city therefore was not the seat of a prince or a king.5) “meadow, marsh” (CAD R 170).4) According to Mayer, it seems that Emar was the state under lúma-ku-ru-ú, most probably derived from makaru B “to whose aegis or authority Ekalte fell. do business” (CAD M/1 126f.) and denoting something like Chap. 11 (pp. 157-175) then follows with a series of “trader (p. 27, cf. OA makiru “trader” M/1 129a and indexes: terms, word-signs, numbers, and words broken at makkaru “trader” 131b). their beginning.

3) This word had been discussed by Dietrich-Loretz-Mayer in UF 21 5) But see no. 62: 15-16 “(whoever claims the field) 1000 (seqels) silver (1989), pp. 133-140. shall he weigh to the É!.GAL,” that is to the palace. Either this line does indeed 4) The word raqqatu, in which the city’s zaraÌatu “cultivated field(s)” attest to the existence of a royal palace in Ekalte, or this is some kind of short- lay somewhere between the city and the Euphrates on the East side (p. 11), ened writing for urue-kal-teki, as suggested by Mayer (p. 129 note to line). How- in contrast to what Mayer says in n. 38, does seem to occur earlier than 700 ever, the name of the city is always written with the sign E, not É (see p. 8). BC, already in OB, Mari and Emar. See now CAD R 170 s.v. Could this line represent a slip of the mind of the scribe? 367 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 368

Chap. 12 (pp. 175-191) contains a list of signs and a syl- this ritual with the scene depicted on the “Vertragsstele” labary, again exhibiting the special features of the writing tra- from Ugarit (RS 7.116), in which two persons are standing dition evident in the texts from Ekalte. facing each other on two sides of a table. They reach their After a few pages of addenda and corrigenda (pp. 192- hands to each other and touch their finger tips. On the table 195), which include another text of unknown provenance lie two objects that Mayer suggests to identify as two pieces (no. 96 on pp. 193-194),6) the hand copies of the tablets fol- of bread. It seems to me that, as we are talking here of sales low (Tafel 1-44)7), and after them the photos (Tafel 45-86), of immovable property, this symbolic ritual of “breaking the a few even in color (Tafel 85-86). bread” (= having a commensality meal?) and “anointing the As the above brief review of the outline and contents of table with oil” is somehow related to another similar ritual this publication may show, it is a nice example of the way attested in Mari and discussed by the present reviewer (karam that new texts should be published and placed at the disposal akalum kasam satûm samnam pasasum “to eat the ram, to of scholars for further study. The detailed chapters of the drink the cup [and] to anoint with oil,” see Malul 1988, book supply the interested reader and scholar with much pp. 346-378). The latter ritual too involved eating and information and myriad of data about the texts from Ekalte, drinking together and anointing with oil, and it too was their background and characteristics, as well as with conve- performed in the context of a sale transaction of immovable nient tools and parameters that may help tremendously in the property. further study of the texts. I am referring specifically to the 2) Placing one’s garment on a stool and departing (19: prosopographic data and the genealogical charts in Chap. 9, 34-35; 38: 14-17, 25-28; 66: 9-10, 33-35; 75: 27-28, which may help the reader get the feeling of working with 31-32), another symbolic act that is attested quite frequently familiar flesh and blood people, rather than with just anony- also in Emar and Ugarit. For its meaning and significance see mous names,8) and to the indexes of terms, words, and signs, Malul, pp. 93-97, 102-110, 114-116. which again may help the reader get oriented in the philo- 3) túgqanna Òabatu “to grasp the hem of garment” as an act logical and ortographical idiosyncracies of these texts. of laying claim (39: 10), for which see Malul, pp. 420-431 A short summary of the contents of each text before the (mainly in OA texts). In the context of the present document, philological comments would have been of tremendous help it is specified that no member of the family is to lay claims to the reader, especially in the case of the damaged or other- to Ummi-ba¨la (no one is to grasp the hem of her garment), wise hard to read texts. who had been given into the service of Dagan-la’i by her I want to end my review of this volume by devoting the father Îuzazu (no. 37). Now, probably after Îuzazu’s death, following remarks to one topic that caught my eyes and inter- his (adopted) son Itur-Dagan takes care of the house and fam- est, the issue of symbolic acts resorted to by the ancients dur- ily and affirms Ummi-ba¨la status as Dagan-la’i’s maid. See ing business and other legal transactions, a topic that I find also with respect to the next symbolic act. important for understanding the Weltanschauung of the 4) SI-IK-KA-TUM ina igari nasaÌu “to remove the peg ancient people of Ekalte. from the wall” (39: 17-18), a symbolic act of unknown It is interesting to realize that in agreement with Y. Muffs’s meaning and significance (see Mayer p. 110 note to lines; for analysis and distinction between core and peripheral tradi- an occurrence of this act in an OB letter see CAD S 250b). tions in Mesopotamian law,9) in Ekalte, too, as in other such This document records a statement made by Itur-Dagan peripheral regions, they seem to have made much use of var- before witnesses in which he affirms Ummi-ba¨la’s status as ious symbolic acts and other legal formulae as dispositive Dagan-la’i’s maid. He further states that when Dagan-la’i instruments of law.10) Besides the curse formula quoted departs to her destiny, Ummi-ba¨la will remove the peg from above (and see also GN zerasu liÌalliq “may GN annihilate the wall. This seems to symbolize Ummi-ba¨la’s freedom his seed/offspring,” p. 20), a few interesting symbolic acts from her servitude with Dagan-la’i. It is not clear, however, are attested in the texts from Ekalte, some attested also in how exactly this act symbolized this effect. Also, it is not Emar and Ugarit. Note the following:11) clear to me at present what the relation, if any, is between 1) nindaÌugu/Ìuggu kasip GIS.BANSUR Ì.GIS pasis this act of removing the peg from the wall and the act of “the bread had been broken (and) the Table has been anointed implanting the peg in the wall (sikkatam maÌaÒum/retûm), with oil” (with variants, see p. 20 n. 74 for occurrences). which I discussed in detail (OrAnt 26 [1987], pp. 1-19). Mayer is not sure of the meaning and significance of this rit- This will be left for future study. ual, which occurs always in sales of immovable property. Fol- In summary, despite the difficulties posed by these texts lowing a suggestion by M. Dietrich he suggests connecting and their idiosyncracies — both in their system of writing and language — Mayer has done a good and thorough job in deciphering the secrets of this corpus of written evidence 6) This text, which most probably belongs also to the Tall Munbaqa finds, from another ancient city from the Middle East. This volume had already been published by E. Frahm in UF 31 (1999), pp. 175-186. is rich in detail, meticulously organized and completely free 7) Save for nos. 90-95, which had already been published elsewhere with of any error. Interested scholars will find here a sound plat- their copies. 8) See, e.g., the whereabouts of the family of Îuzazu, and especially the form for their future research on this area of the ANE in the fate of his daughter Ummi-ba¨la, who had been given into the service of LB period. Dagan-la’i and later manumitted; see further below. 9 ) Y. Muffs, Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri from Elephantine, Lei- Department of Biblical Studies Meir MALUL den 1969, pp. 90ff. 10) For a detailed discussion of symbolic acts and legal symbolism in University of Haifa, March 2002 ancient Mesopotamia, see M. Malul, Studies in Mesopotamian Legal Sym- bolism, Neukirchen-Vluyn 1988. 11) In the following I just list these acts with a few brief comments. ** It is my intention to devote to them and to their counterparts in the texts from Emar a special study in the future. * 369 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — ASSYRIOLOGIE 370

MELVILLE, S.C. — The Role of Naqia/Zakutu in Sargonid Melville next looks at the two names used by this queen: Politics. (State Archives of Assyria Studies, Vol. IX). Naqia and Zakutu. Because the name Naqia is West Semitic State Archives of Assyria Project, Helsinki, 1999. (25 cm, it has been suggested that she was a foreigner who came from XVI, 125). ISBN 951-45-9040-6; ISSN 1235-1032. outside Assyria proper. One suggestion put forward is that $29.50. Naqia was Hebrew and one of the women sent to Sennacherib by Hezekiah in 701. Another suggestion is that Naqia Sarah Melville’s The Role of Naqia/Zakutu in Sargonid was connected to the Aramaean tribes living in Babylonia. Politics is Volume IX in the State Archives of Assyria Melville examines these suggestions and more, but concludes Studies. It is a particularly fascinating work as very little has that Naqia’s name on its own cannot indicate where she came been written about Assyrian queens or Assyrian women from. Having a West Semitic name in 7th century Assyria was for that matter. It is an important study because Melville not that uncommon nor did it denote being a foreigner. Naqia clarifies what is actually known and verifiable about Naqia. also used the Akkadian name Zakutu which was a simple These facts illustrate that what has been written about her is translation of Naqia and not especially Assyrian. But since often conjectural and does not hold up to scrutiny. Melville few documents contain either the name Naqia or Zakutu evaluates the evidence and then proceeds to determine what (most refer to her simply as the “mother of the king”) it is Naqia’s political role was in the court of her husband unwise to assign too much significance to her use of one Sennacherib, her son Esarhaddon and her grandson Assur- name or the other. banipal. It has long been thought that the promotion of Esarhaddon In the Introduction Melville points out that modern his- (the youngest son of Sennacherib) as crown prince was the torians often assume that the structures of Neo-Assyrian result of the machinations of his powerful and devious mother royal households were analogous to the well-known Naqia. Somehow, it has been postulated, Esarhaddon could “harems” of the Ottoman Empire. Yet there is so little only have achieved this position because of her influence information regarding the Assyrian kings’ households that over Sennacherib. Melville carefully examines the available references to “harem intrigues” or “female influence” evidence regarding Sennacherib’s wives and children, the allude to situations and relationships that are not actually eventual succession of Esarhaddon, Sennacherib’s murder provable. She rightly cautions that preconceptions can influ- and what is known about Naqia during this period of time. ence interpretations and therefore the necessity of distin- It is a complicated story but there is no solid evidence to sug- guishing fact from speculation. gest that Naqia played an active role in the events leading up Melville introduces the life of the Neo-Assyrian queen to her son’s accession or that she held any more power than Naqia by listing the few facts that are known about her. was normal for a queen. Among these are that her name was West Semitic in Women who were the wives and mothers of Neo-Assyr- origin, she had a sister Abi-rami, she was the MÍ.É.GAL ian kings commonly used the title MÍ.É.GAL. It is unclear of Sennacherib, she bore at least one child Esarhaddon and exactly what the title meant or implied and precisely who she was still alive when he died in 669 BCE. However could use it. In the case of Naqia there is no evidence that there are two facts which are a revelation: the first refer- she used this title while her husband Sennacherib was king. ence to Naqia is not until she is mentioned as the mother In fact, Melville suggests it should be questioned whether or of the newly chosen crown prince (AMA-sú sa DUMU not Naqia was actually ever his principal wife. But there are LUGAL sa É re-[du-ti], SAA XII: 23) and almost all five examples of her use of the title MÍ.É.GAL during the of the information about her dates from the reign of her son reign of her son Esarhaddon and they occur on objects which Esarhaddon. That “there is no text identifying Naqia were of religious and political importance. by name and title that securely dates to Sennacherib’s Melville believes that “Esarhaddon purposefully set out to reign” (p. 23) may come as a surprise and this fact alone present his mother as a figure whose status was almost as high would certainly contradict the claim often made that she as the king’s.” (p. 59) Naqia clearly did not have this stature unduly influenced her husband, particularly regarding the when Esarhaddon began his reign but she certainly did at the succession of her son. The final firm piece of evidence end of it. High officials throughout the Assyrian empire about Naqia is that she imposed a loyalty oath on behalf treated her with great respect and deference. In a few cases of her grandson Assurbanipal after the death of her son Esarhaddon’s advisors referred to her with accolades normally Esarhaddon. reserved for kings alone. Some of Naqia’s actions were In the first chapter Melville discusses the sources used unprecedented. For instance, she built a palace for Esarhad- for reconstructing the life of Naqia: a bronze relief, letters, don at Nineveh which was an unparalleled display of status. royal inscriptions, dedicatory inscriptions, economic and Even her building inscription followed the standard elements, administrative documents, adê agreements and oracles. albeit without any of the common embellishments. Many of these documents have been recently published with According to Melville “in Assyria, the political and reli- up-to-date transliterations and translations. In an appendix gious sphere were not distinct…” (p. 42 n. 54) and Naqia’s Melville thoughtfully provides a catalogue of all known acts of piety were extensive. A picture emerges of Naqia sources pertaining to Naqia. However she points out that showing reverence for the deities by being involved in while the chronology of this period (705-650 BCE) has been religious rites and temple administration in at least five well-established, assigning specific dates to the texts and cities: Assur, Calah, Nineveh, Harran and Borsippa. She objects is problematic. For example, letters are often dedicated cult objects and made contributions to various undated, the writers are unknown, confusing idioms are temples throughout the Assyrian empire and she corre- used and proper names are often missing. Naqia herself has sponded with priests and high temple officials. A bronze complicated matters by being active during the reigns of relief fragment now in the Louvre (AO 20.185) shows her three Neo-Assyrian kings. with an Assyrian king participating in a religious ceremony. 371 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 372

Her image was also depicted on statues which were placed readers interested in knowing more about women in the in temples (or public spaces) in Calah, Assur and Harran. Ancient Near East. “These are the only known instances of a woman’s portrait being placed in a temple, at least in Neo-Assyrian times.” Berkeley, California Sherry Lou MACGREGOR (p. 52) January 2002 As Melville points out, many of Naqia’s activities imitated those of her son. For example, when the king built in Nineveh so did she, when the king restored a temple in KORTE AANKONDIGINGEN Harran, she worked on a temple in Harran and when Esarhaddon began the restoration of Babylonia, Naqia even BAGHDADER MITTEILUNGEN, Band 31 (2000), Deutsches contributed to work there. As a result, her position through- Archäologisches Institut, Orient-Abteilung. Verlag out the realm was nearly as exalted as his own. But to what Philipp von Zabern, Mainz. 2001. (25 cm, 449). ISBN purpose? What was Esarhaddon’s motive in elevating his 3-8053-2770-6; ISSN 0418-9698. / 75,67. mother to such an important position? In 672 Esarhaddon designated two heirs to rule after him: This volume, dedicated to R.M. Boehmer, has the fol- Assurbanipal in Assyria and Samas-sumu-ukin in Babylonia lowing articles. R. Eichmann, M. van Ess, A. Fadhil, and thus he divided his empire. Immediately Esarhaddon N.A.L. al-Hadithy, S.N. Shakir, “Archäologische Fund- imposed a loyalty oath on his subjects on behalf of his two stellen im Gebiet von Qasr Muheiwir (Wadi Hauran)”: heirs. But clearly he was worried about a possible insurrec- archaeological sites on the eastern section of the caravan tion after his death. Melville says that Esarhaddon and Naqia route through the desert in the West. H. Vogel, “Statuen, die planned for her to impose a loyalty oath for Assurbanipal sichtbar machen. Zur ästhetischen, religiösen und politischen after Esarhaddon’s death to reaffirm the loyalty oath of 672. Bedeutung der Statuen von Gudea”: the meaning of their It would be a unique document, a Neo-Assyrian loyalty oath form, stone (diorite), their role in the ritual, Gudea as a pray- imposed by someone other than the king or the crown prince ing priest. Sh. Sanati-Müller, “Ein zweites Nabi-ilisu-Jahres- and Naqia would need considerable status for it to be datum”, identifies a yearname previously assigned to Anam. accepted. In 669, in the interval between her son’s death and Sh. Sanati-Müller, “Texte aus dem Sîn-kasid-Palast. Zehn- her grandson Assurbanipal’s coronation, this is exactly what ter Teil: Holztexte — Elfter Teil: Fragmentarisch erhaltene Naqia did. She imposed a loyalty oath on behalf of Assurba- Texte”, continues her edition of the Old Babylonian Uruk nipal which even Samas-sumu-ukin was forced to take. After archives (p. 93-175). F. Blocher, “Texte aus dem Sîn-kasid- this event Naqia apparently retired from public life and it is Palast. Zehnter und Elfter Teil: die Siegelabrollungen”, is a not known exactly when she died. supplement to that article. Sh. Sanati-Müller, “Kollationen In her book Melville’s main premise is that by examining zu ‘Ein Tontafelarchiv aus dem Palast des Sîn-kasid in all the evidence it is possible to see a purposeful manipula- Uruk’ von Gerlinde Mauer”, gives corrections to Baghd. tion of Naqia’s public image within and without Assyria. She Mitt. 18 (1987) 133 ff. P.A. Miglus, “Die Stelen des Königs feels that this was a conscious decision of Esarhaddon to Asarhaddon von Assyrien: Siegesdenkmäler oder ein poli- ensure a peaceful succession for his chosen heir to the Assyr- tisches Vermächtnis?”, sees in the three stelas erected in the ian throne. As in his own case, the crown prince was the West a display of power after a rebellion in Harran (670 youngest son. Because Esarhaddon had found it necessary to BCE). A. Cavigneaux, “Neue Texte historischen Inhalts aus fight his brothers and quell a serious rebellion before he could den irakischen Grabungen von Babylon”, publishes politi- ascend the Assyrian throne, Melville believes he devised a cal letters, a hymn and other documents. K.R. Nemet-Nejat, deliberate program to assure the same would not happen to “An administrative text about writing boards (557 B.C.E.)”, his son Assurbanipal. The key person in his plan was publishes a text mentioning the minerals used for writing his mother Naqia. While Esarhaddon was alive he made cer- boards; cf. Festschrift R. Borger (1998) 343, 347. I. Gerlach, tain to elevate her status in political and religious environs. “Zur Übernahme altorientalischer Motive in die Kunst Thus, at his death, Naqia was in the unique position to impose Südarabiens. Eine relieferte Bronzeplatte aus dem Jemen”, one more loyalty oath for Assurbanipal’s kingship, which she studies a bronze from Marib and identifies its motifs as Per- did. Whether or not there was actually such a deliberate and sian and Mesopotamian (ca. 500 BCE). N. Nebes, “Zu den conscious plan on the part of Esarhaddon and Naqia may be Inschriften auf einer reliefierten Bronzeplatte aus dem queried and some readers of this book may not be entirely Jemen”, discusses its inscriptions. E. Ehrenberg, “A corpus convinced by Melville’s arguments. of early fifth century seal impressions in the Yale Babylon- But what Melville has very successfully done is to assem- ian Collection”, offers an introduction to and catalogue of ble vast amounts of material to provide information about 82 clay bullae (tags to papyri) found in a site near Nippur, Neo-Assyrian politics, royalty and one “palace woman” comparing them with the impressions on the Murasu and in particular. Despite the morass of rumors, accusations and Eanna texts. A. Kose, “Das ‘Palais’ auf Tell A von Girsu — judgments which encircle Naqia, Melville has provided Wohnstätte eines hellenistisch-parthischen Sammlers von a much clearer picture of the people and events which sur- Gudea-Statuen?”, discovers below the house of Adad-nadin- rounded her and her son Esarhaddon. And she has shown aÌÌe Gudea’s temple of Ningirsu and offers new assessments that based on the evidence available, no conclusive state- of the objects found there: a hoard of coins, (headless) ments can be made regarding Esarhaddon’s relationship Gudea statues, etc. — A correction to Baghd. Mitt. 30 con- with his mother or Assurbanipal’s relationship with his cludes this volume. grandmother. Even Naqia’s character remains hidden from view. Melville’s book is an important contribution to Neo- ** Assyrian studies and also a valuable resource for those * 373 BOEKBESPREKINGEN — OUDE TESTAMENT 374

CHOLIDIS, Nadja, Lutz MARTIN. — Der Tell Halaf und sein Ausgräber Max Freiherr von Oppenheim. Philipp von Zabern, Mainz am Rhein; Vorderasiatisches Museum — Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 2002. (23 cm, 72). ISBN 3-8053-2853-2; ISBN 3-8053-2978-4 (Museum edition). / 20,50. M. von Oppenheim financed excavations in a site on the Habur River (Syria) under favourable circumstances and dis- covered a well preserved Syro-Hittite city, ancient Guzana (1911-1913, 1929); it was probably sacked by the Assyrians in 759 B.C. He founded an institute and a private museum in Berlin which was destroyed but not everything is irreparably lost. This small book, lavishly illustrated, described Oppen- heim’s work and its destruction, the history of ancient Guzana, and the planned reconstruction and future of the collections.

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PARPOLA, Simo, & Michael PORTER (eds.) — The Helsinki Atlas of the Near East in the Neo-Assyrian Period. The Casco Bay Assyriological Institute. The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project 2001. The Helsinki Atlas of the Ancient Near East in the Neo- Assyrian Period is not an atlas but an edition of one map in three different formats. First it is presented as a large fold out map on scale 1.2,000,000 inserted in the backflap of the book. Next, the same map, on the exact same scale, is spread out over 17 pages in the Atlas (Map Pages 1-17) in the chapter called Overview Maps. Finally, it can be studied on scale 1:1,000,000 in the chapter called Detail Maps (Map Pages 18-33). Not a single detail that is not already visible on the large scale map is added on these detail maps. Modern place names are in general not given on the Helsinki map. An added Gazetteer lists them instead. Besides alternate, classical or modern names this gazetteer gives cer- tainty marks (1 to 4) for the proposed locations and bibliographical references.

Leiden, February 2002 R.M. JAS