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Spain's Policy and Strategies Towards Latin America

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Spain's Policy and Strategies Towards Latin America SPAIN’S POLICY AND STRATEGIES TOWARDS LATIN AMERICA1 Carlos Malamud2 1 This paper was commissioned by FOCAL in the framework of the project “Strengthening of the Ibero- American Conference: Likely Impact on the Inter-American System and Canada’s influence in the Americas”, funded by Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs. For information on this project and on other publications please visit FOCAL’s website www.focal.ca 2 Senior Analyst, Latin America, Elcano Royal Institute, Spain. Executive Summary This paper analyzes Spanish policy towards Latin America, highlighting the existence of a tendency to put relations with the region as a whole ahead of bilateral relations. This means almost equal treatment for all countries, rather than positive or negative discrimination based on common interests or on how much the different governments agree on policy issues. The Ibero-American summits are, in some senses, the highest expression of this tendency. In general, there is consensus among most of Spain’s political forces that Latin America is very important to Spain and to Spanish foreign policy. However, what should be a starting point (common history, culture and languages) has become an end in itself, making it difficult to discuss specific interests. However, these interests exist and manifest themselves in different ways, which explains the high density of the relations between Spain and Latin America. The existing consensus means that, despite the relatively small differences between the two main national parties (the Popular Party [PP] and the Socialist Party [PSOE]), policy towards the region is characterized more by continuity than by breaks with the past. This is not to deny strong disagreements on some issues, such as the current policy towards Cuba and Venezuela, which has intensified as a result of the ongoing tension in the Spanish political scene. Introduction This was the basis for the consensus among Spanish political parties on the scope of Traditionally, relations with Latin America Spain’s action in Latin America, and it was have been considered a high priority. This systematically accepted as state policy. In a assessment has been based on the similar way, when the media refer to the existence of an ‘Ibero-American’ region (and often they simply fail to do so at community of interests (history, language, all) they take a similar attitude. An uncritical culture and even religion), which, in its consensus was established which simply most ambitious form, includes the Luso- accepted the existence of a community of Brazilian axis in an ‘Ibero-American interests, instead of encouraging in-depth Community of Nations’. More than once discussion aimed at identifying Spain’s in the past 200 years of common history, specific interests and goals in Latin America, Spanish foreign policy towards Latin and then tackling the deeper issue of why it is America has been heavily Euro-centric, for essential for Spain to be actively involved in example when policy was based on the the region. This consensus was shared by the concepts of ‘La Hispanidad’ (the Hispanic both Popular Party (PP) and the Socialist World) and ‘Cultura Hispánica’ (Hispanic Party (PSOE), as well as by other nationalist Culture). Things began to change with the and regional parties, such the Catalan party Spanish ‘transition’ to democracy, when Convergencia i Unió (CiU) and Coalición repeated attempts were made, more or less Canaria (CC). Meanwhile, due to its successfully, to give the impression of disagreements with the national government, egalitarian relations. However, instead of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) had a considering the Ibero-American more erratic policy that was, nonetheless, community to be the starting point for a generally in line with the government in fruitful relationship, it was presented as a Madrid. The ideological leanings of the destination –as an end in itself. United Left (IU), which includes the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), led this group to 2 focus on denouncing ‘US imperialism’ closest to the particular positions of each rather than on developing alternative party would claim the contrary. proposals to the government line. This paper sets out to describe the main The PP and PSOE electoral platforms features of Spanish policy towards Latin reveal more similarities than differences, America –and, specifically, the approach with both parties sharing a global vision of taken by the administration of José Luis the region and of the general thrust of Rodríguez Zapatero–, essentially arguing that Spanish policy. This global vision is not, the attempt to adopt a global approach to nor has ever been, exclusive to Latin America could hinder bilateral government policy; rather, it is shared by relations. After the current government’s hard political parties, the media and academic work at the Ibero-American Summit in circles. Before the March 14, 2004 Salamanca, its policy must establish a elections, both Jorge Moragas (of the PP), framework for action, especially considering and Miguel Ángel Moratinos (the current how much the PP is irritated by current PSOE Foreign Minister) expressed similar relations with Cuba and Venezuela. The EU assessments of the importance of Latin and the United States play a very important America. While Moragas said that ‘our role in defining this policy. The paper also entire foreign policy is impregnated with speculates on the possibility of greater Ibero-America’, Moratinos affirmed that Hispano-Canadian dialogue in this area. ‘Ibero-America… will continue to be the natural sphere of our foreign policy’ and Latin American policy as a global policy that ‘we must recover Ibero-America as a strategic reference point for our external As we can see, Spanish policy has tended to action, a reference point that is take a global view of Latin America, complementary to other options, but emphasizing a multilateral rather than a differentiated from them, and as much as bilateral approach. This does not mean that possible, autonomous of them.’ bilateral relations have been inexistent or have not been developed, but rather that, in an Today, as a result of political tension and attempt to deal with the region as a whole, the existing divide between the two main they have not been developed systematically. parties (PP and PSOE) at almost all levels, It has been deemed more important to have including the fight against terrorism, we good, acceptable relations with the entire find that foreign policy consensus has been group than solid, stable links with the biggest replaced by discord and that Latin countries in the region. However, given the America has become a subject of internal interests that have been created, it has become political controversy. In our case, Spanish very complicated under current circumstances and European policies towards Cuba and to change this policy without causing Venezuela are at the heart of the conflict, resentment in the countries that would be although other issues are now involved negatively affected. The bilateral policies that that had not previously been controversial, have been developed follow the same pattern, such as the Ibero-American summits. rather than taking into account the reality and Despite the differences between the PP diversity of each country. This is clear in the and the PSOE on Latin America, Spanish sixteen bilateral peace and cooperation policy has generally maintained a constant treaties signed between 1988 and 1995. The course and apart from the specific tones same can be said of the strategic association and approaches typical of each political agreements. The government has indicated tradition, changes in government have the need to establish strategic associations brought few changes –though the analysts with the biggest countries in the region and which have the greatest capacity for regional 3 leadership: Brazil and Mexico, plus (MEAC). At present, the ministry has three Argentina and Chile. All in all, the secretariats for: (1) Foreign Affairs and Ibero- problem resides not in signing strategic America; (2) the EU; and (3) International associations, but rather in their specific Cooperation, which is in charge of official content, and in the fact that if there are development assistance (ODA) and the finally as many strategic associations as Master Plan for Cooperation (Plan Director Ibero-American countries, these de Cooperación). Thus, a secretariat for associations will no longer be strategic. Ibero-American affairs has been maintained, Strategic associations should not be with though the rest of its content has been an entire region, but with specific changed since the last government. An Ibero- countries. American affairs office, which manages relations with the region, is attached to it. The In this paper, a global or comprehensive main change made by the new government Latin America strategy refers to Spain’s was to create the Secretariat of State for policy of treating the region as a whole. It International Cooperation –previously the is a positive part of Spain’s foreign policy, Secretariat for International Cooperation and which takes an interest in all of Latin for Ibero-America– since the main destination America, not just in parts of it or in the of Spanish cooperation and ODA was biggest and most important countries, as is considered to be Latin America. The Socialist generally the case with most European administration considered it appropriate to Union (EU) member states. This global split the management of the two areas and approach does not take into account the made the Secretariat of State responsible for region’s diversity, although it has Ibero-American affairs also responsible for traditionally been well received by the political issues dealt with by the MAEC. governments and by Latin American Regarding the continuation of policy, it is public opinion, and has strengthened striking how each government insists on Spain’s presence in Latin America in the retaining the term ‘Ibero-America’ in the past two decades.
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