Specific Factors, Capital Markets, Portfolio Diversification and Free Trade: Domestic Determinants of the Repeal of the Corn Laws

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Specific Factors, Capital Markets, Portfolio Diversification and Free Trade: Domestic Determinants of the Repeal of the Corn Laws Cheryl Schonhardt-Bailey Specific factors, capital markets, portfolio diversification and free trade: domestic determinants of the repeal of the Corn Laws Article (Published version) (Refereed) Original citation: Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl (1991) Specific factors, capital markets, portfolio diversification and free trade: domestic determinants of the repeal of the Corn Laws. World Politics, 43 (4). pp. 545- 569. ISSN 0043-8871 DOI: 10.2307/2010536 © 1991 Trustees of Princeton University This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/3420/ Available in LSE Research Online: April 2014 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. Trustees of Princeton University Specific Factors, Capital Markets, Portfolio Diversification, and Free Trade: Domestic Determinants of the Repeal of the Corn Laws Author(s): Cheryl Schonhardt-Bailey Source: World Politics, Vol. 43, No. 4 (Jul., 1991), pp. 545-569 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2010536 . Accessed: 16/04/2014 04:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Trustees of Princeton University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to World Politics. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 158.143.192.135 on Wed, 16 Apr 2014 04:14:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions SPECIFIC FACTORS, CAPITAL MARKETS, PORTFOLIO DIVERSIFICATION, AND FREE TRADE DomesticDeterminants of the Repeal ofthe Corn Laws By CHERYL SCHONHARDT-BAILEY* T WO strandsof thoughtrelating to Britain'shistoric move to free trade in i846 offercontradictory interpretations of the underlying domestic economic and political forcesat work. On the one hand, the Ricardo-Viner specificfactors model implies that owners of two fac- tors-land and capital-stood diametricallyopposed to one another on the issue of freetrade. In the end, according to this view, capital gained the upper hand as seen in the i846 repeal of the Corn Laws. On the other hand, studies in the economic historyliterature posit that the economic interestsof these two groups of factorowners were not mutuallyexclu- sive; rather,their interestsoverlapped as a result of rapid economic changes in the i830s thatintensified landowner diversificationinto non- agriculturalventures. The implicationof the latterapproach is thatland- ownersas a group came to be divided betweenundiversified landowners, whose economic interestsremained tied to agriculture,and diversified landowners,whose interestsin agriculturehad lessened while their in- terestsin nonagriculturalsectors had increased.Hence, the undiversified group remainedthe only true "losers" fromfree trade in grain; members of the diversifiedgroup, by contrast,stood to gain or simply became indifferentto freetrade. * An earlierversion of this paper was presentedat the i989 JointAnnual Conventionof the BritishInternational Studies Associationand the InternationalStudies Associationand at the i989 All-U.C. Group in Economic HistoryConference. Comments from John Cony- beare, JeffFrieden, Barbara Geddes, Arye Hillman, David Lake, Peter Lindert,Tim Mc- Keown, and Daniel Verdierwere veryhelpful. My appreciationto Andrew Bailey forpains- takingeditorial assistance, to Dan Steinbergfor statistical advice, and to Craig Schonhardt forassistance with the tables. Support from the UCLA Centerfor International and Strategic Affairsand the UCLA Departmentof Political Science made possible the researchfor this paper. WorldPolitics 43 (July I991), 545-69 This content downloaded from 158.143.192.135 on Wed, 16 Apr 2014 04:14:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 546 WORLD POLITICS Of course,inherent to botharguments is the assumptionthat members of Parliamentvoted according to the economic interestsof theirconstit- uents. Elsewhere, I have demonstratedthe validityof this assumption.' The scope and intentof thispaper, then,is twofold.First, it discussesthe specific factorsmodel and its inadequacies as applied to nineteenth- centuryBritain, and it introducestwo modificationsthat allow the model to account for the anomalies we observe in the Britishcase. That is, I alter two key assumptionsof the specificfactors model by introducing the conceptsof portfoliodiversification and investmentcapital flowsinto the frameworkof factorspecificity in the shortrun. The predictedpolit- ical consequence of this modifiedversion of the model is that diversifi- cation lessened widespread protectionistsentiment among the landed elite. In the contextof a broader equilibrium model of trade policy lib- eralization, it disruptedthe initial protectionistequilibrium by decreas- ing the political benefitsthat accrued to M.P.'s fromvoting in favor of protection.2Portfolio diversification alone did not give rise to freetrade in Great Britain; but ratherit was one of several factorsthat shiftedthe political cost/benefitratio of M.P.'s in favorof freetrade. Second, this paper extends the concept of portfoliodiversification, as presented in the economic historyliterature, to the realm of policy- making,using a statisticalexamination of the correlationbetween dimin- ishing protectionistsentiment-through diversification-and the free trade policyoutcome. THE SPECIFIC FACTORS MODEL AND THE LONG- AND SHORT-RUN DIMENSIONS OF CAPITAL FORMATION The Ricardo-Vinerspecific factors model in neoclassicaltrade theoryde- finessome factorinputs as industryspecific and othersas intersectorally mobile. Industry-specificfactors give rise to industry-specificinterests that may eitherfavor or oppose protection,depending upon the formof trade competitionfacing the industry.Owners of factorsspecific to the domestic import-competingindustry gain from protection(via a rela- tivelyhigher price obtained from the industrygood), while owners of factorsspecific to the exportsector lose (similarly,via the relativelylower price of the industrygood). The preferenceof the mobile factorowner (forexample, labor) is ambiguous; thatis, althoughhe can move into the I CherylSchonhardt-Bailey, "A Model of Trade PolicyLiberalization: Looking Inside the British'Hegemon' of the NineteenthCentury" (Ph.D. diss., Universityof California,Los Angeles, i99i), chap. 3. 2 Ibid., chap. i. This content downloaded from 158.143.192.135 on Wed, 16 Apr 2014 04:14:16 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS 547 protectedsector, his welfare remains contingentupon his unique con- sumption preferences.It followsthat owners of factorsspecific to a par- ticularindustry will tend to seek protectionfor their industry and oppose protectionfor any otherindustry, whereas mobile factorowners will re- main largelyinactive. Standard trade theorytexts applying the specificfactors model to Brit- ain and the repeal of the Corn Laws posit (i) that landowners (that is, owners of factorsspecific to the import-competingindustry) and capital- ists (that is, owners of factorsspecific to the export sector) deriving in- comes from undiversifiedclaims to factorsopposed each other and (2) that after i832 industrialistshad taken over Parliament,thereby engi- neeringthe shifttoward freetrade.3 The standardapplication of the spe- cificfactors model to the Britishcase is correctin assuming that factors remained industryspecific and that trade policy had the effectof redis- tributingincome, therebycreating unambiguous winners and losers. However, the two pointsposited are incorrect. Taking the second point first,while the i832 Reform had extended suffrageto many middle-classmanufacturers,4 it did not, by i 846, sub- stantiallyalter the compositionof Parliament.The Parliament of i841- 47 remained firmlyunder the controlof landowners. By one estimate, about 8o percentof Parliamentconsisted of the landowning aristocracy and gentry.5Certainly if landownersas a group in Parliamentwished to halt the repeal legislation,they had the votes to do so. It is, however,the firstproblematic aspect to which this paper is di- rected. The specificfactors model implicitlyassumes that (i) undiversi- fied holdings of factorsprevail (that is, each person owns only one, or primarilyonly one, factorof production),and (2) capital as a factorof production refersto the stock of fixed capital available for productive purposes. Extensions to neoclassical trade theoryhave at times relaxed the firstassumption but have generallyretained the second. Mayer, for instance,constructs an equilibrium tariffmodel thatallows each person to own more than one factorand thatallows factorshares to varyamong people.6Each factorowner has
Recommended publications
  • Gladstone and the Bank of England: a Study in Mid-Victorian Finance, 1833-1866
    GLADSTONE AND THE BANK OF ENGLAND: A STUDY IN MID-VICTORIAN FINANCE, 1833-1866 Patricia Caernarv en-Smith, B.A. Thesis Prepared for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS UNIVERSITY OF NORTH TEXAS May 2007 APPROVED: Denis Paz, Major Professor Adrian Lewis, Committee Member and Chair of the Department of History Laura Stern, Committee Member Sandra L. Terrell, Dean of the Robert B. Toulouse School of Graduate Studies Caernarven-Smith, Patricia. Gladstone and the Bank of England: A Study in Mid- Victorian Finance, 1833-1866. Master of Arts (History), May 2007, 378 pp., 11 tables, bibliography, 275 titles. The topic of this thesis is the confrontations between William Gladstone and the Bank of England. These confrontations have remained a mystery to authors who noted them, but have generally been ignored by others. This thesis demonstrates that Gladstone’s measures taken against the Bank were reasonable, intelligent, and important for the development of nineteenth-century British government finance. To accomplish this task, this thesis refutes the opinions of three twentieth-century authors who have claimed that many of Gladstone’s measures, as well as his reading, were irrational, ridiculous, and impolitic. My primary sources include the Gladstone Diaries, with special attention to a little-used source, Volume 14, the indexes to the Diaries. The day-to-day Diaries and the indexes show how much Gladstone read about financial matters, and suggest that his actions were based to a large extent upon his reading. In addition, I have used Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates and nineteenth-century periodicals and books on banking and finance to understand the political and economic debates of the time.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Policy During the British Railway Mania and the 1847 Commercial Crisis
    Government Policy during the British Railway Mania and the 1847 Commercial Crisis Campbell, G. (2014). Government Policy during the British Railway Mania and the 1847 Commercial Crisis. In N. Dimsdale, & A. Hotson (Eds.), British Financial Crises Since 1825 (pp. 58-75). Oxford University Press. https://global.oup.com/academic/product/british-financial-crises-since-1825-9780199688661?cc=gb&lang=en& Published in: British Financial Crises Since 1825 Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights Copyright 2014 OUP. This material was originally published in British Financial Crises since 1825 Edited by Nicholas Dimsdale and Anthony Hotson, and has been reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. For permission to reuse this material, please visit http://global.oup.com/academic/rights. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:28. Sep. 2021 Government Policy during the British Railway Mania and 1847 Commercial Crisis Gareth Campbell, Queen’s University Management School, Queen's University Belfast, Belfast, BT7 1NN ([email protected]) *An earlier version of this paper was presented to Oxford University’s Monetary History Group.
    [Show full text]
  • Bowl Round 1 Bowl Round 1 First Quarter
    NHBB Nationals Bowl 2015-2016 Bowl Round 1 Bowl Round 1 First Quarter (1) Elizabeth Tyler owned and operated a newspaper for this organization called The Searchlight, which ran articles written by Edward Young Clarke. The first national meeting of this group took place in 1867 at the Maxwell House Hotel in Nashville. This group was targeted in an 1871 Enforcement Act, and Nathan Bedford Forrest served as this group's first Grand Wizard. For ten points, name this cross-burning white supremacist group. ANSWER: Ku Klux Klan (or KKK) (2) One of this man's daughters helped build fortresses in Stafford, Warwick, and Chester, earning her the nickname \the Lady of the Mercians." After this father of Aethlflaed and Edward the Elder won at Chippenham and Edington, he converted Guthrum to Christianity, baptizing Guthrum as his spiritual son. The Bishop Asser chronicled the life of, for ten points, what king of Wessex who ruled from 871 to 899 who, like Canute, was styled \the Great?" ANSWER: Alfred the Great (3) One employee of this company, Gerhard Domagk, won a Nobel Prize but was arrested by the Nazis for contemplating accepting it. This company appointed Fritz ter Meer as its chair shortly after he finished his prison term for Nazi war crimes. Felix Hoffmann’s work with this company included an acetylation of morphine, creating a compound that this company trademarked as heroin. For ten points, name this German pharmaceutical company whose chemists synthesized acetylsalicylic acid, or aspirin. ANSWER: Bayer AG (4) Adi Dassler convinced this \Buckeye Bullet" to wear his Schuhfabriks, marking the first sponsorship of African-American male athletes.
    [Show full text]
  • Asset Prices in the Industrial Revolution: Evidence from the Grain Market
    Asset Prices in the Industrial Revolution: Evidence from the Grain Market. Liam Brunt1 & Edmund Cannon2 Abstract.3 From 1770 to 1914 the British Government closely monitored the domestic grain trade. It collected weekly price and quantity data for all types of grain for a large number of market towns and published these so-called Corn Returns in the London Gazette. We have computerised all of the published data between 1770 and 1864, totalling around 6 million data points. In this paper we describe the precise nature of data; we discuss why, when and how it was collected; we consider the accuracy and biases of the data; and we describe how we computerised the original returns. This gives a firm foundation to our own analysis of the data, and introduces the data to other potential users. 1 McIntire School of Commerce, University of Virginia. [email protected] 2 Department of Economics, University of Bristol. [email protected] 3 This project was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council under Research Grant No. R000223071. We also thank the Royal Economic Society for a Small Grant. For able research assistance we would like to thank Rob Brewer, Anna Chernova, Saranna Fordyce, Becca Fell, Ludivine Jeandupeux, Dave Lyne, Olivia Milburn, Hannah Shaw, Derick Shore, Liz Washbrook and Alun Williams. Thanks are also due to Colin Knowles for computer support and Bristol Library for exceptional service. For helpful comments and discussion we would like to thank Julia Cerutti and Lucy White. Any remaining errors are our own responsibility. 1 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The World Economy at the End of the Millennium
    THE WORLD ECONOMY AT THE END OF THE MILLENNIUM bY DEEPAK LAL Working Papers Number 786 Department of Economics University of California, Los Angeles Bunche 2263 Los Angeles, CA 90095-1477 September 1998 Paper for the Rosecrance Festschrift J.Mueller(ed): Prosperity, Politics and Peace: Essays in honour of Richard Rosecrance, Westview Press, New York (in press) THE WORLD ECONOMY AT THE END OF THE MILLENNIUM Deepak La1 James S. Coleman Professor of International Development Studies, University of California, Los Angeles ABSTRACT The paper examines the rise fall and rise of the Liberal International Economic Order over the last 150 years, and critically examines the various hopes and fears in developed and developing countries that this most recent global integration is raising. JEL classification: F02, A13, N70, P16. FINAL REVISE Address: Dept. of Economics, September 1998 UCLA, 405 Hilgard Ave., Los Angeles, CA 90024 Tel.: 310-825 4521 Fax.: 310-825 9528 e-mail: [email protected] 3 THE WORLD ECONOMY AT THE END OF THE MILLENNIUM by Deepak La1 INTRODUCTION If a Rip van Winkle had gone to sleep at the end of about 1870 and woken up in the last few years, he would find that little has changed in the world economy. He would note the various technological advances in transportation and communications (airlines, telephones and the computer) which have further reduced the costs of international trade and commerce and led to the progressive integration of the world economy which was well under way after the first Great Age of Reform, when he went to sleep. The terrible events of this century- two world wars, a Great Depression and the battles against two illiberal creeds- Fascism and Communism- which led to the breakdown of the first liberal international economic order(LIE0) - created under British leadership after the Repeal of the Corn Laws- would form no part of his memory.
    [Show full text]
  • Corn Laws Repeal at 175 Donald Boudreaux and Douglas Irwin on Free-Trade Tips from 1846
    https://www.economist.com/by-invitation/2021/06/25/donald-boudreaux-and-douglas-irwin-on- free-trade-tips-from-1846 By Invitation Corn Laws repeal at 175 Donald Boudreaux and Douglas Irwin on free-trade tips from 1846 Ending tariffs on grain lowered food prices and unleashed economic growth—and offers lessons for today Jun 25th 2021 BY DONALD BOUDREAUX AND DOUGLAS IRWIN • • • • IN THE novel “The Mayor of Casterbridge” published in 1886, Thomas Hardy reminds readers of “the uncertain harvests which immediately preceded the repeal of the Corn Laws,” which “can hardly be realised by those accustomed to the sixpenny loaf.” Rural households in England spent about half of their income on food in the 1830s and 1840s, in part because of tariffs on imported grain (in Britain called corn). The trade barrier fuelled what came to be known as “the Hungry Forties”—and inspired a Scottish businessman, James Wilson, to establish The Economist in 1843, to make the case for free trade. Today is the 175th anniversary of the repeal of the Corn Laws, after years of controversy and suffering under its effects. The story is especially relevant now, when international trade is under threat. There is much to be learned from how the punishing tariffs were removed and the economy pried open. The Corn Laws came into effect in 1815, inspired by the landed aristocracy. It was in their interest to keep cheap grain from overseas out of the British market and thereby maintain high domestic prices. A complex sliding scale of duties boosted prices on imported grain.
    [Show full text]
  • Manchester Journal of International Economic Law
    MJIEL Manchester Journal of International Economic Law Volume 15 April 2018 Issue 1 Articles: International Financial Regulatory Standards and Human Rights: Connecting the Dots Motoko Aizawa, Daniel Bradlow and Margaret Wachenfeld Legitimate Expectation in Investor-State Arbitration: Re-contextualising a Controversial Concept from a Developing Country Perspective Yenkong Ngangjoh-Hodu and Collins C. Ajibo Liminal Spaces: Special and Differential Treatment as an Incompletely Theorised Agreement Stephanie Switzer Application of MFN to the Substantive Standards: Why Should We Re Investigate the Uncontested? Tanjina Sharmin Colombia’s Land Restitution Programme and International Investment Law: Normative Tensions and Possible Convergences Concerning Investor Diligence Rafael Tamayo-Álvarez ISSN 1742-3945 Manchester Journal of International Economic Law The Manchester Journal of International Economic Law is first and foremost an International Economic law Journal. Its geographical origins breathe a nomenclature to it to distinguish it from other Journals in the field. Manchester also as a city is a good symbol of globalisation; international in its racial and cultural diversity; and occupies an important place in the history of international economic relations – being the city from where came one of the original calls for free trade. Appropriately therefore the matches in international economic scholarship should result in goals from Manchester too! – – Asif H Qureshi, Editorial, MJIEL, 2004, Volume 1, Issue 1 Aims of the Journal: The journal covers all aspects of international economic law including in particular world trade law, international investment law, international monetary and financial law, international taxation, international labour law, international corporate responsibility and international development law. The journal's focus is mainly from a Public International Law perspective and includes comparative analysis within the context of a discourse in Public International Law.
    [Show full text]
  • Global Champion: the Case for Unilateral Free Trade
    Warwick Lightfoot, Jonathan Dupont, Geoff Raby and Michael Taylor | February 2018 Global Champion The Case for Unilateral Free Trade A Policy Exchange Report 1 – Global Champion Global Champion – 2 About the Authors Warwick Lightfoot is Director of Economics & Social Policy at Policy Exchange. He is an economist, with specialist interests in monetary economics, labour markets, and public finance. He has served as Special Adviser to three Chancellors of the Exchequer, and a Secretary of State for Employment. Warwick was a treasury economist at the Royal Bank of Scotland, and has also been Economics Editor of The European. His many articles on economics and public policy have appeared in the Wall Street Journal, the Financial Times, The Times, The Sunday Times, the Daily Telegraph, the Sunday Telegraph, and in specialist journals ranging from the Times Literary Supplement and The Spectator, to the Investors Chronicle and Financial World. His books include Sorry We Have No Money — Britain’s Economic Problem. Michael Taylor joined Policy Exchange in March 2017 as a Research Fellow in the Economics team. He is an experienced economist, having started his career in the Government Economic Service where he worked on competition policy, competitiveness and productivity. Michael was Chief Economist at the Institute of Directors where his research on the European single currency was influential in making the business case for the UK staying out of the Euro. Later he worked for Merrill Lynch and the economic consultancies, Lombard Street Research and Oxford Economics. His work at Policy Exchange covers all Brexit issues, monetary policy, financial market regulation, agriculture, trade and industrial strategy.
    [Show full text]
  • Ricardo and the Corn Laws: a Revision
    Ricardo and the Corn Laws: a revision Samuel Hollander I was delighted to observe in your book how forcibly you de- scribed the inexhaustible energies of this tight little Island. -HUTCHES TROWERto Ricardo, 9 November I817 I Perhaps the best-known feature of Professor J. A. Schumpeter’s fa- mous account of Ricardian economics in his History of Economic Analysis is the severe criticism of the so-called Ricardian Vice-“the habit of piling a heavy load of practical conclusions upon a tenuous groundwork, which was unequal to it yet seemed in its simplicity not only attractive but also convincing.”’ More specifically: His interest was in the clear-cut result of direct, practical signifi- cance. In order to get this he cut that general system to pieces, bundled up as large parts of it as possible, and put them in cold storage-so that as many things as possible should be frozen and “given.” He then piled one simplifying assumption upon another until, having really settled everything by these assumptions, he was left with only a few aggregative variables between which, given these assumptions, he set up simple one-way relations so that, in the end, the desired results emerged almost as tautologies. The habit of applying results of this character to the solution of practical problems we shall call the Ricardian Vice. SAMUELHOLLANDER is Professor of Economics at the University of Toronto. I. Schumpeter, A History ofEconomic Analysis (New York, 1954), p. 1171. 2. Ibid., pp. 472-3. See also pp. 541, 618, 653 n., 668. In his exhaustive new study of McCulloch, Professor O’Brien draws a sharp distinction between the procedures of his subject and those of Ricardo: “Ricardo was the abstractionist par excellence: and as a pure theoretician he has had very few intellectual equals.” By contrast, for McCul- loch, “abstract ideas on their own were of very little interest, it was their practical conclusions, taking account of peculiar circumstances, which were important to McCul- loch.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of Anglo-French Trade, 1689-1899
    Political Economy of Anglo-French Trade, 1689-1899: Agricultural Trade Policies, Alcohol Taxes, and War John V.C. Nye George Mason University Fairfax VA [email protected] Agricultural Distortions Working Paper 79, May 2009 This is a product of a research project on Distortions to Agricultural Incentives, under the leadership of Kym Anderson of the World Bank’s Development Research Group. The authors are grateful for funding from World Bank Trust Funds provided by the governments of Japan, the Netherlands (BNPP) and the United Kingdom (DfID). This paper will appear in Political Economy of Distortions to Agricultural Incentives, edited by K. Anderson (forthcoming 2010). This is part of a Working Paper series (see www.worldbank.org/agdistortions) that is designed to promptly disseminate the findings of work in progress for comment before they are finalized. The views expressed are the authors’ alone and not necessarily those of the World Bank and its Executive Directors, nor the countries they represent, nor of the institutions providing funds for this research project. Abstract Britain – contrary to received wisdom – was not a free trader for most of the 1800s and, despite repeal of the Corn Laws, continued to have higher tariffs than the French until the last quarter of the century War with Louis XIV from 1689 led to the end of all trade between Britain and France for a quarter of a century. The creation of powerful protected interests both at home and abroad (notably in the form of British merchants, and investors in Portuguese wine) led to the imposition of prohibitively high tariffs on French imports -- notably on wine and spirits -- when trade with France resumed in 1714.
    [Show full text]
  • University of Copenhagen
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Copenhagen University Research Information System Wheat, Globalization and Economic History Sharp, Paul Richard Publication date: 2009 Document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (APA): Sharp, P. R. (2009). Wheat, Globalization and Economic History. Department of Economics, University of Copenhagen. PhD Series, No. 136 Download date: 07. Apr. 2020 PhD Thesis Wheat, Globalization and Economic History Paul Sharp Department of Economics Faculty of Social Sciences University of Copenhagen May 2009 Supervisors: Karl Gunnar Persson and Heino Bohn Nielsen ‐ 1 ‐ Contents Summary ..………………………………………………………....2 Acknowledgments ……………………………………………..4 Chapter 1: 1846 And All That ……………..……………...5 Chapter 2: Frontier Farmers …………………………….41 Chapter 3: Globalization Revisited …………………...82 Chapter 4: From Preventive to Permissive Checks ……………………………………………………………………….111 ‐ 2 ‐ Summary This thesis is composed of four in many ways quite separate papers, which nevertheless have the common theme that they concern the role of wheat in economic history, in particular with reference to historical market integration and the “globalization” of trade. Soon after starting my PhD studies, which were to concern the role of wheat for the globalization of the nineteenth century, I discovered that existing estimates of the incidence of the British Corn Laws were unsatisfactory. Chapter 1 addresses this. By documenting the legislative history of the Corn Laws from 1670 and using previously unused data to calculate annual Ad Valorem Equivalents for most years from 1814, it is possible to establish several important facts about British wheat protection. Statutory protection was only significant for a few years after 1815, the decline starting in the 1820s and continuing beyond the famous “repeal” in 1846.
    [Show full text]
  • What Moved Share Prices in the Nineteenth-Century London Stock Market?
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Campbell, Gareth; Quinn, William; Turner, John D.; Ye, Qing Working Paper What moved share prices in the nineteenth-century London stock market? QUCEH Working Paper Series, No. 15-06 Provided in Cooperation with: Queen's University Centre for Economic History (QUCEH), Queen's University Belfast Suggested Citation: Campbell, Gareth; Quinn, William; Turner, John D.; Ye, Qing (2015) : What moved share prices in the nineteenth-century London stock market?, QUCEH Working Paper Series, No. 15-06, Queen's University Centre for Economic History (QUCEH), Belfast This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/119304 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu QUCEH WORKING PAPER SERIES http://www.quceh.org.uk/working-papers WHAT MOVED SHARE PRICES IN THE NINETEENTH-CENTURY LONDON STOCK MARKET? Gareth Campbell (Queen’s University Belfast) William Quinn (Queen’s University Belfast) John D.
    [Show full text]