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Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Bangladesh

Ali Riaz, Mohammad Sajjadur Rahman

Nationalism and the ‘politics of national identity’

Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 Habibul Haque Khondker Published online on: 11 Feb 2016

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Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 students, nearShahbag, whohadinitiallyoccupiedanintersection a busy junctioninthe Shahbag Movement, inthevein of ‘occupy movements’ inseveral citiesacross theglobe. The by theso-called ‘atheist’ bloggers whowere astudents’ supporting movement known asthe ofIslamistsandtoprotesttest theallegedpersecution theso-calledanti-Islamicblogs posted preferenceideological ofBangladesh. Apparently, theIslamistshadcomeindroves topro several intheconstitution. Islamicprinciples That day markedApril avisible shiftinthe public spacewas concerned. They issued13demandsthatincluded acallforreinstating totheMiddle The speakers calledforareturn asthepresence ofwomenAges asfar inthe ofDhaka. ofthecommercial speecheswere district numberheart ofincendiary made. A of thisorganization, many ofwhomwere madrasastudents, gathered atShaplaChottor, the inthecapitalcityDhakaon ers 6,April 2013. As many ashalf-a-millionMuslimsupporters a little-known, Chittagong-basedIslamicorganization, Hefajat-e-Islam, andtheirsympathiz ofnationalidentityinBangladesh. has impactedthediscourse that thischapterattemptstounravel. inthepoliticalandculturallandscapes turn The religious discussion ofnationalidentityhasbeenpoliticizedandproblematized by aconfluenceofforces tothemulti-cultural democraciesinthe tity politicsismore germane West. InBangladeshthe politics’ (Gutman, 2003; Appiah, 2005; EisenbergandKymlicka, 2011). ofiden The discourse ofapoliticsnationalidentityisnottobeconfusedwiththediscussion the rise ‘identity nationalism andshiftingnationalidentityinBangladesh. ofidentityand The transformation of nationalism, developments nationalidentityandpoliticstoframethehistorical of inthemid-1970s.political regime withadiscussionoftheconceptualissues This chapterbegins andnationalism.secularism Butthesecularcharacterofnationalismchangedalongwith In 1971Bangladeshemergedasasovereign, of independentstateembracing theprinciples tors totheblogosphere.tors These bloggers, intheeyes oftheIslamistgroups, were perceived as they usedeffectively toorganizethe demonstration. Someofthem were regular contribu by tribunal. awar crime Several oftheyoung protestors were active insocialmedia, which in favor punishment, ofharsher includingdeath, whowere tothewar criminals beingtried middle of the city, were to move persuaded intothe open space. They had been protesting The religious turn was dramaticallyrevealed turn ofThe religious ofthemembers inamammothgathering NATIONALISM AND THE ‘POLITICS OF NATIONAL Habibul Haque Khondker IDENTITY’ 2 28 - - - -

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 with theIslamists. The veneer ofsecularBengaliculture was almostlostthat day. included theBNP(BangladeshNationalistParty) attendedtherallytoexpress theirsolidarity of theIslamistsinBangladeshwas underscored. that The majoroppositionpoliticalparties to their villages.demands andthenreturn Termed, ironically, the ‘Long March’, thestrength blogsextremists onaregular basis. write name foratheists, withoutrealizing thatasignificant number ofpro-Islamic activists and even being engagedinanti-Islamicpropaganda. For theseIslamistgroups, bloggers becameanother distinguished hisnotionof ‘imagination’ Gellner’s from Ernest ‘invention’. For Gellner, asbothinherently limitedandsovereign’ andimagined nity – (Anderson, 2006, p.6). Anderson position. with themodernist mon groundwiththeperennial view view overlaps ortheinstrumentalist astheconstructivist versus theconstructive. primordial parallel duality: the view sharesThe primordial somecom ageoffragmentationanddecentering. inthemodern Onecanalsothinkofa social solidarity perspective presents acontingentview ofnationandnationalism that plays role animportant in inevitabilitylogical bestexpressed inNehru’s withdestiny’‘tryst formulation. The modernist of committing risk ‘retrospective nationalism’ (Smith, 2002, p.99). This view also implies a teleo if notnationalism, have existedthroughout recorded (Smith, history 2002, p.5), the and runs alism: the (Smith, perennialists andthemodernists 2002, p.98). suggeststhat nations,The former nity towhichanindividual belonged by (Connor, 1978). reason ofbirth belonging, abeliefincommonancestry. ‘Nation’ meant originally ‘birth’ or ‘descent’; acommu anddutiesforallmembers’common legalrights (Smith, 1991, p.14). Nationalismisasense of ritory, memories, commonmyths andhistorical amass, public culture, acommoneconomy and Anthony Smith, anationas ter whodescribes anhistoric ‘named humanpopulationsharing culture (HutchinsonandSmith, 1994, p.21). ofthatclassicdefinitionisoffered by A variation common territory, commoneconomiclifeandphysiological make-up manifestedinacommon According toStalin, anationisstable community ofpeoplewithacommonlanguageand 1994). The classic definition of nation comes from an unlikely source, namely, Joseph Stalin. divided into ‘nations’ (Connor, based on language and their placeoforigin 1978; Seton-Watson, University or the University of Paris of Bologna who came from of Europe other regions were whocametostudyinsomeoftheoldestEuropeanforeign universities. countries Studentsat the The term ‘nation’ todemarcate studentsfrom century was usedinthethirteenth first various to thecolonialdomination. the foodthey consumeandsoon. Suchdivision andaccentuationofdifferences canbelinked not onlydivided by religion, they were two different nations. They are different inculture, in , was theauthoroftwo-nation asheclaimedthatHindusandMuslimswere theory Jinnah’s two-nation theory. Quaid-e-AzamMuhammad Ali Jinnah, of thefoundingfather alism andnationalidentity. The BNPnarrative comesdangerously closetothenarrative of Awami inpower) League(currently andtheBNP – represent two different narratives ofnation The Islamist demonstrators had permission from thegovernment had permission The Islamistdemonstrators topresent their13-point Benedict Anderson famously defined the nation thus: ‘it is an imagined politicalcommu isanimagined Benedict definedthe nationthus: ‘it famously Anderson Anthony Smithdistinguishestwo antagonisticschoolsofthoughtaboutnationsandnation Bangladesh was exposedasadivided nation. The two majorpoliticalparties – theBangladesh it doesindeed present itself. ofsocial Itisin reality theconsequenceofanew form nationalism isnottheawakening ofanold, latent, force, dormant thoughthatishow Nationalism and the ‘politics of national identity’ Conceptual mattersConceptual 29 ------

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 life andpassively by eachgeneration’ inherited (Parekh, 2008, p.60). Against the constructivist, they pre-date thenation-stateinfused withnationalidentity. moststatesweretorically non-national(empires, city-states, etc.) and nationalstatesare new, yet tonote.important Here auseful caveat isprovided by Tilly’s argument (1991, pp.2–3) thathis Tilly’s classification(1994)of ‘state-led nationalism’ and ‘state-seekingnationalism’ isalso between themassesandleadership,bridge mobilizingrole. acrucial performing Charles Anderson, 2006, p.80). Inthetwentieth-century version, a middle-classintellectualsformed the invitation-card in a language they understood’ had to be written (Nairn, 1977, quoted in ‘The new middle-classintelligentsia ofnationalismhadtoinvite themassesintohistory; and of the middle class in the European hasa resonance. nationalism of the nineteenth century intellectual spokespersons, played role. animportant Here Tom Nairn’s oftherole formulation , Japan and Thailand. oftheEuropeansystem was empires, able tospread this nationalismtotheperiphery notably in capitalismplayedwhere print role, animportant alongwiththehelpofschools, andtheimperial Europe and empiresalism emerged in late-nineteenth-century in the context of dynastic rule example, inmany lexicons’ standard nineteenthcentury (Anderson, 2006, p.4). Officialnation did not come into wide general use until the end of the nineteenth century. It did not occur, for French,Norman orEarlyEnglish’ (Anderson, 2006, p.41). While thelanguagesofadministrationchanged, mostpeople ‘knew littleornothingofLatin, English becamethestateadministrative century. ofthefourteenth languageonlyinthelaterpart administrative orstatelanguage, whichgave way toFrench between 1200and1350, andthen on nationalism. As shows,Anderson England, forexample, evolved from usingLatinasthe language’ and ‘national language’ hasrelevance discourses thecontemporary forunderstanding Europe recent origin. isoffairly The distinctionmadeby (2006,Anderson p.41) between ‘state importance’ (Anderson, 2006, p.67). language-basednation-statesin ofmaternal The formation teenth century, where ‘ men, localandprovincial functionaries)’ (Anderson, 2006, p.48). allied withasmallernumber ofmerchants, typesofprofessional andvarious (lawyers, military the middleclassorintellectuals; ratherthey were anarrow coalitionof ‘substantial landowners, nor even capitalismplayed role. print acritical ofthisnationalismwereThe leaders noteven late-eighteenth-century America, where noracommonculture, neitherlanguagenorreligion nacular andtheofficial. Creole nationalism in nationalstruggle evolved intheanti-imperialist nationoutofachaoticensembleneeds ofcreating ofpeoples. asolidary ofnationstateswiththeinstrumentalist nationalismfollowspurely constructed theformations and,formation ofcourse, intheemergenceofnations, nationalismandnationalidentity. The anddiscontinuity.non-linearity Nationalismmay evolve trans junctures ofhistorical in certain convulsions, inlightofhistorical of socialchangeview socialtransformation contractions, Bhikhu Parekh holds that ‘National identityisnotprimordial, of unalterable fact abrute In thetwentieth-century wave ofnationalism, theeducatedmiddleclass, aidedby their Drawing on the work of Aira Kemiläinen (1964), word posits: ‘The nationalism Anderson Vernacular nationalismcanbetaken tobethebasisofnationalisminEurope inthenine (2006)provides creole,Anderson ausefulthreefold typology ofnationalism: the thever The contingentnature ofnationalismisenmeshedwithchangesinhumansociety. Observers forming intheprocess. forming protected by itsown state. Itusessomeofthepre-existent cultures, generallytrans organization, basedondeeplyinternalized, education-dependenthighcultures, each “national print languages”“national print were andpolitical ofcentralideological H. H. Khondker 30 (Gellner, 1983, p.48) ------

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 There are two strandsofdiscussionthedevelopment ofnationalidentityinBangladesh: the ofnationalidentity. constructions thevarious preconditions thatinform historical ofnationalidentityinBangladeshalsohastotakeThe discussionoftheconstruction noteofthe open toit … reconstituted’ Nationalidentityisbothgiven andperiodically (Parekh, 2008, p.61). beliefs, memories, qualitiesofcharacterandhistorical whichdelimittherangeofalternatives Parekh cautions, ‘No politicalcommunity history, isatabula rasa…Ithasacertain traditions, 1975, p.3). Marxist scholar, ofnationalismrepresents‘the theory Marxism’s failure’ historical great (Nairn, is but an unintendedconsequenceofnationalistmovements. For Tom Nairn, animportant Whether thisunifyingsupra-ideology overpowers andclassantagonism class-basedideologies a definedsetofobjectives – oneofwhichistoestablish its own stateandpoliticalcommunity. ating inthemiddle-classintellectuals reaching outandmobilizing theentire societytoachieve in non-Maxistdiscourse, itwillbeusefultoconsidernationalismasaunifyingideology origin Whether nationalismisanideology ofthe petty bourgeoisieorwhat can becalled a middleclass the aspirationsofallpeople, presumably thepredominant working classesofBangladesh. tions oftheideologyfactions ofthepettybourgeoisie, ofdifferent and yet soughtto represent alism ofSheikhMujibandtheIslam-basednationalismZiaur Rahmanare bothmanifesta petty-bourgeois ideology. In Jahangir’s nation of secularist forms analysis the seemingly variant ofnationalismasa supra-class ideology understanding otherthan to rehash anolddoctrinaire politics. The classbasisofnationalism doesnotadvance ofnationalismasa ourunderstanding nationalism and populism are that are twin ideologies fused into a strategy of petty-bourgeois movement in thedialecticbetween the people and classes’ (Jahangir, 1986, p.36). For Jahangir, situation. ofpeopleinahistorical sion ofinterrelations Itis, toborrow Laclau’s words, ‘the first according to this view, is of an class expressionhegemony of and articulation also an expres Borhanuddin Jahangirprovides aclass-based, ergoMarxist, analysisofnationalism. Nationalism, political roof’ (Gellner, 1983, p.43). alism tomake‘as thestriving culture andpolitycongruent, toendow aculture withitsown In fact, thequestfornationalisminBangladeshfitsmore closelytoGellner’s appraisalofnation mankind’ (Kohn in Ahmed, 1994, p.15). Ahmed alsoinvokes Renan’s Ernest claim that of consciousness, whichsincetheFrench Revolution hasbecomemore andmore commonto quotes HansKohn’s suggestionthat andforemost‘Nationalism isfirst astateofmind, anact became region ‘deeply consciousoftheirdistinctBengaliidentity’ (Ahmed, 1994, p.9). Ahmed (1947–1971)whenpeopleinthis thePakistan period during Bengali nationalismwas formed reality’ (Ahmed, 1994, p.9). For Ahmed, althoughrooted deepinBengaliculturaltraditions, to anew nomenclature, ‘Bangladeshi’, according to Ahmed, tohistorical ‘does notconform the Bengali-speaking people have looked asBengalis.’ upon themselves withpride The switch culturalist and the structuralist. According to A. F. Salahuddin Ahmed: ‘From time immemorial The culturalistview was notshared byorMarxistinterpretations. thestructuralist the desire tolive together. ofmemories. inheritance sion incommonofarich The otheristhepresent consent, soul, principle. thespiritual Oneisthepast, theotherispresent. Oneistheposses A nationisasoul, principle. aspiritual Two things, whichare really one, constitutethis Nationalism and national identity inBangladesh Nationalism and the ‘politics of national identity’ 31 (Renan in Ahmed, 1994, p.16) ------

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 etBnai 7 ecn dniidwt hi itit n 5 percent identifiedwiththeir and 25 percent identified withtheirdistricts cent Bengali, 17 The survey revealed that48 percent oftherespondents considered themselves Pakistani, 11 per the following: omy andsoon. workers andcultivators conductedonfactory A study in1963–1964asked nationalism from thelanguagemovement of1950stothemovement forprovincial auton often seeatendencyinnationalisticnarrative ofBengali todraw astraightlineintherise provide astrength anddurability. The penetrationsandcoexistenceofmultiple traditionsinthefolkways religious ofBangladesh Islamic traditionasthebaseoftheirnationalistethos. This distinctionisdifficultto overlook. source ofthestrength ofthefolktraditions.the primary createdThe constructivists apurified mysticism, andare thus notfree from content. religious Multivocal andsyntheticmake-up is in Bangladesh also draws from Bengali folk cultures that are admixtures and of folk religions in thereconstruction. Here liesthenub oftheproblem. nationalism The so-calledsecularist problematicism truly given iswhodefinesthepastandwhataspectsofare attention are thestandard featuresthan historical ofnationalism. What makes thediscussionofnational ofpopulismandtheculturalbases nationalism whenhesays thatJahangir captures theconflation eties overshadowed by thescientificandpoliticalpreeminence ofthe West’ (Smith, 1983, p.109). of nationalism…Onewhichanswers totheculturalneedsofintelligentsiainlessdeveloped soci Poulantzas, approvingly quotes Anthony Smith to suggest that ‘urban populism is a phase or moment autonomy ofideology hastobereckoned with. the Marxistliterature willhelpresolve thatare more faultlines thanclass-based. ideological The late-twentieth-century world hasbeenproven timeandagain, andnoamountofreferencing to anintra-classconflict would behighly reductionist. Thepower ofideasandbeliefsinthe 4. 3. 2. 1. 4. 3. 2. 1. research identitiesofBengalis,In theabsenceofany doneonthechanging empirical we forapastthatprobably culture andanostalgia ismore imagined The appealtoanoriginary Jahangir, LaclauandNicos inhisneo-Marxistanalysisstuddedwithquotationsfrom Ernesto To ignore differences theideological andIslamistnationalism betweenowing secularist [Do you consideryourselfandforemost a: first Apni Nijeke pradhanata kimane karen? folkways.urban populismthatextolsrural the indigenousframework andcheered aromantic nationalism’s yearningtowards an lism, answered theneedsof ‘small man’s’ of andsecurity forwarmth longing Mujib thepolitician: all intheirown way thedifferent interpreted momentsofpopu Zainul Abedin thepainter, Jasimuddin thepoet, Abbasuddin thesingerandSheikh Bengali? Pakistani? Banagali? Naki? Pakistani? Naki? A manfrom respondent’s [insert villageoforigin]?] A manfrom respondent’s [insert oforigin]? Or district (name ofthevillage)erbashinda? erbashinda? Naki? (name ofthedistrict) H. H. Khondker 32 (Jahangir, 1986, p.47) - - - - -

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 tuals. Pakistan void. didnotstandonanideological There was someevidence ofsuccessful play of Pakistani anchors the ideological ideology among a section of the Bengali intellec of time? as Pakistani. And whatwould explaintheconversion period toaBengaliidentityinsuchshort ofafull-scalenationalistmovement,the birth nearlyhalftherespondents identifiedthemselves (Schuman, 1972, p.291). todealwiththepuzzlethat, Itisimportant lessthanadecadebefore ofidentityfortheaveragenot awidespread form ‘man inthestreet’ andthe ‘man inthefield’ villages. The authorconcludesthateven intheearly1960ssenseofBengaliidentitywas language thestatus of But thedemandtoincludeBangla asanofficiallanguagegrantingtheBengali wasademandfor many commentators, oftentoeingthelineofofficialnarrative, draw asingleunilineartrajectory. movement of autonomy oflanguage andculture. thatinculcatedthespirit Now inhindsight infused political nationalism in Bangladesh. terms, In concrete historical itwas the language of resistance intheearly 1960s. 2006). CommemorationofEkushey was alsoexpandedafter1961. Chayyanot becameacitadel of 1961 Chayyanot organizing the performance started Tagore songsat Ramna Park (Uddin, songs was imposed. Before 1961, celebration of Pahela Baiskhak was not a big event, but after KamalorganizedaprotestBegum Sufia against Ayub Khanin1961, whenabanon Tagore alism. The attackonBengaliculture was manifestedinthebanimposedonplaying Tagore songs. wouldMost commentators thatitwas agree culturalnationalismthatpreceded politicalnation tuals, poets, and Dhaka University playwrights intellectuals who issued the call of nationalism. communicated ittothemassof thepopulation(Smith,turn 2011, p.225). amongintellectuals,originated whichwas andactivists fostered whoin by politicalagitators Europe,context ofEastern developed athree-stage schemaofthegrowth ofnationalismhaving label ‘nationalists’ middle-class intellectuals. applied to the rising Miroslav Hroch, in the writing and theclergy. andPoland, InHungary alone. nationappliedtothearistocracy theterm The sive. For Montesquieuinthemideighteenthcentury, thenationwas equivalent tothenobility with Anisuzzaman, 2014). Islam, was PlanningCommissionofBangladesh; theheadoffirst communication personal The chairwas Maulavi Abdur Rahman, from Chittagong(whoseson, awriter Professor Nurul meetingaverredliterary that ‘I was aPakistani’ aBengaliandnow I am (Anisuzzaman, 1993). Renesa SocietyinCalcutta(Kolkata)’ (Anisuzzaman, 1993, p.95). InChittagongthechairofa thePurbaPakistan Sahitya SangsadinDacca(Dhaka)andthePurbaPakistan movement: Anisuzzaman, ‘Two tothePakistan organizationsgrew upin1942tolendsupport literary also soughtaspaceforthemselves free from thecompetitionofHinduwriters. According to not reach outtothelargercommunity becausethey were limitedby theirlinguisticskills; they to playopportunity the role of a Muslim as well as a Bengali writer. As Muslims they could nationalism. isacreditofPakistani ofPakistan thatcannotbedeniedtotheleaders foot soldiers foraperiod wavered. However, thatthey retained thefact aPakistani identityandbecametheideological andpoliticalposition,ally shiftedtheirideological andtheirloyalty toPakistani nationalism any problem orparadox inassumingPakistani identity. True, eventu someofthesewriters forPakistan declared workideological theirsupport anddidnotsee asanumber ofwriters In fact, itwas culturalnationalism, reinforced by thecallforeconomic nationalism, that The emergenceofBengalinationalismfollowed asimilartrajectory. First, itwas theintellec The conceptofnationhasgrown from amore exclusive tobecomemore inclu category For mostoftheMuslimwriters, thedemandforPakistan seemedtopromise agreater withthenotable exceptionof Most nationalisthistorians – tendtodownAnisuzzaman – one oftheofficial languages Nationalism and the ‘politics of national identity’ 33 inthecontext of Pakistan. ------

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 Pakistanis, bred resentment amongtheBengaliintelligentsia. politicaland economicdisparity 1972). Inhisreview article, Loshak, Maxwell summarized whoargued that was… andbirth achieved section’, by Caesarian withIndia ‘acting asthescalpel’ (Maxwell, from themomentofitsown birth. Laborwas brought onunexpectedlyby thedeclineof Ayub their nationalistsentiments. of anIslamicizedBangla language and culture,co-opt them underthe rubric expressing started number of intellectuals in the then , the Bengali intellectuals, despite attempts to English-language weekly group hadarole indisseminatingtheideaofautonomy andincipientnationalism. While the tents, hadasmallreadershipbut thosewhoread, patronized orbecameinvolved withthe ofBengalinationalism.service Certainly, themagazine, withitspowerful con andinspiring publisher, played role acrucial ofsmallnumber intherecruitment ofintellectualsinthe by RehmanSobhan, withHamidaHossainastheexecutive editorandKamalHossainasthe which eventually sowed theseedsofpoliticalnationalism. The publication oftheweekly and West Pakistan. thetwo-economy First cameoutofthepenstheseeconomists, formula and were able toidentifytheexploitative relationship between thejute-dominatedEastPakistan Institute forDevelopment, focusingoneconomicplansforthenewly independentPakistan, Islam,Economists suchasNurul Rehman Sobhan, Anisul Islam ing atwo-economy thesisandproposed remedies inaproposition ofeconomicnationalism. While differences in ethnicity and historical memories separatedtheBengalis from the memories While differences inethnicityandhistorical West For David Loshak, Neville Maxwell perceptively pointedoutthat ‘Pakistan was pregnant withBanglaDesh The intellectualsaffiliatedwithDhakaUniversity were mainly responsible forformulat two wingsofPakistan. The formula, inshort, ofthe succinctly impliedthefundamentalirreconcilability Pakistan couldconceivably grant, itwas theleastthatEastPakistan coulddemand. went beyond whilethe six-pointformula far what the paradox was this: West should have been –that ‘secession would beitseffect.’ might callformere autonomy, andnotspelloutsecession,’ itwas or always plain – associates usedtodeny thatthe sixpointswere asecessionistprogram, but while ‘it autonomy.for regional SheikhMujib-ur-Rahman, the Awami Leagueleader, andhis on anequitable basiswas oneoftheplanksof] ’s six-pointdemand to Pakistan’s foreign exchange earnings. [Theissueofchannelingforeign exchanges becoming poorer, largely contributed thatitsjuteexports notwithstandingthefact and politicaladvantage thatleftEastPakistan thepoorsister, steadilyand irremediably Bengal; through the1960sitgrew, fedbyineconomic resentment atthedisparity of the1950s, andlooked, asearlythat, toseparationandestablishment ofasovereign identity.Pakistani [italicizedintheoriginal] Itwas already clearlydeveloped by theend what was East Pakistan, was stronger from a far force the beginning than the sense of all. Bengalinationalism, identityofthepopulation thesenseofethnicandhistorical Pakistan was ‘doomed from thestart’ becauseinareal senseitwas never anationat Forum andotherEnglish-languagenewspapersreached out toa small H. H. Khondker 34 (Loshak, 1971, quotedinMaxwell, 1972) et al . worked with the Pakistan (Maxwell, 1972) Forum - -

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 estimate by theinfluentialnewspaper Bengali representation inthenationalbureaucracy remained extremely low. According toone In his speech as the first presidentIn hisspeechasthefirst ofthe Pakistan Constituent Assembly, hedeclared: of the Indian subcontinent, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, its founder, downplayed theme. the religious areas ofcooperationforgotten. The invention andamnesia. ofanationrelies onboth remembering problematized andpoliticized; minordifferences were accentuated andamplifiedsubstantive need fordifferentiation arose. It thatdifferenceswas onlyinthefervor ofnationconstruction were animosity. Differences between thetwo communities remained unproblematic until thepolitical communitiesmajor religious lived witharemarkable absenceofconflictand inIndiaforcenturies tion ofthedifferences between HindusandMuslims, andthenonecould ask ‘Sowhat?’ Thetwo nationalist movements. With the help of hindsight, with Jinnah’s one could agree detailed descrip that couldbeusedby ofthe theleaders formed circumstances andideological historically material nation. Itshowed isnotpure fabrication. thatconstruction There hadtobesomebasisinthe Muslim elites,manipulation ofself-serving itprovided anexcellentexampleofaconstructed leaders. Mr. Jinnah ‘always appeared inpublic meetingsdressed in asherwani’ (Islam, 1981, p.57). landlords,titles ontheordinary andreligious themthepretense thusgiving ofbeingspiritual positions; leadership some ulemaandpirsto todothat, afterfailing theythereligious conferred phase ofthecampaignforfreedom ofPakistan, toco-opt tried theMuslimLeagueleadership in thesymbolicuseofIslam, elites(Islam, asdidthenon-religious 1981, p.59). thelast During the ulamaswhonever thecauseofMuslimnationalism, really supported asthey didnotbelieve their lives according toIslamicideology’ (Islam, 1981, p.56). This was remarkable of intheface behind theslogan ofPakistan – ahomelandforMuslimswhere they would beable toorganize p.55). time, short ‘In asurprisingly theMuslimLeaguewas able tomobilize theMuslimmasses civilizations whichare basedmainlyonconflictingideasandconceptions’ (quotedinIslam, 1981, customs, literatures. They neitherintermarry, nordinetogether, andthey belongtotwo different ory’ HindusandMuslimsbelongtotwo different asfollows: ‘The philosophy, religious social ation ofPakistan insucceedingdecades. constituency thatwas receptive toJinnah’s ‘two-nation theory’, whichwas thebasisforcre in1909.legislated The annulment a created resentment amongtheMuslimsandhelpedform Dhaka, thecapitalofEastBengalin1906, andaprovision foraseparateMuslimelectorate was the middle-classelites. theyears ofdivided Bengal, During in theMuslimLeague was formed colonial rulers. was ofthegrowingThe partition annulled in1911theface resistance of Muslims inBengalwhosaw initacynicalmanifestationof ‘divide andrule’ policyofthe community ofBengal. wasThe partition disputedbothby theHindusandby asectionofthe sibly to advantage the economically and politicallyweaker, larger, but numerically Muslim administration. ofBengalin1905,The partition lines, mainlyalongreligious was doneosten Yet, soon afterthecreation of Pakistan, for the Muslims supposedly a homeland and sanctuary Although thecreation ofPakistan orthe cannotbedismissedaseitheranaccidentofhistory At the All IndiaMuslimLeagueConference in1940, his Jinnaharticulated ‘two-nation the ofMuslimidentitycanalsobeseenasadevious ployThe construction ofthecolonial nine years afterthecreation ofPakistan, only51toplevel policy-makingpositions of thearmy, navy, andairforce was composedof West Pakistanis. tions. Bengalirepresentation was inthearmy minimal – 98 percent oftheofficercorps were occupiedbyoutofatotal741suchposi BengalisintheCentralSecretariat Nationalism and the ‘politics of national identity’ (Dawn, January 9and18, 1956, quotedinIslam, 1981, p.63) Dawn , 35 - - - - -

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 Bangladesh. For example, toperform ithasbecomeroutine ministers fornewly electedprime pings inthepoliticalestablishment. Clearly, process hasbeentakingplacein adesecularization the BNParesounding electoralvictory. Rather, onecanseeinit anacceptanceofIslamictrap analliancewiththeBNP, becauseasanelectoralstrategythey formed ascertain whichassured In thelatestelectionofOctober 2001, theshare ofthevote won byishard to theIslamicparties won only3 percent ofthevote. This isnotanindicationoftheirdeclining popularity, however. number tobereckoned with. school studentsinthesameyear, thefigure may notbeas overwhelming asitlooks; still, itisa in Bangladesh, secondary withastudentpopulation of1.7 million. Compared to4.8 million national education, locallyknown asmadrasaeducation. In1994, there were 5,762madrasas influence ofIslaminBangladesh.growth ofthesehasbeenthe The mostimportant ofIslamic 2013, p.333). aswellreligion as culture were beingusedastoolsofdomination’ oftheHillpeople(Mohsin, in Bangladesh’. This ‘deepened thedivision between theHillpeopleandBengalis; now Bangladeshi nationalism ‘was oftheMuslim identityoftheBengalis inessenceareassertion people. raised this issue in the parliament in 1972. Manabendra Larma The post-1975 call for are two meaningsof ‘Bangladeshi nationalism’; onemeaningisintegrative toincludetheHill ples ofBangladeshwhodonotseethemselves asBengalis. However, Mohsinarguesthatthere justified asmoreby thepost-1975 integrativeregimes becauseit would includetheHillpeo inBangladesh. affiliatedpoliticalparties that begantoestablishreligiously linkswithvarious Islamic revivalism inBangladeshwas by alsosupported thefundsreceived from theGulfstates toward hasclearlydrifted country Islam. This coincidedwiththeglobalresurgence ofIslam. were different, they begantoposethemselves asthecustodiansof religion. Since1975, the werenew rulers any more thantheonesthey religious replaced, but inorder toshow thatthey fined afterthe1975couponbasisofpoliticalcalculations(Murshid, 2001). Notthatthe orthodoxy.gious Bengalinationalismbasedonethnic, linguisticandculturalidentitywas rede Rahman, thefoundingleaderofcountry, toward but alsotookthecountry apathofreli that ledtothetragic socialism were on which Bangladesh stood. the four pillars However, of events the political turn principles, whichwere intheconstitution. enshrined Nationalism, secularism, democracyand ants ofBangladeshfrom itsvery inception. Bangladeshemergedasanationonfourcardinal basis ofnationality. national character’ (quotedinKohn, 1951, p.432), recognized oflanguageasa theimportance in Bangladesh. suchasHerder, Philosophers whomaintainedthat ‘every languagehasitsdefinite ofnationalidentity long-standing linguisticidentitywas intheformation anessentialingredient nationalism, asthebasisofnationhood. whichunderlinedlanguageratherthanreligion The The movement ofPakistan part ledtotheemergenceofBengali forautonomy intheeastern 1,200 milesofIndianterritory, asthebasisfornationhood. ithadtousecommonreligion However, Pakistan withtwo separatedby asanation-statewas parts divided geographically – The Islamic Party won more than 12 percent of the vote in the election of 1991. In 1996, they There are consideration in explaining the growing anumber of features that need serious The shiftinthenomenclature from BengalinationalismtoBangladeshiwas becamejustificationsforaseparateidentitytheinhabit Both languageandsecularism caste orcreed – thathasnothingtodowiththebusiness ofthe state. to any otherplacesofworship inthisstateofPakistan. You may belongtoany religion, You are free; you are free togoyour temples, you are free togoyour mosquesor coup d’état in ofSheikhMujibur August 1975dislodgednotonlytherule H. H. Khondker 36 (Quoted in Ahmed, 1990, p.19) - - - - -

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 (Maniruzzaman, 1992, p.209). SheikhHasina, theleaderof Awami League, inherspeeches andsubstitutinginstead dispensing withsecularism in andfaith ‘absolute trust Almighty Allah’ ofZiaurRahman, therule tion during namelybyof insertion ‘ most ofherspeeches, KhaledaZiaupheldtheIslamicprovisions intheconstitu incorporated ‘ minister(2003)andleaderoftheBNP,then prime thatshebeganevery reported speechwith day. OnepoliticalscientistwhoconductedacontentanalysisofthespeechesKhaledaZia, the matter, secularization, isnotirreversible. The process isvery much linked tothepoliticsof a Hajjbefore takingover thenew government. The process toward desecularization, or, forthat of secularism. to society hasnow contrary acceptedamore US-stylesecularism – Turkish orFrench models French nuanced way. from the of political meaningsofsecularism – This isin addition tothevariety of Charles Taylor, Talal Asad and Jose Casanova Bellah, RolandRobertson, Peter Berger, Bryan Turner andtherecent philosophicalreflections Wilson isnow defunct. ofRobert wholenew literature critique sincethesociological A sinceBryan modernization. view ofsecularization flawed – andhistorically The standard – was once believedSecularism to be a process of desacralization that emerged Bangladesh. indicate their growing public visibility and empowerment. Both processes work side by side in of role transformation.terms The presence of women in the civil service, police and military Rashid, 2008). Meanwhile, the same period, during women have also gained substantially in nomenon, withanumber ofeducatedwomen joiningthesegroupsinBangladesh(Huqand Egypt (Mahmood, 2004). asanurbanphe The number ofQuranreading groupshasalsorisen Bangladesh, societies atrendsuchas Pakistan that is present and in other Muslim-majority are impossible tooverlook. There are several ofthegrowth indicators ofpublic pietyin the Awami Leagueleadership. of the overall swing toward Islamicization of the society or as an extreme Machiavellian ploy by Awami League, aputative party, secularist canbeexplainedeitheraspart right tothereligious orsocialmovements,Islamic politicalparties ofthe onthepart butalbeitsymbolic – thetilt – and recognize theirony. whentheIslamist-leaningBNPjoinshandswith Itisunderstandable cities’ andSamuel, (Rozario 2010, p.356). ofthesentence part withthefirst Itiseasytoagree whole shows littlewillingnesstomove dramaticallyinitsdirection, eitherinthevillagesor League andtheBNP, have made ‘concessions towards theIslamists, but thepopulationasa forms’ andSamuel, (Rozario 2010, p.356). inBangladesh, Boththemajorparties the Awami ofIslamhada forms of modernist ‘dramatic impactonthesetraditionallocallybasedreligious religion, asitiscalledinIndonesia, toward Islam(Khondker, amore puritan 2006). The rise Islamic orientation’ (Maniruzzaman, 1992, p.211). ism. andtheleftistswere‘The secularists levels badlydefeatedbywhoespousedvarious parties of and Sunnah. Itsstancewas anti-Indiananditattacked the Awami Leagueforthelatter’s secular 1992, p.210). Jamaat-e-Islami promised on thebasisof Quran tobuild an Islamicstatestrictly to thepeople. SheikhHasina, incontrast, promised aliving, seculardemocracy(Maniruzzaman, theelectionsandusingIslamtoincrease theirappeal ofrigging accused bothZiaandErshad Bismillah-Ar-Rahman-Ar-Rahim Even toacasualobserver, ofBangladesh thetelltalesignsofpublic pietyintheurbancenters inBangladeshshouldbeseenasaprogressive toreligion The turn erosion oftraditional ‘ laïcité to the US model of religion-friendly secularism. totheUSmodelofreligion-friendly The mainstream Bangladesh Nationalism and the ‘politics of national identity’ ’ (‘Inthenameof Allah, theBeneficentandMerciful’). In Concluding reflections Concluding 37 et al ., forcein a more us to view secularism Bismillah-Ar-Rahman-Ar-Rahim pari passu pari with adat ’, ’, - - - ’

Downloaded By: 10.3.98.104 At: 14:42 01 Oct 2021; For: 9781315651019, chapter2, 10.4324/9781315651019.ch2 Mohsin, A. (2013) The Two Meaningsof ‘Bangladeshi’. In: Guhathakurta, M. andvan Schendel,Maxwell, N.W. (1972) A Passage through Pakistan. (eds.). Maniruzzaman, T. (1992) ElectionsandtheProspect ofCivilian Dictator: 1991 The Fall oftheMilitary Mahmood, S. (2004) Kohn, H. (1951) Khondker, H. H. in Bangladesh. (2010) State and Secularism In: Siam-Heng, M. H. and Liew, T. C. (eds.). Khondker, Hadiz, H. H. andBengaliNationalism. (2006)USImperialism In: V. (ed.). Kemiläinen, A.(1964) Jahangir, B. K. (1986) Islam, N. CaseofPakistan (1981)IslamandNationalIdentity: The andBangladesh. Hutchinson, J. andSmith, A. D. (eds.). (1994) Huq, S. andRashid, S. F. Islam: Elite (2008)Refashioning Women andPietyinBangladesh. Gutman, A.(2003) Gellner, E. (1983) Eisenberg, A. andKymlicka, W. (2011) Connor, W. (1978) A NationIsaNation, IsaState, IsanEthnicGroup, Isa…. Appiah, K. A. (2005) Anisuzzaman. 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