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Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
Critical Analysis of Indonesia's Global Maritime Fulcrum Under Joko Widodo: Problems and Challenges
Publik (Jurnal Ilmu Adminsitrasi) Vol. 10 No. 1 Tahun 2021 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31314/pjia.10.1.152-168.2021 Copyright © 2021, Publik (Jurnal Ilmu Administrasi) Under The License CC BY-SA 4.0 ISSN: 2301-573X E-ISSN: 2581-2084 Critical Analysis of Indonesia's Global Maritime Fulcrum under Joko Widodo: Problems and Challenges Alfiyan Nooryan Putra Pikoli Program Pascasarjana Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Indonesia Email: [email protected] Abstract The vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) for Indonesia not only raises national awareness but also gets international attention. Jokowi in the first term of his administration echoed this vision as the identity of his foreign policy. However, in its implementation, there are various shortcomings. As a result, the vision did not work out well. Especially during his second election as president of Indonesia, Jokowi no longer mentioned GMF as a priority policy. This paper aims to analyze the causes of the failure to implement the GMF vision in Jokowi's first term as president. Several previous studies on GMF were divided into 3 major studies, namely security studies, international cooperation, then regional and geopolitical studies. Most of these studies discuss GMF Indonesia's vision only in the international scope, such as cooperation formed with other countries, its influence on the region, geopolitical implications, and on the perspective of threats and security. There is no research that specifically addresses the problems and challenges of the GMF. By the governmental and leadership approach in policy studies, this paper identifies the factors that have resulted in the GMF vision's lack of implementation. -
Nama Juru Kampanye Pemilu Tahun 2014 Partai Politik : Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan
NAMA JURU KAMPANYE PEMILU TAHUN 2014 PARTAI POLITIK : PARTAI DEMOKRASI INDONESIA PERJUANGAN NO NAMA JABATAN/DAERAH PEMILIHAN 1 Megawati Soekarnoputri Ketua Umum 2 Tjahjo Kumolo Sekjen 3 Ir. Eriko Sotarduga BPS Wakil Sekjen 4 Drs. Ahmad Basarah, MH Wakil Sekjen 5 Ir. Hasto Kristiyanto, MM Wakil Sekjen 6 Olly Dondokambey, SE Bendahara Umum 7 Ir. Rudianto Tjen Wakil Bendahara 8 Juliari Peter Batubara Wakil Bendahara 9 Drs. Sidarto Danusubroto, SH Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 10 Puan Maharani Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 11 Drs. H. M Idham Samawi Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 12 Drs. H. Djarot Saiful Hidajat, MS Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 13 Drs. Effendi MS Simbolon, M.IPol Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 14 Ir. Mindo Sianipar Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 15 Prof. Dr. Rokhmin Dahuri, MS Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 16 dr. Ribka Tjiptaning Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 17 Prof. Dr. Hamka Haq, MA Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 18 Nusyirwan Soejono, ST Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 19 Maruarar Sirait, S.IP Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 20 Dra. Hj. S B Wiryanti Sukamdani Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 21 Drs. I Made Urip, M.Si Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 22 Ir. Bambang Wuryanto MBA Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 23 Dr. Ir. Muhammad Prakosa, PhD Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 24 Trimedya Panjaitan, SH, MH Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 25 Dr. Andreas Hugo Pareira Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 26 Komarudin Watubun, TM, SH, MH Ketua DPP PDI Perjuangan 27 Sabam Sirait Senior Partai 28 AP. Batubara Senior Partai 29 Waluyo Martosugito Senior Partai 30 Alexander Litaay Senior Partai 31 Mangara M. Siahaan Senior Partai 32 Dr. -
Indonesia 2016 Human Rights Report
INDONESIA 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Indonesia is a multiparty democracy. In 2014 voters elected Joko Widodo (commonly known as Jokowi) as president. Domestic and international observers judged the 2014 legislative and presidential elections free and fair. Civilian authorities generally maintained control over security forces. Despite high-profile arrests and convictions, widespread corruption remained a problem, and some elements within the government, judiciary, and security forces obstructed corruption investigations and harassed their accusers. Impunity for serious human rights violations remained a concern. The government failed to conduct transparent, public investigations into some allegations of unjustified killings, torture, and abuse by security forces. Elements within the government applied treason, blasphemy, defamation, and decency laws to limit freedom of expression and assembly. There was a notable increase in rhetoric against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) persons during the year. Police inaction, abuse of prisoners and detainees, harsh prison conditions, insufficient protections for religious and social minorities, trafficking in persons, child labor, and failure to enforce labor standards and worker rights continued as problems. On some occasions the government punished officials who committed abuses, but sentencing often was not commensurate with the severity of offenses, as was true in other types of crimes. Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from: a. Arbitrary Deprivation of Life and other Unlawful or Politically Motivated Killings During the year human rights groups and the media reported that military and police personnel used excessive force during arrests, investigations, crowd control situations, and other operations. In these cases and other cases of alleged misconduct, the police and the military frequently did not disclose the findings of internal investigations to the public or confirm whether such investigations occurred. -
“I Wanted to Run Away” Abusive Dress Codes for Women and Girls in Indonesia WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS “I Wanted to Run Away” Abusive Dress Codes for Women and Girls in Indonesia WATCH “I Wanted to Run Away” Abusive Dress Codes for Women and Girls in Indonesia Copyright © 2021 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-895-0 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org MARCH 2021 ISBN: 978-1-62313-895-0 “I Wanted to Run Away” Abusive Dress Codes for Women and Girls in Indonesia Glossary ........................................................................................................................... i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 From Pancasila to “Islamic Sharia” .......................................................................................... -
Oligarchic Cartelization in Post-Suharto Indonesia
Walden University ScholarWorks Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies Collection 2020 Oligarchic Cartelization in Post-Suharto Indonesia Bonifasius -. Hargens Walden University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations Part of the Public Administration Commons, and the Public Policy Commons This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies Collection at ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Walden Dissertations and Doctoral Studies by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Walden University College of Social and Behavioral Sciences This is to certify that the doctoral dissertation by Bonifasius Hargens has been found to be complete and satisfactory in all respects, and that any and all revisions required by the review committee have been made. Review Committee Dr. Benedict DeDominicis, Committee Chairperson, Public Policy and Administration Faculty Dr. Marcia Kessack, Committee Member, Public Policy and Administration Faculty Dr. Tamara Mouras, University Reviewer, Public Policy and Administration Faculty Chief Academic Officer and Provost Sue Subocz, Ph.D. Walden University 2019 Abstract Oligarchic Cartelization in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Exploring the Legislative Process of 2017 Election Act by Bonifasius Hargens MPP, Walden University, 2016 BS, University of Indonesia, 2005 Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Public Policy and Administration Walden University [November 2019] Abstract A few ruling individuals from party organizations overpowered Indonesia‘s post-authoritarian, representative democracy. The legislative process of the 2017 Election Act was the case study employed to examine this assumption. -
Setianto, Yearry 04-16-16
Media Use and Mediatization of Transnational Political Participation: The Case of Transnational Indonesians in the United States A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Yearry P. Setianto August 2016 © 2016 Yearry P. Setianto. All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Media Use and Mediatization of Transnational Political Participation: The Case of Transnational Indonesians in the United States by YEARRY P. SETIANTO has been approved for the School of Media Arts and Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Drew O. McDaniel Professor of Media Arts and Studies Scott Titsworth Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii Abstract SETIANTO, YEARRY P., Ph.D., August 2016, Media Arts Studies Media Use and Mediatization of Transnational Political Participation: The Case of Transnational Indonesians in the United States Director of Dissertation: Drew O. McDaniel This dissertation explores the interplay between diasporic life of transnational Indonesians in the United States and their use of media to engage in the long-distance politics of their home country. It aims to investigate how, and to what extent, that people in diaspora use media to perform mediatization of transnational-homeland politics. In this dissertation, I also exemplified the theory of mediatization of politics by examining the appropriation of various media platforms by Indonesian diaspora in two metropolitan areas, Washington, D. C. and Los Angeles, both in their electoral and non-electoral political engagement. Utilizing a multi-sited media ethnographic, which includes ten months of participant observations and thirty in-depth interviews between October 2014 and July 2015, I examine the complexity of Indonesian diaspora’s relationship with media and transnational politics. -
Revisiting the Rise of Jokowi
Article South East Asia Research 2016, Vol. 24(2) 204–221 ª SOAS 2016 Revisiting the rise of Reprints and permission: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav Jokowi: The triumph of DOI: 10.1177/0967828X16649044 reformasi or an oligarchic sear.sagepub.com adaptation of post- clientelist initiatives? Yuki Fukuoka Embassy of Japan in Malaysia, Malaysia Luky Djani Faculty of Public Administration, University of Indonesia, Indonesia; Director Institute for Strategic Initiatives, Indonesia Abstract Just a few months into his first term, the new president of Indonesia, Jokowi, began to disappoint his supporters who had expected his presidency to enhance the quality of Indonesia’s dysfunctional democracy.1 Contrary to his campaign promise of establishing a ‘clean’ and ‘professional’ gov- ernment without horse-trading, Jokowi granted strategic government positions to those with links to oligarchic interests, indicating that key decisions were largely dictated by his party patrons. Much of the literature, which has tended to portray the rise of Jokowi as a challenge to oligarchic interests, is not well placed to account for this ‘U-turn’. Against this backdrop, this article explores another dimension of Jokowi’s ascendance, arguing that it should also be understood in the broader context of oligarchic adaptation of ‘post-clientelist’ initiatives – measures to attract enlightened voters to compensate for increasingly ineffective clientelistic mobilisation. This is not to argue that Jokowi was simply made a ‘puppet’ of his patrons, but to suggest that more attention needs to be directed to the broader structural constraints placed on Jokowi in order to have a more nuanced understanding of the political context in which he must operate. -
2020 Indonesian Death Penalty Report: Taking Lives During Pandemic
1 2020 Indonesian Death Penalty Report: Taking Lives During Pandemic Authors: Adhigama Andre Budiman Ajeng Gandini Kamilah Genoveva Alicia K. S. Maya Iftitahsari Maidina Rahmawati Enumerator: Girlie Lipsky Aneira br Ginting Editor: Erasmus A.T. Napitupulu Cover Design: Genoveva Alicia K. S. Maya Translator: Randy Taufik Visual Element: Copyright License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License Published by: Institute for Criminal Justice Reform Jl. Komplek Departemen Kesehatan Nomor B-4, Pasar Minggu, South Jakarta – 12520 Phone/Fax: 021-27807065 First Published in Bahasa Indonesia: October 2020 2 We understand that not everyone has an opportunity to become a supporter of the ICJR. However, if you have same point of view with us, then you will be part of our mission to make Indonesia have a fair, accountable and transparent legal system for all citizens in Indonesia regardless of social status, political views, skin colour, gender, origin, and nationality. For only IDR 15,000, you can be part of our mission and support the ICJR to continue working to ensure that the Indonesian legal system become more just, transparent, and accountable. Click on the following link bit.ly/15untukkeadilan 3 Contents Contents ..................................................................................................................................... 4 Foreword .................................................................................................................................... 6 #Save Merri -
The Political Context of Judicial Review in Indonesia
Indonesia Law Review (2015) 2 : 208 - 237 ISSN: 2088-8430 | e-ISSN: 2356-2129 ~ 208 ~ THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF JUDICIAL REVIEW IN INDONESIA THE POLITICAL CONTEXT OF JUDICIAL REVIEW IN INDONESIA Fritz Edward Siregar* * SJD candidate, Faculty of Law, University of New South Wales Australia Article Info Received : 2 April 2015 | Received in revised form : 31 August 2015 | Accepted : 31 August 2015 Corresponding author’s e-mail : [email protected] Abstract In exercising their authorities, including the election result dispute and judicial review, the The Constitutional Court of Indonesia plays significant role in securing democracy in Indonesia. CourtCourt’s continues establishment, to affirm he institutionalcould strategically judicial maximize legitimacy its and momentum pursue their and rolebuild to the guard Court 1945 as Constitution.a respectful institution. The first ChiefThe Chief Justice Justice Jimly Mahfud Asshiddiqie M D was showed then howelected within to reduce five years the judicial of the activism started by Jimly’s bench. However, against promises and expectations, Mahfud M D brought the Court to a level far beyond the imagination of the Constitution drafters. Parliament and President tried to limit the Court’s authority, not ones, and the Court was able to overcome those constrain. Current various available studies observed only how the Court issued their decisions and solely focus to the impact of the decisions. Scholars slightly ignore other constitutional actors in studying about the Court. In fact, political environment where the Court operated is one of the most important aspects which strengthen the Court’s institutional legitimacy. This paper attempts to discover the rise of the Court from political environment view outside the court.