Spain's Policy and Strategies Towards Latin America

SPAIN’S POLICY AND STRATEGIES TOWARDS LATIN AMERICA1

Carlos Malamud2

1 This paper was commissioned by FOCAL in the framework of the project “Strengthening of the Ibero- American Conference: Likely Impact on the Inter-American System and Canada’s influence in the Americas”, funded by Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs. For information on this project and on other publications please visit FOCAL’s website www.focal.ca

2 Senior Analyst, Latin America, Elcano Royal Institute, Spain. Executive Summary

This paper analyzes Spanish policy towards Latin America, highlighting the existence of a tendency to put relations with the region as a whole ahead of bilateral relations. This means almost equal treatment for all countries, rather than positive or negative discrimination based on common interests or on how much the different governments agree on policy issues. The Ibero-American summits are, in some senses, the highest expression of this tendency.

In general, there is consensus among most of Spain’s political forces that Latin America is very important to Spain and to Spanish foreign policy. However, what should be a starting point (common history, culture and languages) has become an end in itself, making it difficult to discuss specific interests. However, these interests exist and manifest themselves in different ways, which explains the high density of the relations between Spain and Latin America.

The existing consensus means that, despite the relatively small differences between the two main national parties (the Popular Party [PP] and the Socialist Party [PSOE]), policy towards the region is characterized more by continuity than by breaks with the past. This is not to deny strong disagreements on some issues, such as the current policy towards Cuba and Venezuela, which has intensified as a result of the ongoing tension in the Spanish political scene.

Introduction This was the basis for the consensus among Spanish political parties on the scope of Traditionally, relations with Latin America Spain’s action in Latin America, and it was have been considered a high priority. This systematically accepted as state policy. In a assessment has been based on the similar way, when the media refer to the existence of an ‘Ibero-American’ region (and often they simply fail to do so at community of interests (history, language, all) they take a similar attitude. An uncritical culture and even religion), which, in its consensus was established which simply most ambitious form, includes the Luso- accepted the existence of a community of Brazilian axis in an ‘Ibero-American interests, instead of encouraging in-depth Community of Nations’. More than once discussion aimed at identifying Spain’s in the past 200 years of common history, specific interests and goals in Latin America, Spanish foreign policy towards Latin and then tackling the deeper issue of why it is America has been heavily Euro-centric, for essential for Spain to be actively involved in example when policy was based on the the region. This consensus was shared by the concepts of ‘La Hispanidad’ (the Hispanic both Popular Party (PP) and the Socialist World) and ‘Cultura Hispánica’ (Hispanic Party (PSOE), as well as by other nationalist Culture). Things began to change with the and regional parties, such the Catalan party Spanish ‘transition’ to democracy, when Convergencia i Unió (CiU) and Coalición repeated attempts were made, more or less Canaria (CC). Meanwhile, due to its successfully, to give the impression of disagreements with the national government, egalitarian relations. However, instead of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) had a considering the Ibero-American more erratic policy that was, nonetheless, community to be the starting point for a generally in line with the government in fruitful relationship, it was presented as a Madrid. The ideological leanings of the destination –as an end in itself. United Left (IU), which includes the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), led this group to

2 focus on denouncing ‘US imperialism’ closest to the particular positions of each rather than on developing alternative party would claim the contrary. proposals to the government line. This paper sets out to describe the main The PP and PSOE electoral platforms features of Spanish policy towards Latin reveal more similarities than differences, America –and, specifically, the approach with both parties sharing a global vision of taken by the administration of José Luis the region and of the general thrust of Rodríguez Zapatero–, essentially arguing that Spanish policy. This global vision is not, the attempt to adopt a global approach to nor has ever been, exclusive to Latin America could hinder bilateral government policy; rather, it is shared by relations. After the current government’s hard political parties, the media and academic work at the Ibero-American Summit in circles. Before the March 14, 2004 Salamanca, its policy must establish a elections, both Jorge Moragas (of the PP), framework for action, especially considering and Miguel Ángel Moratinos (the current how much the PP is irritated by current PSOE Foreign Minister) expressed similar relations with Cuba and Venezuela. The EU assessments of the importance of Latin and the United States play a very important America. While Moragas said that ‘our role in defining this policy. The paper also entire foreign policy is impregnated with speculates on the possibility of greater Ibero-America’, Moratinos affirmed that Hispano-Canadian dialogue in this area. ‘Ibero-America… will continue to be the natural sphere of our foreign policy’ and Latin American policy as a global policy that ‘we must recover Ibero-America as a strategic reference point for our external As we can see, Spanish policy has tended to action, a reference point that is take a global view of Latin America, complementary to other options, but emphasizing a multilateral rather than a differentiated from them, and as much as bilateral approach. This does not mean that possible, autonomous of them.’ bilateral relations have been inexistent or have not been developed, but rather that, in an Today, as a result of political tension and attempt to deal with the region as a whole, the existing divide between the two main they have not been developed systematically. parties (PP and PSOE) at almost all levels, It has been deemed more important to have including the fight against terrorism, we good, acceptable relations with the entire find that foreign policy consensus has been group than solid, stable links with the biggest replaced by discord and that Latin countries in the region. However, given the America has become a subject of internal interests that have been created, it has become political controversy. In our case, Spanish very complicated under current circumstances and European policies towards Cuba and to change this policy without causing Venezuela are at the heart of the conflict, resentment in the countries that would be although other issues are now involved negatively affected. The bilateral policies that that had not previously been controversial, have been developed follow the same pattern, such as the Ibero-American summits. rather than taking into account the reality and Despite the differences between the PP diversity of each country. This is clear in the and the PSOE on Latin America, Spanish sixteen bilateral peace and cooperation policy has generally maintained a constant treaties signed between 1988 and 1995. The course and apart from the specific tones same can be said of the strategic association and approaches typical of each political agreements. The government has indicated tradition, changes in government have the need to establish strategic associations brought few changes –though the analysts with the biggest countries in the region and which have the greatest capacity for regional

3 leadership: Brazil and Mexico, plus (MEAC). At present, the ministry has three Argentina and Chile. All in all, the secretariats for: (1) Foreign Affairs and Ibero- problem resides not in signing strategic America; (2) the EU; and (3) International associations, but rather in their specific Cooperation, which is in charge of official content, and in the fact that if there are development assistance (ODA) and the finally as many strategic associations as Master Plan for Cooperation (Plan Director Ibero-American countries, these de Cooperación). Thus, a secretariat for associations will no longer be strategic. Ibero-American affairs has been maintained, Strategic associations should not be with though the rest of its content has been an entire region, but with specific changed since the last government. An Ibero- countries. American affairs office, which manages relations with the region, is attached to it. The In this paper, a global or comprehensive main change made by the new government Latin America strategy refers to Spain’s was to create the Secretariat of State for policy of treating the region as a whole. It International Cooperation –previously the is a positive part of Spain’s foreign policy, Secretariat for International Cooperation and which takes an interest in all of Latin for Ibero-America– since the main destination America, not just in parts of it or in the of Spanish cooperation and ODA was biggest and most important countries, as is considered to be Latin America. The Socialist generally the case with most European administration considered it appropriate to Union (EU) member states. This global split the management of the two areas and approach does not take into account the made the Secretariat of State responsible for region’s diversity, although it has Ibero-American affairs also responsible for traditionally been well received by the political issues dealt with by the MAEC. governments and by Latin American Regarding the continuation of policy, it is public opinion, and has strengthened striking how each government insists on Spain’s presence in Latin America in the retaining the term ‘Ibero-America’ in the past two decades. However, despite its various offices of the MAEC, rather than value, this global bias could begin to have ‘Latin America’, which would significantly negative effects on bilateral relations with help improve Spain’s image in the region. the countries in the region, especially if certain bilateral tensions intensify and it Both the consensus on Spanish foreign policy becomes necessary to take sides. What and the continuity of policy, above and stance should Spain take in the conflict beyond specific points of dispute, are based between Mexico and Venezuela, beyond on the shared premise that Latin America is offering its services to mediate in the fundamental for Spanish foreign policy and crisis? Spain’s role in the world. It is unquestionable that Spain’s weight in the EU –and not only The fact that the two main parties have in the EU– largely depends on the Ibero- similar visions has meant continuity rather American component of its foreign policy. than a break with the past. Among the The two identities are not mutually exclusive; many aspects of continuity in Latin rather, they mutually support each other. America policy, one of the clearest is how Having European ties and a European identity each Spanish Prime Minister makes a strengthens Spain’s role in Latin America, solemn declaration to the effect that while having Latin American ties and a Latin relations with Latin America are a priority American identity strengthens Spain’s role in –practically the highest priority– but fails the EU. The tighter its ties with Ibero- to really explain what this means. America, the more Spain will be listened to in Continuity is most obvious at the Ministry Brussels, in Washington and in multilateral of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation organizations, starting with the UN.

4 Relations with Latin America are typically in the Senate’s Ibero-American Affairs very dense, with autonomous communities Committee, and not in the Congress of and municipalities also taking action. Deputies, which, apart from the Foreign Since these relations are not limited to Affairs Committee, lacks any structure to deal diplomacy or the economy, nearly all with one of the theoretically most important ‘Ibero-American’ associations have components of the foreign policy agenda. mechanisms for interaction and mutual exchange that strengthen Spain’s presence This lack of priority was evident when and global policy towards the region. Spanish troops were sent to Haiti. Despite the However, in recent years there has been a requests by the presidents of Chile and Brazil, clear lack of coordination between the it was initially decided that a ‘decaffeinated’ MAEC and certain autonomous contingent would be sent to join the governments and municipalities. Efforts multinational force, not directly under must be made to coordinate foreign action Brazilian command. However, the profile and in Latin America and make it more number of troops were increased when efficient. consideration was given to sending a Spanish- Moroccan combat unit under Spanish Latin America as a priority command. Although Spain had previously taken part in other peace missions in Central The two main parties and their America, such as Minugua, Onuca and representatives in the country’s various Onusal, this was the first time that the national governments, in parliament and at initiative and command of the mission were other government levels, all insist that in Latin American hands. Latin America is a priority for Spain – perhaps even the top priority–. This is Meanwhile, Spanish public opinion feels that expressed in several ways, starting with Europe is the geographical and geopolitical the fact that Spain’s network of embassies area that is most important for Spain’s covers all Latin American countries, albeit international relations. According to the with clearly insufficient resources. Barometer of the Elcano Royal Institute (BRIE, December 2004), 46% of Spaniards However, since a number of contradictory feel that Europe is their top priority, while factors come into play, we must ask 66% feel that Europe is either their first or ourselves to what extent the rhetoric second priority. Latin America is in second matches the reality and how far we can place: 12% feel it is their top priority, while insist on the ‘Latin American priority’. To 41% consider it one of the top two. make Latin American policy more coherent, we must first clarify foreign Although Latin America apparently plays an policy priorities and the role of Latin essential role in the Spanish economy, its America, given the contradictions between importance to Spain can be questioned from the official affirmation of an ‘Ibero- the perspective of foreign trade. While the American priority’ and the objective facts. sum of imports and exports between Spain The EU and the US play a more important and Latin America totalled €13.78 billion in role than Latin America, as do the 2004, the total for Portugal was €21.00 Mediterranean and North Africa. The Far billion. Spanish exports to Portugal accounted East (China and India) is also relevant, as for 9.7% of total exports, while only 3.3% of proved by Hu Jintao’s recent trip and the all sales were to Latin America. On the signing of a strategic agreement. Another import side the situation is a little better, with paradox that casts doubt on a supposed Latin America accounting for 3.6%, Latin America priority is that the only compared with Portugal’s 3.3%. The figures parliamentary committee on this region is speak for themselves and it would be easy to

5 come to the conclusion that although The Latin American policy of the Spanish economic interests in Latin Rodríguez Zapatero government America are important, they are minor compared to those in other regions, The unexpected change of government in starting with Europe. However, Spanish Spain in 2004, after the March 11 terrorist investment proves the contrary, especially attacks on Madrid, made it at least in terms of the importance of the region to theoretically possible for the new big Spanish companies. Spain has invested administration to work in harmony with the more in Latin America over the last decade governments involved in the ‘shift to the left’ than any other country in the world except that came about (or could soon come about) the United States. Spain accounted for in countries such as Brazil, Chile and €80.4 billion of the €161.7 billion total Uruguay, and even with more populist foreign direct investment (FDI) from the governments, such as those in Argentina, European Union in Latin America between Panama, Paraguay and Venezuela. This 1992 and 2001, compared with €97.7 occurred when the controversy over the war billion from the US. In 2001, Latin in Iraq was at its height and there were many America received 20.97% of total Spanish voices in the region critical of how the Aznar FDI, while Portugal received only 2.37%; government had aligned itself with the Bush although this situation was reversed in administration, although some circles backed 2003, when Latin America received 5.44% the war or felt it was beneficial to both Latin and Portugal received 8.98%. American and Spanish interests. Greater harmony with left-leaning governments has Latin America’s importance is even clearer not, however, prevented the existence of if we consider the spectacular excellent relations with other governments capitalization of the IBEX-35 (Spain’s further to the right. The relationship between main stock market index) by the six Rodríguez Zapatero and President Uribe of biggest Spanish companies: Telefónica, Colombia is one of the best examples of this. Santander, BBVA, Endesa, Iberdrola and The new Foreign Minister, Miguel Ángel Repsol. Thanks to their investments in Moratinos, has insisted on the need for a Latin America, the capitalization of these higher profile and a more intense policy in the companies rose significantly from 1995 to region, although he has not done much to 2004. According to Madrid Stock clarify what this means. Exchange figures, Banco Santander increased its capitalization at a cumulative Spanish policy towards Latin America must annual rate of 28.8%, while BBVA rose take into account not only Latin America’s 24.9%, Telefónica 24.6%, Repsol 14% and ‘shift to the left’ but also how the region has Endesa 6%. These six companies hold been ‘forgotten’ since 9-11, not only by US assets equivalent to 1.3 times Spanish policy makers, but also by the EU. This is GDP, while 42% of the business done by paradoxically due to the relatively low level these six ‘Spanish multinationals’ was of conflict in Latin America, where there is generated outside the Spanish market. In little threat of international Islamist terrorism light of the investment channelled to the (although this is always a potential threat, region and the fact that the companies despite the regional leaders’ reluctance to present there have a huge weight in the recognize the fact). Furthermore, there is a Spanish economy, it is likely that there lack of serious ethnic, national or religious will be increased trade between Spain and conflict in the region, compared to many of many Latin American countries. the world’s hotspots. For Latin America, neither the behaviour of the second Bush administration nor the enlargement of the EU to 25 members was good news. With the

6 exceptions of Colombia, Cuba and insisted on the need to tackle inequalities Venezuela, Latin America is Washington’s within the Latin American republics lowest strategic priority, despite the themselves. Their intention, therefore, is to growing role of Hispanics in the US. cooperate with the so-called middle-income However, the appointment of the new countries that make up most of the region. So Assistant Secretary for Western far, most of Spain’s ODA has been directed at Hemisphere Affairs, the career diplomat the Andean nations and Central America, Thomas Shannon, has been well received especially Nicaragua, Peru, Bolivia, in Latin America, following the much Honduras and the Dominican Republic. The more ideologically charged tenures of Otto Master Plan for Spanish Cooperation (2005- Reich and Roger Noriega, who were more 08) includes a significant budget increase for closely linked to the Cuban lobby. 2005, with the promise of further increases in the following years. According to the The participation of Cuba in the Ibero- government’s plans, the resources available American Summits is the subject of an for cooperation will double over four years. interesting debate with two clearly The Plan establishes that at least 40% of opposed sides. First, there are those who Spanish ODA will go to Latin America, see Cuba’s presence as an indicator of the thereby maintaining the priority the region success of the summits as a special forum, has enjoyed in previous years. In 1998-2003, different to the OAS (Organization of net Spanish ODA to Latin America took up American States) or the Summits of the 46% of available resources. However, there is Americas, where the Castro dictatorship still a long way to go in this respect, starting does not participate. The argument used with the establishment of clear expenditure since the early 1990s, when the summits priorities. At present, over half the began, is that they are encouraging a expenditure is concentrated in infrastructure transition towards democracy in Cuba. and social services. As regards its nature, the However, in light of the fact that little, if proportion of multilateral to bilateral ODA in any, progress has been made, excluding 2004 was of 44/56, with a significant increase Cuba has become the preferred option. in the multilateral component over the past Nonetheless, this is impossible at present, few years. In the latter case, 58.2% is given the opposition of Cuba itself, and channelled through the EU, 35.4% through also of Venezuela and Argentina, and international financial bodies and the sometimes of Mexico, Brazil and Uruguay. remaining 6.5% through non-financial This could lead to the system’s breakdown international bodies. In 2004, 27.3% of and perhaps an eventual end to the bilateral cooperation was carried out through summits. This is a risk that no Spanish NGOs, with Spain being one of the OCDE government of any political stripe would countries that most channels its resources be willing to run. Even the suggestion that through these bodies. Cuba should be expelled from the Ibero- American system would mean the The Latin America policy of the Rodríguez system’s probable demise. Zapatero government focused on preparing for the Ibero-American summit in Salamanca, Cooperation and ODA have been an activity that was finally coordinated traditional cornerstones of Spain’s Latin directly by Deputy Prime Minister Fernández American policy and have been de la Vega. However, the lack of consensus characterized by their global approach. between the PP and the PSOE was most The latest administrations, regardless of evident in the cases of Cuba and Venezuela. their political leaning, have questioned the Regarding Cuba, Spain encouraged a change use of national income as the basic criteria in the joint EU position, in light of the lack of for cooperation development and have specific results obtained by the policy of

7 pressuring the Castro regime. Despite for Prime Minister Rodríguez Zapatero in the expectations, the search for channels region. This is due in large part to his order to through which to engage in dialogue with withdraw Spanish troops from Iraq the Cuban government produced no immediately upon taking office, in sharp concrete results either. While the Spanish contrast to former Prime Minister Aznar’s government rightly argues that there have policy of tightening links with the United been no substantial changes in its Cuban States. To some degree, Rodríguez Zapatero’s policy (and let us not forget that Aznar positive image is inversely related to Bush’s invited Castro to Madrid’s Moncloa negative image. In any case, despite the form Palace), the opposition insists that the it sometimes took, Aznar’s policy remained Cuban opposition has been abandoned. within the traditional bounds of Spanish The controversy over Venezuela broke out policy. after the announcement of arms sales to the Chávez government (ships and planes), One of the constant factors of this policy has leading the PP to condemn the alleged been to consider the United States the main complicity with pro-Chavez powers. On regional player, making it necessary to this point, there is a conflict between the establish some kind of coordination between need to support the Spanish defence Madrid and Washington in creating policies industry (a position defended by the for the region. Although Aznar tried to take Minister of Defence, José Bono) and the this policy somewhat further, this is need to support Venezuelan democracy in something that had been going on since the its struggle against the populist tendencies days of Prime Minister Felipe González, of the Venezuelan government (a position when the Central American peace defended by the PP). Under other negotiations were held. Despite having circumstances, nothing more would have withdrawn troops from Iraq, the Zapatero come of this, but in the current climate of government clearly considers Latin America political tension no holds are barred in the to be a point of contact with the United States efforts to create conflict between the and this is one of the reasons for the Spanish government and the opposition. presence in the UN contingent in Haiti. Also, the presence of the new US ambassador in It must also be borne in mind that one of Madrid, Eduardo Aguirre, has eased bilateral the government’s top priorities was to tensions. have all Latin American presidents present at the Salamanca Summit. For this to Canada deserves a special mention. Apart happen, it was clearly impossible to put from making declarations, little has been too much pressure on two of the most done to achieve a greater coordination controversial governments in the region. between the two countries, especially Rather, a kind of carrot and stick policy considering Canada’s participation in the was employed. This was clear in the way OAS and Spain’s participation in the Ibero- the Spanish government negotiated with American summits, as well as the close the Argentine government to renegotiate relations between the secretary generals of the public service rates. Rodríguez Zapatero’s two organizations, José Miguel Insulza and support of President Kirchner is making it Enrique Iglesias. There is clearly room for possible to ‘ease’ the position of some greater policy coordination by the two Spanish companies in their disputes with countries, including the defence of democracy the Argentine administration. in the region. (Significantly, Canada was a driving force behind the OAS Democratic In its section on Spain, the latest Latin Charter.) Closer ties could also be developed Barometer sponsored by the Elcano Royal around the issue of Cuba and what attitude to Institute reflects the broad public support take in an eventual transition to democracy in

8 the country. Both countries are present in celebrations. This proposal was energetically Cuba and have taken a similar stance taken up by Felipe González when he took regarding the Castro dictatorship, office in 1982. consisting of supporting democratization and human rights. The Ibero-American experience relied heavily on Spain taking a leading role and the first Relations between Spain and Canada – summit was held in Mexico in 1991. The both of which are members of NATO– are international climate at the time was different currently satisfactory, having overcome to today’s, favouring multilateralism after the the halibut crisis that broke out in the fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the Atlantic fisheries 10 years ago. The good Soviet block and the end of the Cold War. state of these relations is evident not only Furthermore, in the early 1990s Latin in the political field but also in the America was in a transitional period in which economic, scientific and cultural spheres. all the countries in the region, except Cuba, Nevertheless, beyond certain specific ended up with democratic governments. This common interests, such as opposition to climate led to Cuba’s inclusion in the the Helms-Burton law, relations as regards summits, the idea being that this was the best Latin America are still only superficial. way to facilitate the country’s transition to democracy. The Ibero-American summits The Ibero-American summits are an essential The global approach taken by all part of Spain’s policy towards Latin America. democratic Spanish governments has been From a purely theoretical perspective, the supported by the principle that Spain is a Ibero-American Community is now enjoying member of the Ibero-American nearly ideal conditions. As Yago Pico de Community of Nations, a supranational Coaña has said: “There are no border wars; group theoretically made up of fraternal, the continent is denuclearized and through its equal nations with a shared culture, history Ibero-American Summits it has established and languages (Spanish and Portuguese). principles that ought to oblige heads of state This was most clearly expressed in 1990 and government leaders to respect and when, in the context of the 500th enforce standards closely related to the anniversary of the discovery of the international agenda... Ibero-America Americas, Spain and Mexico made the supports… free trade; debt reduction; the joint decision to develop the Ibero- lowering of trade barriers to developing American Summits System, an initiative countries to enable better market access; the that Brazil later joined. The intention was International Criminal Court; the elimination to correct the asymmetry in diplomatic and of anti-personnel mines; sustainable cultural relations characterized during the development; the environment; shared Franco regime by the concepts of responsibility on drug-related issues, which ‘Hispanidad’ (the Hispanic World) and means fighting money laundering, drug ‘Madre Patria’ (Mother Country). production, trafficking, consumption and the However, the imbalance remained as exportation of precursors; the fight against Spain took on a leading role in the Ibero- terrorism and transnational delinquency in all American Community. In the early 1980s, its forms; cultural diversity; and the principles the Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD) of the UN Charter.” However, the same governments, led by Adolfo Suárez and author adds that “the Ibero-American Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo, wanted to Community must make greater efforts to coordinate an Ibero-American Summit of successfully and seriously deal with the Heads of State and Government leaders on problems that burden us: corruption, the occasion of the 500th anniversary impunity, governability, competitiveness,

9 fairness and injustice stemming from a reform of the Ibero-American system was the lack of a minimally objective application top priority on the Spanish agenda for Latin of justice.” Given the great gap between America, although the priority was shared by declarations and reality, more than one many of the governments in the region. voice has been heard questioning the Certain issues were put aside in the attempt to effectiveness and validity of the system, have all the Latin America presidents come to and the need for reform has often been Salamanca. expressed. The creation of the SEGIB has led to debate From the start, the Ibero-American system on the system’s content. What is the purpose underwent a process of institutionalization of the SEGIB? What issues can or should be that necessitated its periodic renovation. In discussed? To what extent will the approved the first stage (1991-95), the summits regulations (very different to the original focused on meetings of heads of version) actually limit the work that gets government, sectoral meetings and a five- done, since much of the original content has country coordinating committee. The been removed? Should the summits be a second stage (1995-99) saw the approval space for reaching agreements, for of the Bariloche Convention, also known cooperation or for integration? Having as the Cooperation Convention. The resolved the issue of who should be the first meetings of the national coordinators and Secretary General (Enrique Iglesias is a Latin cooperation managers were also American born in Asturias, Spain), the institutionalized. The third stage (1999- question remains as to the political 2003) was characterized by the responsibilities of the Secretariat, which is establishment of a more permanent defined as the voice of Ibero-America in coordinating body and at the ninth summit multilateral bodies, despite the existing in Havana in 1999, the Protocol to the limitations that prevent it from going beyond Cooperation Convention was signed in the the status quo. In any case, the SEGIB’s first framework of the Ibero-American year will be crucial and we shall see how Conference, thereby creating the broadly Iglesias interprets his scope for Secretariat for Ibero-American action, as well as the roadblocks that might be Cooperation (SECIB). set up by the Ibero-American governments to which the SEGIB is responsible. The fourth stage began in 2003, when the 13th summit, held in Santa Cruz de la Therefore, a number of significant questions Sierra, approved the creation of the Ibero- remain unanswered: will the Summits and the American General Secretariat (SEGIB), a SEGIB make it possible to achieve greater unilateral initiative of the Aznar political consensus among Ibero-American government, presented in 2002 at the countries, as the Spanish government desires? Bávaro Summit in the Dominican Will we remain within the bounds of the Republic. In accordance with this politically correct, touching on issues that any proposal, the SEGIB would provide government, regardless of its political stripe, content and continuity to the meetings of can deal with, such as social inequality, heads of state and government leaders. poverty, hunger in the region and education? Despite the method used to present the Or will we move on to more sensitive issues initiative (later approved at the following such as the existence of authoritarian summit in Santa Cruz de la Sierra in practices, the emergence of populist agendas 2003), it moved forward due to the general or a deeper discussion of the merits of awareness that the system needed a new participative and representative democracy? boost and also because it was a Spanish initiative. Until the Salamanca summit,

10 One question that has received less the future it would be a step in the right attention this time than in the past (though direction. One concern of the Spanish it is not a priority issue) is how often the government was to reduce the harsh rhetoric. summits should be held. There is a certain To do so, the final declaration was shortened consensus that an annual summit would be considerably and the three plenary sessions of the best option, enabling even small the Heads of State and Government leaders countries to hold their own event. were held behind closed doors. This format However, it would be much better to hold favoured open discussion among the leaders a summit every two years, considering the and made it possible to deal with issues that organizational effort involved and the otherwise could not have been tackled. The limited results obtained at preparatory summit was preceded by two meetings, one ministerial meetings, since many do not of business people and the other of ‘civil even attend personally but instead send society’ representatives. The meetings were third-level civil servants. It is a matter for aimed at diversifying the issues being dealt the new Secretary General to deal with, with, rather than at strictly adhering to the perhaps allowing him to distribute government agendas, making it possible for responsibility more broadly among these groups to present specific proposals. member states and even to establish the However, media coverage focused on the norm that each organizing country must final declaration and the points that referred cover the costs of holding its own summit. to the ‘blockade/embargo’ of Cuba and to the request for the extradition of Cuban terrorist However, the deeper question remains: are Posada Carriles. the summits merely an instrument of Spanish policy or, on the contrary, is Spain, the EU and Latin America Spain’s leading role the result of its position, similar to the role of the United An essential part of Spanish policy towards States in the OAS? Whatever the answer Latin America involves the EU, particularly may be, the summits will only useful to since the ‘Europeanization’ of Spain’s foreign Spain –paradoxical though it may seem– if policy priorities. For this reason, Spain must Latin American countries (especially the clearly act on both the European and Ibero- biggest ones) adopt them as their own. If, American components of its double identity. on the contrary, they continue to be seen as For quite some time, especially while Manuel simply an instrument of Spanish policy, Marín and Abel Matutes were European they will have little scope for action Commissioners, Spain efficiently took beyond the SEGIB and the annual advantage of the EU’s Latin American policy. meetings. For this reason, Spain's However, in recent years several contribution of 80% of the payments made opportunities have been wasted that would to SECIB (US$2,300,000 in 2005), is a have enabled Spain to strengthen its role in precedent that should be a cause for the region. These include Spain’s concern. Financing the SEGIB and its participation in the group of countries administrative structure is the key to the friendly with the Secretary General of the future of the summit system. Another OAS for Venezuela, as well as everything the cause for concern in terms of the system’s EU has done in relation to the Colombia Plan. functioning is the progressively decreasing It is true that the group of countries friendly returns from the preparatory ministerial to Venezuela, which includes Portugal, was meetings. doomed to inactivity from the start. However, the Spanish authorities never gave it a Salamanca was in many ways positive for sufficiently high profile or seriously the organization of the summits and if considered leading the process and these positive aspects can be maintained in mobilizing the EU to help.

11 Spain is generally considered a bridge fact that countries such as Germany and the between Europe and Latin America, United Kingdom can accept this without great though it is clear that on numerous difficulty. But in order for other EU members occasions, Europe has served more to to see Spain as a country of reference in this excuse Spain from taking action than to area, Spain’s Latin America policy must once spur on the country’s Latin American again become a state policy, free of the policy. This has happened frequently, for uncertainties and shifts that come with each example on issues such as agricultural change of government. protectionism, the CAP (Common Agricultural Policy) and immigration, and Conclusions could also occur with the new weight of eastern Europe in the 25-member EU: Latin America is important for Spain for instead of taking positions that support many reasons, regardless of whether or not it Latin American proposals, Spain often is the top foreign policy priority. In this takes refuge in the rigidity of EU standards regard, Spain’s acceptance of its double and in the difficulty involved in changing (European and Ibero-American) identity has them. Lately, European concerns have enabled it in recent years to increase its focused on the enlargement to 25 profile and influence, not only in Europe and members, the concern over how this will Latin America, but also in other parts of the affect EU-Latin American relations and world. The importance of Spanish investment whether or not Spain can continue to in the region is a new addition to the defend Latin American interests as it has traditional values of history, culture, language in the past. To give top priority to Latin and religion, which have governed relations America in the 25-member EU, it would over the past two centuries. In very few years be necessary to strengthen our cooperation Spain has become the second largest investor with Portugal in this area. in the region and in some countries, such as Argentina, it is the biggest, making Spain the The EU-LAC (Latin America and the main non-American player in Latin America. Caribbean) summit to be held next May in Added to this is the growing importance of Vienna and the negotiations with Mercosur language, which is increasingly revealing (mostly with the Andean Community of itself to be both of cultural and economic Nations [CAN] and with Central America) value. clearly reveal Latin America’s secondary role in the EU scheme of things. Work Spanish foreign direct investment is prior to the next summit is considerably concentrated in only a few countries (mainly behind schedule and the agenda is still Brazil, Mexico, Chile and Argentina, but also unclear. Then there is the overlap between Peru, Colombia and Venezuela), but the the Ibero-American summits and the EU- global bias of Spain’s Latin American policy LAC summits, which should lead to the has led to equal treatment for all the countries consideration of coordinating the agendas in the region. It comes down to the difference of the two events. between the behaviour of companies, which prioritize, and the government, which does Spain should play a more active role in not. This increases the lack of coordination European policy towards Latin America. between the public and private sectors, This implies in some way adding Spanish although the Observatorio Empresarial de content to the EU agenda for the region, América Latina (Latin American Business while Europeanizing the Spanish agenda. Observatory), a recent initiative from the The change in the common policy towards Prime Minister’s Office, is tending to correct Cuba proves the leadership capacity that this situation. Spain can have in this area, as well as the

12 The lack of resources available to Spanish About the Author diplomacy limits its scope of action, though what action is taken tends to be Carlos Malamud is Senior Researcher for the Latin American Program at the Elcano Royal Institute. He has a amplified by the reception that Spain Doctorate in History of America (with honours) from receives in most countries in the region. Madrid’s Universidad Complutense. He is currently Spain’s political will to be present in Latin Professor of Latin American History at the Contemporary History Department of the UNED. He formerly taught World America is compatible with the EU’s Economic History and Spanish Economic History at the common foreign policy, which in certain Universidad San Pablo-CEU (1980-97), and Economic circumstances sets limits on Spain’s History of America at the School of Geography and History of the Universidad Complutense (1981-90). From 1996 to actions. However, Spain should take the 2002 he was head of the Latin American Programme and initiative to lead European policy as a Deputy Director of the Universidad Complutense’s Instituto whole in the region. Coordination with the Universitario Ortega y Gasset. Between 2000 and 2002 he was head of the Latin America Security and Defence United States is also important, especially Observatory based at the Ortega y Gasset Institute. He is at such a turbulent time in Latin American deputy director of the Latin American Electoral Observatory politics, when there is a renewed threat of (www.observatorioelectoral.org). In 1992/93 he was Spanish Senior Visiting Fellow at St Antony’s College, Oxford populism and bilateral tensions are on the University. His publications include: América Latina. Siglo rise in most countries in the region. At the XX. La Búsqueda de la Democracia (Síntesis; Madrid, same time, relations with Canada should 1992), El Caso Pinochet. Un Debate Sobre los Límites de la Impunidad (Papeles de Trabajo, I.U. Ortega y Gasset; be strengthened, since there is ample scope Madrid, 2000), and Latin America and the Multinational for more coordinated action on the part of Drug Trade (with Elizabeth Joyce; ILAS-Macmillan Press; both countries, not only within multilateral London, 1998). He contributes to several Spanish publications specializing in international relations. bodies, but also in certain countries in the region.