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The Political Stakes of Displacement and Migration in / from Zimbabwe Joyce Takaindisa 2021

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The Political Stakes of Displacement and Migration in / from Zimbabwe Joyce Takaindisa 2021 The Political Stakes of Displacement and Migration in / from Zimbabwe Joyce Takaindisa 2021 Overview This policy brief is broadly focussed on legal frameworks that govern migration, refugees and displacement in Zimbabwe and the political contestations which surround this. It discusses: The prolonged political and economic crisis in the country and the consequences this has for crisis-induced emigration, internal displacement, refugees, immigration and mobility in the pandemic The policy and legal frameworks that guide Zimbabwe in managing refugees, migration and internal displacement. The political stakes of displacement, including the relationship to South Africa as the major destination country for migrants in the region and SADC policy in response to mobility in the region. Societal understanding of displacement. In particular, the policy brief will highlight how public and media opinion on matters to do with displacement and migration cannot be separated from politics of the country. 1 1. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC CHALLENGES IN ZIMBABWE In Southern Africa, Zimbabwe has emerged as to independence, ZANU-PF was a militant one of the leading sources of forced migration, organisation that was formed to fight White especially from 2000 onwards, due to declining minority rule. Robert Mugabe became the economic and political conditions. Mobilities Prime Minister of Zimbabwe in 1980 until 1987 under such conditions has somehow made it when he then became the President of difficult to make a clear distinction between Zimbabwe, a position he held for thirty-seven voluntary and forced migrations (Chikanda and years until November 2017 when he was ousted Tawodzera 2017). This section aims to give a out of power through a coup by members of his historical synopsis of migration waves in own party. Zimbabwe but will focus more on the Although in his independence speech, Robert contemporary mobilities that have been Mugabe encouraged all Zimbabweans to occurring, especially since the year 2000. embrace each other regardless of race or tribe Historically, migration in Zimbabwe had been and work together towards eradication of summoned by different causes depending on the racism, tribalism, and regionalism, it appears time of migration waves. During the colonial this was not sufficient enough to reassure some era, many people were displaced as they fled of the settlers. Inevitably, this fear of the Zimbabwe due to conflicts between the colonial unknown led to mass emigrations of white settlers and native blacks (Tekere 2007). Rhodesian settlers (Mabhena 2010). Beyond The reluctance by colonial settlers to relinquish this, from independence in 1980, it is purported power to Black people resulted in the emigration that some dissidents began operating in the of many Zimbabweans. During the colonial era, Matebeleland and Midlands provinces and the Zimbabwe was a major migrant destination with ZANU-PF-led government responded with many white settlers coming to what was then heavy-handedness (Catholic Commission for called Rhodesia for economic opportunities Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe 1997; Dzirutwe (Mlambo 2010). At the same time, the country 2019). This period is commonly known as the was also a major sending country, especially to ‘Gukurahundi’ period where ethnic violence South Africa where thousands were recruited to was unleashed by the government through a state go and work in gold and diamond mines. There arm known as the Fifth Brigade between 1983- was a standing bilateral labour agreement (BLA) 1987. between the Rhodesian government and the According to the Catholic Commission for Witwatersrand Native Labour Association Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, the response (WNLA) through which WNLA could recruit unleashed by the Fifth Brigade, a counter- labourers from Rhodesia up to a maximum of insurgency unit of the Zimbabwe National Army 20000 per given year (Crush, Jeeves, and (ZNA) led to an estimated 3,750 civilian deaths, Yudelman 1991). the destruction of about 680 homesteads, Officially Zimbabwe gained its independence on 10,000 detentions with about 2,000 civilians 18 April 1980 with Robert Mugabe at the helm tortured (Catholic Commission for Justice and of leadership under the Zimbabwe African Peace in Zimbabwe 1997). This sparked a wave National Union (ZANU) led government. Prior of emigration from Zimbabwe of Ndebele people who were fleeing ethnic violence. It is win the majority of urban parliamentary seats important to note that the actual figures of (57 seats) – through votes from the larger deaths during these years vary widely in reports metropolitan areas of Harare and Bulawayo as hence the actual number of deaths and causalities well as other cities and towns. This victory by is not known to date. In 1975, ZANU had split the opposition led MDC further incensed the into two forces, notably ZANU-PF loyal to ruling party. Robert Mugabe and ZANU-Ndonga loyal to Consequently, the Zimbabwean government Ndabaningi Sithole. There was also ZAPU, embarked on a fast-track land reform which was a political militant socialist party that programme (FTLRP) by forcibly evicting white was led by Joshua Nkomo.1 commercial farmers in the year 2000 under the Therefore, against this background, in order to guise of distributive justice. It is however end the massacres that had besieged imperative to note that land redistribution did Matebeleland and Midlands from 1983-1987, not begin in 2000 with the fast-track land ZANU-PF and ZAPU merged into one ruling reform. Rather, land reforms had begun way party under the Unity Accord signed in 1987. As back in the 1980’s after Zimbabwe gained its a result of this, the Gukurahundi period independence in 1980 as a way of redressing eventually ended in 1987 with the signing of the historical colonial injustices of land ownership unity accord between Zimbabwe National and access. As such, the Lancaster House Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) & Zimbabwe Agreement of 1980 was done in order to African People’s Union (PF ZAPU). redistribute land equitably. The difference then, Subsequently, though there was some political prior to the year 2000, was that under this stability, the economic situation of the country agreement, land acquisition would be done on a worsened. Due to an economic rescue plan “willing buyer- willing seller” basis and the Zimbabwe undertook on the advice of the government would be required to pay adequate World Bank in 1990s, known as the Economic and fair compensation for such land. Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP), Nonetheless, this changed after ZANU suffered Zimbabwe’s economic gains appeared to be electoral defeat in the 2000 constitutional reversing, leading to economic hardships and referendum. In spite of the government losing in retrenchments of both skilled and unskilled this historic vote, they proceeded to effect labourers. constitutional reforms which allowed them to Furthermore, a referendum to vote on new embark on a fast-track land reform programme constitutional reforms held in the year 2000 that allowed them to acquire any land or farm proved to be a symbolic rejection of the ruling they appropriated without paying any ZANU-PF (Sims 2015) because it was a historic compensation. It has thus been argued that the defeat for Robert Mugabe given that 56% of the land reform programme which ensued, just a Zimbabwean electorate rejected constitutional week after ZANU-PF’s defeat in the reforms that had been proposed by the ZANU- constitutional referendum was informed by the PF led government. Moreover, the newly ruling party’s belief that white minority formed Movement for Democratic Change commercial farmers were responsible for their (MDC) led by Morgan Tsvangirai managed to defeat (ICG, 2001) as land was used as a weapon 11 The Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe was a series of massacres of Ndebele civilians between 1983-1987 by a special unit of the Zimbabwean National Army known as the Fifth Brigade. 1 to use in the face of growing political conflict and rise to 5.1 million by the end of the same year rising support for the MDC opposition. (Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre 2008) out of a total population of 12.38 million. As such, the government sanctioned farm Moreover, the heavily contested 2008 invasions of white owned farms began with the presidential election between Robert Mugabe then President, Robert Mugabe arguing that and Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition leader, they were peaceful demonstrations against white was marked by at least 8,558 acts of political colonialists. The common mantra used by war violence, unlawful arrests, torture, property veterans who led farm invasions was that they destruction, detentions and intimidation of were reclaiming their land from colonialists who opposition members and supporters (Media had stolen land from their ancestors Monitoring Project Zimbabwe 2009). (International Crisis Group 2001). This was followed by severe economic meltdowns and Table 1: Inflation Trends in Zimbabwe, political violence between the ruling party and 1995-2008 the opposition led Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). Arguably, the years 2000-2010 Inflation Trends in Zimbabwe, 1995-2008 came to be known as the decade of migration as Date Inflation Rate (%) 1995 26 many Zimbabweans were forced to flee to 1996 17 neighbouring countries in order to secure their 1997 20 livelihoods as well as escape from political 1998 47 violence (Mabhena 2010). This turbulent decade 1999 57 was marked by severe shortages of basic 2000 55 commodities (including medicine
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