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2010 The mpI act of Evangelical Revivals on Global Mission: The aC se of North American Evangelicals in in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries Edward L. Smither Liberty University, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Smither, Edward L., "The mpI act of Evangelical Revivals on Global Mission: The asC e of North American Evangelicals in Brazil in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries" (2010). Faculty Publications and Presentations. Paper 369. http://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/lts_fac_pubs/369

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000 Brazilian evangelicals; today that however, number has swelled to 30 over h t merican A een The aim of the current article is to show of that evangelical an missions important to Brazil element – behind particularly the during establishment the pioneering stages revival, – was evangelical especially that which Following a brief occurred introduction to the in general commonly relationship the historically between support to endeavour North eighteenth- shall I and missions, evangelical and nineteenth- revivals century America during the mission. and revival of movements such between nineteenth correlation unsubstantiated, often yet accepted, century. Firstly, I will show the significant paradigm shift inmissional thinking, which took place in the in countries Catholic Roman regard to began evangelicals American North as century, nineteenth Latin America as mission fields. Secondly, I shall argue that the influence of nineteenth-century revivalist (particularly that sourced in North America) on missions to Brazil and Latin America can best be observed in the twentieth Brazilian century, evangelical which has, identity in that turn, emerged propelled in the Brazilian the 2009:10). significant involvement in global missions (Noll evangelical church into its own t h Willems affirms that, after1850, an evangelical missionsmovement characterisedby thevalues of missionsdirectlynotdid movement result from such an awakening, Ahlstrom argues birthedthat it a spirit, which was most easily observable Native in the Americansevangelical work carried (Ahlstrom out among 2004:289; preacherduring cf. Awakening,theGreat Jonathan Edwardsinstrumentalwas Boschinfacilitating for prayer 1990:278; Kidd 2008:139). globalmission, whilecasting Besides general missionsuchvisiona for through histhepublicationfamous of being a key Life of David Brainerd that in the second period – the Methodist revival – Wesley and his followers integrated evangelicalmission.global successfullylinespreachingand betweensocialandthe domesticblurredwithaction, was not until It the third period revival of termed– the Second Great Awakening which occurred in connectiondomestic between the nineteenththat centurythe – of third first theduringAmerica North and foreign mission work became apparent. and Chaney Boschparticipation (1976:174) in assertmissions (1990:279) 1817, had become mattera convictionthat of evangelicalsfor by in North America. Whileacknowledging origins that‘the traditional of evangelism theeighteenth-centuryto harkback evangelical awakening in Britain and parts of the continent’, Guillermo Cook argues that ‘the Great Awakening in the nineteenth century propelled US to Latin America’ 1994c:44). (Cook introduction to the general relationship between eighteenth- and evangelicalnineteenth-century missions, revivals I shalland endeavour to support unsubstantiated, historically correlation the between commonly such accepted,movements of yet revival often and the significantmission. paradigm Firstly, shift I willin missional show thinking,which tookplace in the nineteenthNorthAmerican evangelicals century, regardbeganas RomanCatholictocountries LatininAmerica missionas fields. Secondly, I shall argue that(particularly thethat sourced influencein North America) ofon nineteenth-centurymissions to observedBrazil revivalistand in Latin the evangelicalismAmerica Brazilian can best evangelicalbe identity in that turn, emerged propelled in the the Brazilian twentieth evangelical century, churchmissionswhich (Noll 2009:10). into has, its own significant involvement in global Bevans and Schroeder refer, in particular, to three periods of pietistic revivals which had missional implications. The first was the Great Awakening, in which the occurred early in eighteenth Europe century and North (Bevans America & Schroeder 2004:209–210). Though a deliberate foreign When representatives of the American Bible Society reached only Brazilthe beginningin around of it 1816, Bible markeddistribution not in both the it countryalso and signifiedin Latin the beginningAmerica as a of whole, but a significantspread wave throughout of theevangelical region by ProtestantMethodists, Presbyterians, missions Baptistswhich and was other evangelicalSuch groups. groups were followed by Pentecostal groups were just 143 in the early twentieth century. By While Brazil 1890, isstill considered there the of largestone Roman Catholic countries isquickly it in the world, becoming one of the fastest growing evangelical ones as Brazil willwell, be 50% evangelicalwith 2002:52). n.d., (Prado 2020 by some projections holding that The aim of the current article is evangelical to missions show to Brazil – thatparticularly during an the pioneering important stages – was evangelical element revival, behindespecially the that which establishment occurred of in North America during the nineteenth century. Following a brief evangelical t

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T Department Missiology, of Church History and is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution License. © 2010. The Authors. © 2010. Licens Publishing. This work http://www.ve.org.za DOI:10.4102/ve.v31i1.340 This article is available at: evangelicals in Brazil in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries’, Art. #340, 8 pages.31(1), Smither, ‘ The E.L., 2010, impact of evangelical revivals on global mission: The case of North American Accepted: 28 June 2010 Published: 28 Sept. 2010 How to cite this article: nineteenthcentury; revivals Dates: Received: 2009 04 Nov. Keywords: Brazil; GreatAwakening; majority missions; world Postal address: University1971 Boulevard, USA 24502, Lynchburg, VA Edward Smither email: [email protected] University Pretoria, of Pretoria, South Africa Correspondence to: Liberty University, Lynchburg, Virginina, USA 2 Affiliations: 1 Intercultural Studies, Author: Edward L. Smither http://www.ve.org.za Original Research Smither

North American revivalism could be observed to be emerging Men’s Christian Association collegiate camp led by Dwight in the Brazilian context (Willems 1967:4–6). Finally, Bonino L. Moody. Though Moody’s focus was on North American (1995) offers the following helpful summary: missions, and the camp did not have an intentional global focus, the revivalist atmosphere, nevertheless, sparked a The initiators Latin American evangelicalism were [of] vision for global missions, for which 100 students immediately missionaries – largely North American or British . . . who arrived volunteered. Officially constituted in 1888, the Student in Latin America from the 1840 decade onward. It is remarkable to Volunteer Movement’s watchword was ‘evangelization of the note that, despite their confessional diversity (mostly Methodists, world in this generation’, and, according to Michael Parker, Presbyterians, and Baptists) and origin (North American and between 1886 and 1920, over 8700 individuals followed through British), all shared the same theological horizon, which can be on the call, entering overseas missionary service (Parker characterized as evangelical. 1998:2–21; Robert 1986:146). (Bonino 1995:27) In the light of Bonino’s comments, it is worthwhile to provide From its very first year, the Movement’s leadership was a brief answer to the following question: What values and concerned with evangelising Roman Catholic Latin America. characteristics of British and North American evangelicalism In 1886, A.T. Pierson, referring to Catholic countries in general, declared that the ‘priest ridden masses are weary were championed during such revivals, which spread to Brazil of their thralldom’ (cited in Parker 1998:69). By far the most and the rest of Latin America? Though articulated within influential voice from the Student Volunteer Movement on the a British context, David Bebbington’s famous quadrilateral Latin American situation was that of Robert Speer, who later seems to offer the best description of evangelicals – regardless authored South American problems (1912). Despite the Roman of their nationality or denomination – in the eighteenth and Catholic presence in Brazil and Latin America, Speer cited the nineteenth centuries. Briefly, Bebbington’s paradigm includes ‘problems of alcoholism, sanitation, disease . . . high mortality the following categories: Biblicism, meaning the commitment rate . . . [and] illiteracy’ (cited in Parker 1998:116). He further to the authority of the Scriptures; Crucicentrism, which stated: consisted of an emphasis on Christ’s atoning work on the Cross; Conversionism, which consisted of the conviction that No land can be conceded to have a satisfactory religion where one must be converted through saving faith in Christ’s atoning there moral conditions are as they have been shown to be in South work; and Activism, the resulting commitment to evangelism, America. If it can be proved that the conditions of any European missions, and Christian service. Bebbington’s (1989) categories, or North American land are as they are in South America, then which were developed in his classic work Evangelicalism in it will be proved also that that land needs a religious reformation. modern Britain, have recently elicited fresh interaction from (cited in Escobar 2002:25; cf. Cook 1994c:44) Haykin and Stewart (2008) in their The advent of evangelicalism. While discouraging direct polemical attacks on the Catholic The categories continue to offer a helpful reference point for Church, Speer initially viewed evangelical efforts in South defining evangelicalism on a global scale (cf. Noll 2004:36). America as a means of purifying the Roman (Escobar 2002:60). However, later he concluded that ‘the only hope of reformation would seem to be separation from Rome EVANGELICAL MISSIONS AND ROMAN and the formation of national churches’ (eds. Speer, Inman & CATHOLICISM Sanders 1925: 2, 398). One clear outcome of the nineteenth century evangelical Speer and Pierson’s (1925) conclusions on the matter resulted in Article #340 awakenings on missions was that they sparked a seismic concrete action, in connection with which a consultation met in New York in 1913 – just three years after the meeting Verbum et EcclesiaVerbum et paradigm shift in missionary thinking. The result of such had taken place – to consider the viability of undertaking a paradigm shift was that the Roman Catholic countries, evangelical mission work in Latin America. In 1916, a conference including Brazil and its neighbours in Latin America, came to was held in Panama to discuss further strategies to be adopted be considered legitimate evangelical Protestant mission fields. for Latin America, with subsequent conferences with similar Indeed, the relatively late start of evangelical missions in Latin goals being held in Montevideo in 1925 and in Havana in 1929. America can best be explained by the fact that the majority of Speer and others helped to form the Committee of Cooperation mainline Protestant denominations worldwide – especially the for Latin America, while a similar group was started with the Anglican faith – did not regard Roman Catholics as unbelievers intention of focusing specifically on Brazil. Finally, in 1930, (Gonzalez 2007:208; Saracco 2000:359). Even the planners of a federation of evangelical churches for Latin America was the 1910 Edinburgh consultation on world evangelisation held founded (Latourette 1937–1945: 7, 172–173). such a view, as they did not invite Protestant mission groups working in Latin America to attend the conference (Escobar In the early twentieth century, other evangelical leaders 2002:24; Scott 2009:375). affirmed Speer’s view on the need to evangelise South America. At the 1916 congress in Panama, Bishop William Cabell Brown Such a change in thought came on the heels of the Second Great communicated compassion for Roman Catholics, as well as a Awakening, which, among other things, insisted on the need conviction for biblical truth: for personal conversion – a value that will be discussed in Suppose I were talking to a Roman Catholic. You know how more detail shortly. Such an evangelical value, especially when kindly and considerate I would be. I would not desire to offend applied to the spiritual state of Latin America, was nurtured him or drive him away. I should rather try to speak the truth in and advanced within the Student Volunteer Movement. In some love, and if possible, lead him to the full knowledge of the truth. respects, the Movement had strong parallels with the famous (cited in eds. Speer et al. 1925:2.398) Haystack prayer meeting, which was held at Williams College in 1806. The meeting in question gave rise to a revival, which Responding to the criticisms of those who opposed the led to the formation of the American Board of Commissioners evangelisation of Catholic countries, John McKay defended the for Foreign Missions in 1810, and to that of the American Bible work of evangelical missionaries in the region: Society in 1816 (Ahlstrom 2004:422–424; George 2002:104). Sometimes those who are interested in Christian service in South Although the American Board was primarily focused on Asia America are apt to be regarded as religious buccaneers devoting during its early stages, there was still great interest in South their lives to ecclesiastical piracy, but that is far from being the America. As noted, the American Bible Society began working case. The great majority of men to whom we go will have nothing in Brazil during the first years of its existence. to do with religion. They took up this attitude because religion and morality had been divorced throughout the whole history of The Student Volunteer Movement was birthed in 1886 in Mt. religious life in South America. Herman, Massachusetts, following a four-week long Young (cited in Escobar 2002:26)

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(2006) which is appropriatelysubtitledwhichis 1925:1.138). Incontrast, the distribution andBibles of 1925:1.138). et al.et arguments for this conflict. That need ledto a great emphasis on study of the Bible and of the basic doctrines of . This was a pillar of Bible translation and distribution as Protestantthe beginning of missionary missiology, which consideredactivity that would allow for the communication of the faith and the development of indigenous churches. There are many cases illustrating the effect of reading the on individualBible lives as well as on the community life. This has led to definite conversions, and has been instrumental inraising up many notable workers. It was necessary to furnish new converts with knowledge and of of literacy currently standing at 88% fifteen (Central amongand above IntelligenceFactbookAgency World Brazilians aged cf. Read & Ineson 1973:1). [s.d.]; A call to genuine conversion A second evangelicalism observable is the necessity asserts: revivalist(1994) for conversion. René influence Padilla on Brazilian WhileBrazilianPentecostalism experiencedhasunprecedented growth in the criticised the twentieth evangelicals involved with century, such for Pentecostalism possessing Stoll Mariz only However, and 1994b:276). Cook cf. a Christianity1991:173; others(Stoll superficial understanding have of counters biblical that, whereas many attracted Brazilians to the had Pentecostal church initiallyspiritual experience, because it was been the of knowledge which their they gained intense from a literal reading of the Scriptures which kept them in the ChristiansSuch churchcertainlyare(Mariz 1994:77–78). among those referred to by Philip Jenkins in his recent work, Christianity,offaces Bible in the global South Brazilian evangelicalism has certainly embraced value of a high the regard pietisticfor the Scriptures; evangelicalhowever, missionaries, especially appealed in to the literate population the and failed to pioneeringthe engage with large number stages, of Brazilians largely only who were functionally either illiterate literate. or that Inonly 15% of the Brazilian 1890, population could Hugh read, whereas Tucker in 1930 estimated Braga acknowledged that only 25% of the theAt were cf. Braga literate& Grubb1902:72; (Tucker population 1932:72). criticised Waddell evangelical Congress,MontevideoW.A. 1925 missions in Latin America in focusing general on for disproportionately efforts to evangelizeSpeer the educated classes other (eds. religious literature became increasinglythrough the more relevant course of the twentieth century, with the level Such a regard for the Scriptures – which is a core value of Protestantthe Reformation, as well as of the pietistic revivals – what is motivated the evangelical pioneers in Brazil to translate and distribute the Escobar writes: Bible. (2002) As noted, the work launched of evangelical before missions 1820 ‘colporteurs’, in through while Brazil other the was evangelists, Kalley, work incorporated such of as distribution Bible Robert intostrategy Society (Winfried Reid their Every-Clayton overall 2002:325; cf. Cook mission 1994c:45; Escobar 1994:35). Bible distribution continued to bestrategy throughout thetwentieth a stillisandcentury, regarded valued as important, even in the present day (ed. Douglas 1974:1344). twentiethCommentingearlytheimpactin its Braga century,on wrote: (1932) 215–238) 2, Latourettecf. 1937–1945: 1932:72; Grubb & (Braga Bonino adds (1995) that, as evangelical mission work engaged the Latin Catholicismwhichdeveloped, also American encouraged anemphasis on context, the Scriptures. writes: He a polemic against Roman Vol. 31 No. 1 Page 3 of 8 31 Vol. 1996:385).

(Bosch 1990:286) (cited in(cited Escobar 2002:26) BRAZIL’S EVANGELICAL IDENTITY EVANGELICAL BRAZIL’S There was among the Christians touched by tremendous the sense of gratitude Awakening, for what a they had received and an urgent desire to share with others, both at home and abroad, the blessings so freely shed upon them. accretion, but that the whole of life everywhere must be brought under the Lordship of Jesus Christ. the kingdom of God cannot be defined interms of mereterritorial & Petry 2006:230). Similarly, biblicism’ of Mendonça Brazilian cites evangelicals, the from the which, North American missionaries ‘literalist he (Mendonça argues, came evangelicalismisthe primacy theScriptures of in the believer’s communitythelifecriticallyinfaith.andAlves such of refers to primacy as a ‘type of Protestantism, which has given a central ineds.Penyak (cited thereadingtheBible’ to of place studyand and a free church tendency. A high regard the for Scriptures The first evangelical and revivalistvalue observed inBrazilian Six areas are particularly apparent, and will now be explored: a high regard for the Scriptures; a call to genuine conversion; a visible faith; a missionary zeal; the priesthood of the believer; missions to Brazil, perhaps the best way to show the influence of North American revivals on evangelical missions in is Brazil to examine the identity of Brazilian observe evangelicalism the values and shared to by the two movements concerned. part of modern Brazilian Protestantism’ (cited in eds. & Penyak Petry 2006:230; cf. Martin In 1993:273–274). the light of such claims and in the light of the lack the of clear Second causality Great between Awakening and the advent of evangelical In a rather critical fashion,the Rubem ‘Pietism Alves and has revivalism assertedmissionaries hasbeen. . now . brought taken andan madeover integral that to Brazil by the early mainline denominations which Second Great were Awakening – the most Methodists, the Presbyterians, affected and by the Baptists the – were also the first toin Brazil.initiate mission work To To be sure, it does not seem to be a coincidence that the three American believers: Moody’s intention organisingwhenMoody’s the summer retreat. Bosch, offering a theological interpretation of the increased emphasis on missions, asserts that, in such an atmosphere was of the constrainingrevival, it love of Christ which began to grip North did not claim that awakenings in their home country had drivencountry had awakeningsclaimtheirhome that in not did them to the mission field. Though international studentsat the Macedonianaddresseda Conferencecall Hermon of 1886 in Mt. sortstheto assembled wascertainly delegates,suchmove a not such an Awakening is, at best, church subtle. That leaders is, did the not revivalist declare logical that next step global in the mission awakenings. was Also, who those the worked missionariesin Brazil in the early to mid-nineteenth century Although a numberevangelical mission in Latin work America and Brazil emerged of AmericaNorth inAwakening Great Secondthe of outcome an scholarsas confidentlyin assertthe mid-nineteenth century, the connection that of such work to North American awakenings, has continued to Brazilian be and Latin valued American evangelicals by up until More now. recently, Báez-Camargo remarked that“Christian was also world” a missionitself’ field because the ‘self designated that evangelical revival ‘paganism’ in would the actually Latin American 2002:27; mark cf. Catholic Latourette context the (Escobar 1937–1945: 5, end 109). Such evangelisingrootsitsCatholics,in whichthehad seems have a to of concern for In 1916, In Brazilian1916, Presbyterian Pastor Erasmo Braga predicted http://www.ve.org.za The impact of evangelical revivals on global mission Original Research Smither

In this respect, the evangelical churches in Latin America prove a devotional and pietistic form of Christianity, which was to be, in general, heirs of the great evangelical revivals of the first introduced by Jesuit missionaries, had existed among eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with their emphasis on the some Brazilian Catholics prior to the arrival of the evangelical doctrine and experience of salvation by the grace of God, through missionaries. As a result, evangelical missions from North faith in Jesus Christ. America seemed to stoke such a spirit among the relevant (Padilla 1994:90; cf. Bevans & Shroeder 2004:230; Bonino Catholic segment, the members of which were also anti-clerical 1995:28; Escobar 2003:103–104; Willems 1967:6) and anti-hierarchical. Alves (cited in eds. Penyak & Petry 2006) adds that many observers of Brazilian evangelicalism are The emphasis on conversion can certainly be traced back to the pre-Great Awakening ministry of Samuel Torrey, who impressed by the extraordinary vitality of the simple piety of the insisted that spiritual reformation begins with saving faith average Christian. Here are people for whom the experience of a (Kidd 2008:131–132). We are also reminded that Jonathan personal relationship with Jesus Christ is the very center of life, Edwards was dismissed from his pastorate at Northampton, people who read their Bibles and pray daily. Massachusetts, for refusing to admit the unconverted to the (Alves cited in eds. Penyak & Petry 2006:230) Lord’s Table. Ironically, Edwards spent his final years serving Such a visible faith was immediately discernible in what as a missionary to Native Americans (Noll 1992:104). Finally, the Brazilian evangelicals avoided – smoking, dancing, sexual preaching of Timothy Dwight, James McGready, and Dwight immorality, and drinking alcohol, among other such ‘vices’. L. Moody, among others, was also undergirded by such an In fact, a key strategy discussed at the Montevideo Congress evangelical value (Hankins 2004:6–9). in 1925 was the implementation of a temperance movement in Brazil and Latin America (eds. Speer et al. 1925:1.406, Just as evangelical missionaries to Latin America were 2.10). Gonzalez asserts that North American evangelical committed to the doctrine of conversion, Cook points out missionaries preached a Gospel that included temperance that they were also motivated by a sincere concern to rescue convictions consistent with those of the American Society for souls from a literal hell (Cook 1994c:45). Convinced that ‘the the Promotion of Temperance, which had been founded in 1826 primary task of every Christian was to witness to others and during the Second Great Awakening (Gonzalez 2007:207; cf. seek their conversion’, such missionaries held that public Ahlstrom 2004:425–427). The other noted areas of abstinence preaching and personal witness should be the key forms of find parallels in nineteenth-century North American Baptist evangelism (Gonzalez 2007:203–204; cf. Arnold 2006:125). It is meetings, which opposed drinking, sexual sin, and dishonest interesting to note that some Pentecostal evangelistic meetings business dealings (Hankins 2004:15). As the evangelical even resembled the Methodist, Wesleyan, and Holiness message spread in Brazil, a conflict arose between the North camp meetings of nineteenth-century North America, which American missionaries and the immigrant churches, which included ‘godly hysteria, holy dancing, and laughter’ (Martin had been established by expatriates from Germany, Italy, 1993:28, 163–164; cf. Bonino 1995:32–33; Hankins 2004:7). England, the United States, and other countries during the waves of immigration which had occurred between 1820 and Finally, the evangelical emphasis on conversion in the Brazilian 1915. As the immigrant churches had no problem with many context in the nineteenth and twentieth century implied the of the forbidden practices, Mendonça distinguishes between a need for a personal and individual conversion (Escobar 2002:41; ‘Protestantism of mission’ and a ‘Protestantism of immigration’ cf. Horner 1965:26; Mariz 1994:76–77; Mendonça 1996:383–385). in the Brazilian context (Mendonça 1996:381–382). Such a Reformation and pietistic value was, of course, quite distinct from the previous Roman Catholic model of spreading In addition to those practices which were avoided by the Christendom throughout Brazil. Jenkins points out that the Brazilian evangelicals, such a visible faith could also be Article #340 anti-evangelical publication Os demônios descem do Norte (‘The observed as resulting in the moral transformation of many of

Verbum et EcclesiaVerbum et demons come down from the North’), only one such publication the inhabitants of the country. Abstinence from sexual activity of the numerous others brought out by the Brazilian Catholic outside of marriage – a counter-cultural tendency, to be sure Church, indicates that the Roman Church viewed evangelicals – led to increased sexual purity for both singles and married from North America as invading their domain (Jenkins couples alike, and brought greater stability to families, which, 2007:179). in turn, served to strengthen the evangelical congregations (Willems 1967:45–54, 169–173; cf. Chestnut 1997:59–65; Cook Brazilian and Latin American Protestants have also expressed 1994a:xi; Robert 2000:56). Finally, moral transformation could concern about, and criticism of, the doctrine of individual also be observed in the intellectual and economic improvement conversion. Cook argues that North Americans, influenced by of Brazilian believers (Comblin 1994:219; Mariz 1994:78–79). the Enlightenment values of individualism, subconsciously sought to impose such a doctrine on the Brazilian culture, which Such a visible and transformative faith was supported by the was more communal in nature (Cook 1994c:45). Mendonça, in belief in a Gospel that was holistic and integrative. That is, while particular, has accused American Presbyterians of being too nineteenth-century North American missionaries – influenced ‘heavenly minded’ and of not caring enough for the social needs by evangelical revival – preached a verbal Gospel, which of Brazilians (cited in Arnold 2006:129–130). Finally, Escobar, a invited converts to believe in the atoning work of Christ for the leading evangelical theologian, has expressed concern that a forgiveness of sin, they also gave much attention to real human focus on individual conversion has stifled a proper ecclesiology, needs. As noted, such values had already been observed in the in which the community of faith is taken as serving as an ministry of John Wesley and the Methodist revivals. One of the agent of transformation in society (Escobar 2002:43; cf. Escobar outcomes of the eighteenth-century Great Awakening in New England was new initiatives in education and higher learning: 1994:28). In response to such a focus, Brazilian evangelicals in Baptists founded Brown; Presbyterians started Princeton; the the twentieth century forged their own evangelical identity, in Dutch Reformed founded Rutgers; and the Congregationalists part by celebrating conversion on the family and community began Dartmouth (Noll 1992:100–101; cf. Ahlstrom 2004:289– level, rather than on the individual level. In particular, Orlando 290; Spickard & Cragg 1994:265–266). Ahlstrom adds that one Costas influenced Latin American Mission’s Evangelism- in-Depth programme to become more contextualised, with fruit of the Second Great Awakening was increased work evangelism being carried out as a form of outreach to the among the poor and the handicapped (Ahlstrom 2004:427–428). community, paying careful attention to human needs within Describing the integrative approach of nineteenth-century such a context (Smith 1983:202–210). evangelicals to Brazil and Latin America, Bonino (1995) writes: Religious awakening and social reformation (revival and reform) A visible faith were seen as intimately related; the 1850 evangelists took upon A third revivalist value also evident in Brazilian evangelicalism themselves, along with the moral improvement of society, the is the emphasis on the visible practice of faith (Escobar cause of the abolition of slavery and the struggle against poverty. 2002:102). According to Hoornaert (1992:193–194), it seems that (Bonino 1995:29)

4 Verbum et Ecclesia Vol. 31 No. 1 Page 4 of 8 http://www.ve.org.za (page number not for citation purposes) Article #340 5 Verbum et Ecclesia . Original Research Verbum et EcclesiaVerbum et (Bevans & Schroeder 2004:210). h relatives, neighbours,relatives,friends, h (page number not for citation purposes) racco 2000:361; cf. eds. Penyak (Padilla 1994:89; cf. Martin(Padilla 1994:89; 1993:273) k’ (Sa ged by Kenneth Strachan’s Evangelism-in- the lay ministry is Protestantismwhich has taken oneLatinrootin America isrelated to of the characteristics the revivalists Protestantism of the eighteenth century that show the Instead of waiting for a signal from an official church, individual Christians, often acrosssocieties to commit themselves to the denominationaltask of world mission. Lay people affiliations, as well as clergy were involved in these associations. joined ‘Many Protestant churches in Brazil feel evangelism no committee need to because have members an of the practiceevangelismactively wit congregation and strangers’ Summarising(George 2002:105). the connection between volunteerism observed in the evangelical awakenings and in Brazil and Latin America, asserts: Padilla (1994) the biblical text itself (Gonzalez 2007:218). A second way in which been observed the in priesthood Brazilian of evangelicalism theon is volunteerism. believer in Although its has emphasis such an ideal in was Christian largely absent history from Anabaptist volunteers the not only Reform led (Stark the2001:107), time of Constantine European until and the North American awakenings, but also theseemed to revivalsproduce more labourers. While the First Great Awakening effectively empowered lay leaders and preachers, one outcome of the Second Great Awakening was the prolificformation of voluntary missionary societies169; (Noll 1992:112, cf. Ahlstrom 2004:422–424; Bosch 1990:280, 332). Summarising such a tendency within the context of evangelical awakenings, Bevans and Schroeder conclude: (2004) observation Comblin’s that, in north-east Brazil, believer ‘every is a missionary’ suggests a strong grassroots and volunteering tendency among cf. 1994:219; Robert 2000:56). The Brazilian holding of such a value was certainly churches encoura as Depth strategy, well beginning in mobilization (Comblin 1959, for total which asevangelization’, well as in the strategy emphasised ‘total of the 1969 (CLADE Latin I), which American for stressed Congress the evangelistic mobilising on tas & ‘the Evangelisation Petry whole 2006:360; church Willems tendency is 1967:6). second Remarking nature to most that Brazilians, such George writes: a Such a missional emphasis is perhaps best capturedoutside Brazilian by evangelicalthose circles. Alves writes, ‘The church in (cited work’ evangelisticmissioninandconstantly engagedis José Comblin, Belgiana eds.Petry& Penyak 2006:231). Catholic missionary in the north-eastremark of about Brazil, Pentecostals made in most the decisive the factor; every following region:believer is a ‘Thismissionary’ (Comblin 1994:219). may be Finally, the Bonino,evangelical theology in general, asserted that ‘mission’ was the summarising ‘material principle’ of Latinthe entire movement (Bonino 1995:ix–x; American 134). cf. Escobar 2002:102, Priesthood the of believer Related to have their also missionary noticeably and revivalist zeal, exhibited value of the priesthood the Brazilian of concept the believer. can Reformation, Such be a evangelicals understood pietistic, inregardingFirstly, the Scriptures, at notion Luther’s of perspicuity least three different– the idea that ways. even the simplest person could understand the Scriptures and communicate them to others the – contributed rise to of Bosch Brazilianthatnotesbiblicalsuchconviction, Escobar2003:131–132). evangelicalism (Escobar 2002:73–74; cf. especiallyamongthose with premillenial eschatological views, was an energisingevangelising Brazilianon theintent including were whichthose factor in population nineteenth-century (Bosch 1990:316). Such missions, an certainly evangelicalalso behind the American value and British Bible Societies’ was decision to print and distribute Bibles without study commentaries.notes or Such an outlook was distinct from the Catholic Church’s strategy of using notes to teach literate parishionersabout Catholic theology, which seemed to diminish the role of in Vol. 31 No. 1 Page 5 of 8 31 Vol. 1925:1.378) et al. missão integral mber of missionaries sent (cited in(cited eds. Speer in Spanish, and the (cited in(cited eds. Penyak & Petry 2006:360) . 1925:1.190–192). Although. 1925:1.190–192). evangelicals et al It It is now normal to find nextto a church,regardless ofa health its center, a size, school, a soup kitchen, etc. The majority of the churches have understood that they have an integral mission and that evangelization goes hand in hand social with responsibility. emphasizing Jesus Christ, holiness of life and the embodiment of the Master’s teachings and character has not It has gone developed for a naught. people ready to do their service.share in community It It is a mistake to contrast evangelism with social work that socialis worthwhile grows out of spiritual service.convictions. Any A minister needs to be zealous in laying right foundations for his people . . . twenty-eight years experience in preaching the gospel evangelizacíon integral 2009, 2009, with nearly 5000 transcultural workers serving on every continent,Brazilianthe evangelical churchsurpassed British its and Canadian counterparts in the nu to other lands (Ekström Noll 2009:10). 2009:372; Braga Braga (Anderson 2005:150–155; 2008:134). Such missionary Ekström conviction continued 1998:7–8; itself to in manifestincreased Salinas transcultural efforts both aroundinside the inworld Brazil the latter andpart of the twentieth century. In in the country (Braga & Grubb 1920, Brazilian 1932:88–89, Around 111–113). Baptist missionaries J.J. Oliveira Mauricio and were sent Antonio to minister in Erasmo and MotaPresbyterians Portugal, joinedde by Marqueslater João where they were denominational lines collaborated in evangelistic distribution outreaches, of the ministry.women’s During Scriptures, the Brazilians1930s, strove to reach and universityJewishimmigrantMuslim,and Japanese, thepopulations to out student and self-supporting churches are found memberships, in and the doing cities, real missionary with districts’ large work in (Braga their own & Grubb early 1932:83). Braga twentieth adds century, that, in evangelical the churches from across meaning nineteenth-century did missionaries, not such impede own the hegemony form of Brazilian missionary zeal. church In leader travelling 1923, an fromthroughout the expatriate country cultivating missionremarked that ‘great its A fourth evangelical area awakenings of an continuity and emphasis on Brazilian between missions. the Manifest Despite North Destiny, evangelicalism the which cultural was American introduced is baggage by of many well- the Portuguese). A missionary zeal and social engagement continues to come Samuel from such Escobar, men as René Padilla, Steuernegal Guillermo – all members Cook, of the and Latin American Valdir TheologicalFraternity – and their emphasis on the ‘whole Gospel’ (termed Whereas such a value churches in can general, some be of the most observedcompelling on missiology in the the relationship practice of the of Scriptures with its proclamation become one of the most vital aspects of the Braziliantheaspectsvital evangelical of most the of one become identity. Referring to the contemporary church Latin in America, Rey asserts: Brazil and Such an emphasis on an integrated Gospel has certainly twentieth-century evangelical missionary conviction in Brazil: have have continued to be criticised by caring liberal enough about Protestants social needs for (Bonino cf. not Arnold1995:144; 2006:129–130; Prado 2005:51–52), Revd seems A.G. to have expressed Tallon well the in prevailing nineteenth- 1925 and George 2006:94; Robert 2000:56). At the Montevideo Congress in a 1925, mission strategy for Brazil’s indigenous peoples was economicandmedical, addressededucational, whichproposed, needs (eds. Speer to slavery and others devoted their energy to the plight of the poor, one clear evangelical contribution was the development of schools – both theological and liberal arts institutions – and hospitals cf. 123; 5, (Latourette Arnold 2006:130–133; 1937–1945: Whereas many such as Kalley were vocal in their opposition http://www.ve.org.za The impact of evangelical revivals on global mission Original Research Smither

A final way in which Brazilian evangelicalism has exhibited wave of evangelical missions were either official Lutheran or such conviction has been in the setting apart of the indigenous Anglican state churches, or mainline denominations, with little lay and full-time vocational ministers from an early stage. missionary emphasis. Not surprisingly, conflict was experienced Despite the difficulties which have, at times, been experienced between the immigrant churches and the evangelical in the relationships between the North American missionaries missionaries (Gonzalez 2007:204–205). The North American and Brazilian believers, especially in relation to the paternalism missionaries, entering a Brazilian context, which was politically of some of the former, efforts to place Brazilians in positions of and culturally fatigued, and functioning in terms of a state leadership have been evident (George 2006:136; cf. eds. Speer church model, planted free churches throughout the country. et al. 1925:2.257–259). Braga affirms, ‘From the very beginning, Some missionaries from official church backgrounds in Europe nationals were carefully selected and made fully responsible – such as the Scottish Presbyterian Robert Reid Kalley and some for the work entrusted to them’ (Braga & Grubb 1932:117). Anglican workers – established churches in Brazil, which were, essentially, much more free church than they were traditional in their thinking. Such an enduring free church value is implicit in While such empowerment has occurred on an individual level, a recent article on global missiology by Steuernagel, a Brazilian the larger mainline denominations – the Presbyterians, the missiologist from the Lutheran tradition, who advocates ‘a Methodists, and the Baptists in particular – also came under season of “local initiative”’, in terms of which ‘local initiatives Brazilian leadership at a fairly early stage. Latourette asserts . . . replace centralized activities’ in global mission efforts that they ‘became ecclesiastically independent of foreign (Steuernagel 2000:131). control’, which ‘tended to reduce their foreign character’ (Latourette 1937–1945: 5, 123; cf. Stoll 1991:109). The main Pentecostal denominations were, from the outset, largely SUMMARISING BRAZIL’S EVANGELICAL Brazilian in identity. The Assemblies of God, Brazil’s largest evangelical denomination, was founded by missionaries from IDENTITY North America, who later affiliated with the international Apart from the documented paradigm shift in thinking on denomination of the church (Gonzalez 2007:281; cf. Cook missions in Roman Catholic countries and in Latin America, 1994c:46; Sepúlveda 1994:68). In a study of Pentecostal churches which emerged within the Student Volunteer Movement, in in 1992, Freston (2004:232) found that 37 of the the literature related to eighteenth- and nineteenth-century 52 denominations were of Brazilian origin, with nearly every evangelical awakenings is not directly linked to mission church being led by a national pastor. work in Brazil. However, a careful assessment of the identity of Brazilian evangelicalism reveals some pietistic influences – Both the official denominations and the independent churches consisting of, at the very least, a strong correlation with such of the Pentecostal movement have been at the forefront of work – that were at work during the Second Great Awakening setting apart spiritual leaders, especially lay leaders, including in the decades preceding the first evangelical mission efforts to those from poor backgrounds and with little formal education. Brazil in the mid-nineteenth century. Accordingly, it has been Such a tendency reflects Pentecostalism’s general affinity argued that Brazilian evangelicalism is characterised by a high with the poor, with its simultaneous emphasis on the Holy regard for the Scriptures, a call to genuine conversion, a visible Spirit’s anointing of spiritual leaders, rather than on the faith, a missionary zeal, the priesthood of the believer, and a need for a minister to undergo formal training. According to free church tendency. Kane (1982:149; cf. Chestnut 1997:30–31, 135), in 1980, whereas the Assemblies of God had twenty official missionaries in Freston generally places Brazilian evangelicalism within Article #340 Brazil, they also had 29 000 licensed ministers and another Bebbington’s quadrilateral; however, he rightly concludes that the movement is slightly larger than either its European Verbum et EcclesiaVerbum et 27 000 lay workers who served in the church. In addition, in or its North American counterparts. First, Brazilian and Latin its early years, the Congregacão Cristã no Brasil (the Christian American evangelicals, led largely by the Latin American Congregation of Brazil) had no ordained or full-time vocational Theological Fraternity, have been committed to delivering ministers. Hence, these larger Pentecostal denominations have, the ‘whole’ Gospel, as well as to ministering to social needs. in the past, largely relied upon bivocational and lay ministers Although not fully embracing Liberation Theology, such (Gonzalez 2007:281; cf. Berg & Pretiz 1994:62; Willems 1967:145). evangelicals have taken seriously the issues raised by liberal Finally, among the rapidly expanding independent Pentecostal Protestants and Catholics in this regard, incorporating them communities in north-east Brazil, Comblin observes that into their missiology (Freston 1994:233–238; cf. Ekström ‘pastors are numerous and multiply amazingly’ (Comblin 2009:372). 1994:219–220). Secondly, Brazilian evangelicals are generally more ecumenical in their regard for other evangelicals than are North American Free church and European evangelicals, who have, historically, found A final area of continuity between the nineteenth-century more reason to be less inclusive (Freston 2004:221). Within North American evangelical revivals and the church in Brazil the Brazilian and Latin American context, ‘evangelical’ and was the proliferation of a free church model – a contrast to the ‘Protestant’ are understood to mean the same thing. Also, with ‘Constantinian’ state church which had been prevalent since 70% of the Brazilian evangelicals belonging to Pentecostal the fourth-century until the Anabaptist Reform. A number churches, the remaining minority of Methodists, Presbyterians, of scholars have argued that a free church mentality was Baptists and other non-Pentecostal denominations clearly encouraged by the First Great Awakening, and the separation chose, in the second half of the twentieth century, to accept of church and state paradigm was a certain outcome (Spickard Pentecostals as evangelicals. Although such a finding does not & Cragg 1994:260–270; cf. Ahlstrom 2004:290–294; Hankins mean that there has been an absence of theological reflection, Brazilian evangelicals seem to be generally inclusive of other 2004:4). Noll remarks that Baptist churches in particular like-minded Christians: ‘theologically conservative, pietistic in flourished in the southern colonies at this time because there spirituality, and very zealous about evangelization’ (Escobar was an alternative to the official Anglican Church (Noll 2002:10). 1992:99–103). On the basis of such an evangelical identity, the Brazilian Arguably, each of the evangelical qualities discussed – a high church has continued to grow numerically within Brazil. Also, regard for the Scriptures, a call to genuine conversion, a visible as was earlier noted in the current article, during the past faith, a missionary zeal, and the priesthood of the believer thirty years, the Brazilian evangelical church has developed – fuelled the notion of a free, believer’s church in Europe, into a formidable sender of transcultural missionaries to other in North America, and in Brazil. As noted, those immigrant countries, comprising a movement within the global church churches in Brazil which were established prior to the first which merits ongoing study and observation.

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