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2003 The Origin of Armstrong's Hot Fives and Hot Sevens Gene H. Anderson University of Richmond, [email protected]

Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/music-faculty-publications Part of the African American Studies Commons, American Popular Culture Commons, and the Musicology Commons

Recommended Citation Anderson, Gene H. "The Origin of Armstrong's Hot Fives and Hot Sevens." College Music Symposium 43 (2003): 13-24.

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Music at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Music Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Originof Armstrong's Hot Fives and Hot Sevens

Gene Anderson

has been almostfifty years since 'sHot Five and Hot Seven ecordingsof 1925-19281were first recognized in print as a watershedof history andthe means by which the trumpeter emerged as thestyle's first transcendent figure.2 Sincethen these views have only intensified. The Hot Fives and Hot Sevens have come to be regardedas harbingersof all jazz since,with Armstrong's status as the"single mostcreative and innovative force in jazz history"and an "Americangenius" now well beyonddispute.3 This study does notquestion these claims but seeks, rather, to deter- minethe hitherto uninvestigated origin of such a seminalevent and to suggestthat Armstrong'sgenius was presentfrom the beginning of the project.

/:Historical Background

The seedsof the idea thatgerminated into the Hot Five and Hot Sevenmay have been sownin theearly morning hours of June8, 1923 at theConvention of Applied MusicTrades in 'sDrake Hotel. On thatdate 's Creole Jazz Band, one ofseveral groups hired to entertainthe conventioneers at a "midnightfrolic," was scheduledat threea. m. fora twenty-minuteset, which, by repeatedcalls forencores fromthe band's "mob of admirers," grew to almosttwo hours. But typical of the racial climateof the time, twenty-one-year-old Louis Armstrong, inhis first known mention by thewhite press, impressed the reporter more by his appearancethan by his playing: "The 'darkhorse' orchestra of thewhole bunch was suredark. Especially the little frog-mouthedboy who played the ."4

'A somewhatunexpected problem in dealingwith Armstrong's Hot Fives and Hot Sevens is determiningthe body of literatureto be considered. In additionto the fifty-threetitles released as Hot Fives or Hot Sevens betweenNovember 1925 and July1928, Armstrong recorded almost two dozen morewith the same or similar personnel/instrumentationas Lil's Hot Shots, JohnnyDodds's Black Bottom Stompers,Jimmy Bertrand's WashboardWizards, 's Savoyagers,Armstrong's Stompers, Armstrong's Orchestra, and Armstrong'sSavoy BallroomFive. Some or all of these groupsand more besides have been consideredby variousauthors and compilersto fall underthe Hot Five/HotSeven rubric. The mostinclusive collection yet, Louis Armstrong:The CompleteHot Five and Hot Seven Recordings( EntertainmentInc., 2000), contains,with alternate takes, eighty-ninecuts. 2AndreHodeir, Jazz, Its Evolutionand Essence, trans.David Noakes (New York: Grove Press, 1956), 49, 62. 3GaryGiddins, Satchmo (New York: Doubleday,1988), 86; JamesCollier, Louis Armstrong,An American Genius (New York: OxfordUniversity, 1983). "TalkingMachine World[hereafter TMW] 19/7(June 15, 1923), 73; TMW 19/8(August 15, 1923), 103; WilliamKenney, Chicago Jazz: A CulturalHistory, 1904-1930 (New York: OxfordUniversity Press, 1993), 131. The CreoleBand, probablyrepresenting Gennett for which they recorded in April,was theonly black band on the programthat included, among others, Benson's Orchestra(Victor), Albert E. Short'sTivoli Syncopators (Vocalion),Guyon's ParadiseOrchestra (OKeh), Yerkes' S. S. Flotilla Orchestra(Vocalion), and ' Orchestra(Brunswick). 14 COLLEGE MUSIC SYMPOSIUM

Two weekslater Oliver recorded for ,and, in theWindy City's an- nualElks Paradethe following month, his band rolled through town on a flatbedtruck advertisingthe special release of "Dippermouth " and"Where Did You StayLast Night?"Posters of OKeh race artistswere prominently displayed along the line of march,with the placarding of the colored district personally supervised by E. A. Fearn, "who sparedno expensein thiswork."5 Thus are introducedinto the Hot Five/Hot Seven storytwo namesindissolubly linked-OKeh and Elmer[E. A.] Fearn-without whichthe recordings would never have been made. OKehwas formedin 19 18 byOtto Heineman, president of the prosperous Heineman PhonographSupply Company (later reorganized into The General Phonograph Corpora- tion),to complement and expand his business of manufacturing high-quality phonograph motors,needles, and parts. Ostensibly derived from the "original Indian spelling of the termcolloquially known as O. K.,"the label in its earliest version highlighted the founder's initials-OkeH.6The company'saccidental creation of therace recordmarket-i. e., blackmusic for black audiences-with the serendipitous success of 's "Crazy Blues"in 1920 neednot be recountedhere,7 other than noting that by the time Armstrong formallyjoined OKeh in late 1925,the firm was therace market leader with dozens of blackartists signed to exclusivecontracts. A technologicalleader of theindustry as well,OKeh set standardsfor recording qualityunder the supervisionof C. L. Hibbard,recognized as "one of theforemost recordingengineers in thecountry" and theinventor of a numberof new recording methodsand devices, including the first portable recording studio. In 1925Hibbard per- fectedthe "Truetone" process which enhanced the tone quality of soundrecordings. Successof theprocess and Hibbard's technicalingenuity may explain the company's somewhatdelayed transition from acoustic to electronic [microphone] recording in 1927.8 E. A. Fearn,a nativeof Chicago, formed Consolidated Talking Machine Company fromfive smaller firms with himself at age thirtyas presidentin 19 18, andundertook the businessof phonograph sale and repairand of recorddistribution from his downtown storeat 227 W. Lake Street.Displaying early on a flairfor promotion that was todistin- guishhis career, Fearn became the sponsor of an "OKeh RecordFootball Team" with a mammothOKeh diskas itsofficial team mascot. Five yearsafter its founding Fearn's enterprisemoved from West Lake intoa four-storybuilding at 227-229 W. Washington, addedbranches in Detroit and Minneapolis, and boasted a local sales forceof fourteen,

5TMW 19/9(September 15, 1923), 102. 6TMW 14/5fMav 15. 19181 95. 7Forthe "Crazy Blues" story,see SamuelB. Chartersand LeonardKunstadt, Jazz: A Historyof theNew York Scene (GardenCity, N. Y.: Doubleday,1962), 82-94; David A. Jasenand Gene Jones,Spreadin' Rhythm Around: Black ,1880-1930 (New York: Schirmer,1998), 263-269; and Brian Rust, The AmericanRecord Label Book (New York: Da Capo Press, 1984), 212-217. %TMW 20/2 (February 15, 1924), 120; 21/5 (May 15, 1925), 1; 22/1 (January15, 1926), 1; Lillian Borgeson,"Interview with ,"(January-May, 1958). OKeh's firstTMW ad forelectronic recordings appearedin theApril 1927 issue,calling into question Panassie's claim of theprocess being used on theHot Five cuts the previousNovember (Hugues Panassie,Louis Armstrong[New York: CharlesScribner, 1972], 73). The earliestelectrical jazz recordingscommercially released may have been the JellyRoll Mortonand King Oliver duets cut aroundDecember, 1924 by Autograph(Laurie Wright,Mr. JellyLord [Chigwell,Essex: Storyville, 1980], 30; Rust, The AmericanRecord Label Book, 21-22). ARMSTRONG'S HOT FIVES AND HOT SEVENS 15 plusseveral "road men." ConsolidatedTalking Machine had by now grown to be "one of themost successful OKeh jobbersin thecountry" and itspresident generally re- garded"as one ofthe best-posted wholesale men in thecountry," whose observations aboutthe industrywere frequentlysought by thehead of OKeh's parentfirm, Mr. Heinemanhimself.9 TheKing Oliver recordings of June 22-23, 1923 were the first to be madeby OKeh in Chicago.Although the notice in TalkingMachine World failed to specifythe loca- tionof the temporary recording laboratory for the first Oliver dates, it was almostcer- tainlysituated in thefourth floor stockroom of ConsolidatedTalking Machine where Oliverrecorded his secondOKeh sessionthe following October. Consolidated hosted OKeh's nextvisit to the Windy City in early February 1924 whiletemporarily housed at 216 N. Michiganbecause of a firethat damaged the top two floors of itsheadquarters theprevious December. By mid-1924, Fearn's company, long back into its remodeled facilities,was thesole OKeh jobberin thearea withits president celebrated by com- panyexecutives in New Yorkfor his splendidachievements in thedevelopment of the label's business.A yearlater an "elaborateand scientificallyconstructed recording laboratory"was permanentlyinstalled on thefourth floor of Consolidated'sfacilities, therebyeliminating the necessity for transporting recording equipment from New York as in thepast.10 MeanwhileArmstrong had fallen in love with the Creole Band's pianist, Lil Hardin. Afterobtaining divorces from their respective mates-Daisy, still in ,and singer,Jimmy Johnson-the couple married in early February 1924 and spent their hon- eymoonwith the Oliver band playing one-nighters on an "extendedtour on big time" throughoutthe Midwest.11 Upon their return to Chicago in June, Lil talkedher husband intoleaving Oliver, with whom he was playingsecond cornet, to seeka moresuitable showcasefor his burgeoning talent. After being rejected by society band-leader, Sammy Stewart,Armstrong played briefly with Ollie Powersbefore accepting an offerin Sep- tember1924 fromFletcher Henderson in New YorkCity. A yearlater Lil summoned herhusband back home to join herband at theDreamland, the premier cabaret on The Strollor centerof black nightlife in SouthChicago. Armstrong, having vomited on his leader's"nice clean tuxedo shirt" from overzealous partying on his lastnight in New York,arrived in Chicago in early November to begin living up tohis advertised reputa- tionas the"World's Greatest Jazz Cornetist."12 Within days of his return the Hot Five sessionsbegan, and threeyears later, jazz, by universalconsent, was forevertrans- formed.

9TMW 14/12(December 15, 1918), 90; 19/6(June 15, 1923), 73; 19/10(October 15, 1923), 58; E. A. Fearn entry,1920 Census-UnitedStates, City of Chicago, E. D. 1692; E. A. Fearn obituary,Alton [Illinois] EveningTelegraph (July 20, 1953). Althoughnative to Illinois,Fearn's familymay have residedfor a timein Kansas, wherehis older brotherJohn was bornaccording to his obituaryin TMW 21/4(April 15, 1925), 132. ]0TMW19/6 (June 15, 1923), 104; 19/11(November 15, 1923), 112-114; 20/1 (January15, 1924), 120; 20/2 (February15, 1924), 120-121; 20/5 (May 15, 1924), 120; 21/6 (June 15, 1925), 115. 11 Chicago Defender,September 9, 1922 and February16, 1924; Louis Armstrong,Louis Armstrong,In His Own Words,Thomas Brothers, ed. (New York: OxfordUniversity, 1999), 86, 91; Lil Armstrong,"Satchmo and Me," RiversideRLP 12-120. For the Oliver Band tour,see WalterAllen and Brian Rust,"King" Oliver,rev. Laurie Wright(Chigwell, Essex: Storyville,1987), 38-41. ]2LouisArmstrong, in His Own Words,94; Chicago Defender,City Edition(November 7, 1925). 16 COLLEGE MUSIC SYMPOSIUM

//:The Hot Five

Whodeserves credit for the Hot Five idea?Lil speculatedthat the OKeh represen- tativeresponsible for the Hot Five sessionswas Tommy[T. G] Rockwell,who came to Chicagofrom the West Coast aroundthe time of thefirst Hot Five recordings.But Rockwell'snew position as managerof the recording department for Columbia's local branchwould seem to precludehis hiringof Armstrongfor a rivalcompany. Later, however,after moving to OKeh as directorof recording (despite a reputed"tin ear") in thespring of 1927,as an OKeh executivein New Yorkin 1929,and as Armstrong'sfirst managerfrom 1929-1931, Rockwell, indeed, exerted considerable influence on the trumpeter'scareer.13 Of Chicagosaxophonist Bud Jacobson'sclaim to have persuadedE. A. Fearnto recordan all-starquintet under Armstrong's direction, very little can be ascertained. Whileprimarily a retailer and promoter,Fearn could signup OKeh artists(while not havingthe authority torelease their recordings), but his being significantly influenced by Jacobson,then nineteen and one ofthe white Chicagoans hanging out with members of theAustin Hill Gang,seems implausible. Jacobson and his bunch, however, haunted the Dreamlandwhen Armstrong was there,and he and a friendwere "the only whites" at theOKeh Cabaretand StyleShow, which featured an appearanceby theHot Five in June,1926.14 JohnnySt. Cyr,the guitar-banjoist15 of the original Hot Five,thought Fearn hired Armstrongdirectly: "Having recorded on numerousoccasions with King Oliver for the OKeh label,Louis becamewell knownto Mr.Fern [sic] whowas therecording engi- neer[sic] forthat company at thetime. . . . Mr.Fern insisted that Louis recordonly his owncompositions, and persuaded him to signa fiveyear contract, which Lil andI had advisedLouis notto do."16Armstrong in a 1951 interviewimplied something similar: "Theminute Mr. Fern (the President [sic] ofthe OKeh Company)gave me the go sign, I hitthe phone and calledthe Musician's Union, and askedpermission to hireEdward "Kid" Ory[trombone], Johnny St. Cyr[guitar-], and []."17 Ory,on theother hand, credited Richard "Myknee" Jones, OKeh's Race Divisionman- agerin Chicagosince mid-1923,18 to have arrangedthe Hot Five dates.Since Jones

13LilArmstrong, "Satchmo and Me"; TMW21/11 (November 15, 1925), 134; TMW 22/5(May 15, 1927), 108; Collier,179, 203-205. Rockwell'smove to OKeh was undoubtedlyconnected with Columbia's purchase of the OKeh-Odeonrecord division from Heineman's General Phonograph Corporation in late 1926 {TMW 22/11 [November15, 1926], 1). 14MaxJones and JohnChilton, Louis: The Louis ArmstrongStory, 1900-1971 (New York:Da Capo, 1988), 114; TMW 19/11(November 15, 1923), 114; Bill Russell,New OrleansStyle (New Orleans:Jazzology, 1994), 70; Ann Banks,ed., First PersonAmerica (New York:Alfred A. Knopf,1980), 227. See also note 36. 15St.Cyr played a hybridguitar-banjo purchased in 1919 which he used on all his Hot Five recordings (JohnnySt. Cyr,"Jazz As I RememberIt, PartThree: The Riverboats,"Jazz Journal19/11 [November, 1966], 9). On the guitar-banjosee JohnBright, "Idle Musingson a Banjo Theme:Johnny St. Cyr,"New OrleansMusic 8/4 (December, 1999), 6-9. 16JohnnySt. Cyr,"The OriginalHot Five," Second Line 5/9-10(September-October, 1955), 1. 11 Louis Armstrong,in His Own Words,130. 18ChristopherHillman and Roy Middleton,Richard M. Jones:Forgotten Man of Jazz (Tavistock,England: CygnetPublications, 1997), 8. ARMSTRONG'S HOT FIVES AND HOT SEVENS 17 couldnot have negotiatedwith OKeh on his own,Fearn, his supervisor,presumably hiredthe personnel, perhaps with additional pressure from Lil, a goodfriend of Jones.19 Butregardless of speculations about a Chicagocontract, Armstrong's initial agree- mentwith OKeh hadto havebeen made in New York.Ory, in California,remembered receivinga letterfrom Louis in New Yorksaying that he had offersto play in the Dreamlandand to recordfor OKeh. The moneyArmstrong mentioned sounded attrac- tiveso Orybroke up his bandand hurriedto theWindy City, arriving "a fewweeks" beforeLouis.20 OKeh in New Yorkalso wiredRichard Jones to prepareArmstrong to recordwith Bertha "Chippie" Hill inChicago, which the cornetist did on November 9.21 The criticallink between Armstrong and OKeh appearsto havebeen Ralph Peer, OKeh's Directorof Productionand, afterDecember 1925, the company'sGeneral Sales Manager.Peer enteredthe record business as a teenagerby workingfor his father,a Columbia dealer in Independence, Missouri, eventually landing a positionwith theColumbia organization in KansasCity. After brief service in theNavy towards the end of WWI, Peerreturned to his old job in Kansas City,but shortly thereafter was hiredby his former Columbia boss, who had in the meantime joined OKeh inNew York. Risingquickly to a positionof authority insales, Peer was thefirst in the record business to acton theimplications of the "Crazy Blues" phenomenon.Claiming to havecoined theterm, ","Peer begana separatenumber series and catalogfor these recordings,which he was todo laterfor "hillbilly" music as well.Soon he was scouring thecountry for race and hillbilly artists with Hibbard and his portable recording studio in tow.22It was to Peerthat Lil Armstrongappealed on herhusband's behalf:

I used to go to Chicagofrequently [on sales trips]while I was withOKeh. I wouldgo outlate at nightto theRoyal Gardens [where] I gotacquainted with Armstrongand his wife [who] came up to me and said "Louis has an offerto go to New York[with Henderson's Orchestra]. Could you give us recording workthere?" ... so we used a pickuporchestra with Louis Armstrongon trumpet. . . Wheneverwe neededa New Yorktrumpet player our first choice wouldbe Louis Armstrong.So thiswent on fora yearor so and finally[Lil] came to see me againand said,"[Louis] can't standit in New York." And I said,"Well, now if he goes back to Chicago,I will do thisfor you. We will createan Armstrongorchestra so thatwe can giveyou somework" . . . [He]

19Edward"Kid" Ory (as told to Lester Koenig), "The Hot Five Sessions," The Record Changer (July- August,1950), 17; JohnnySt. Cyr,"Jazz As I RememberIt, Part4: ChicagoDays," JazzJournal 20/1(January, 1967), 15; Jonesand Chilton,114; Collier,169-170. The relationshipbetween OKeh and ConsolidatedTalking Machineis unclear.In theDefender Jones was called the "WesternRecording Manager" for Consolidated Music Publishers(an apparentpublisher of conveniencefor Consolidated Talking Machine Co.) duringthe timeof the Hot Fives untilhe resignedthe "dictatorshipof the race recorddepartment" in early 1927 {Chicago Defender, November6, 1926; February19, 1927). By the timeof the Hot Sevens Joneswas on the staffof OKeh which was now a subsidiaryof Columbia{Chicago Defender,May 7, 1927). zuOry,Ibid. 21Hillmanand Middleton,10. nTMW 21/12(December 15, 1925); Borgeson,"Interview with Ralph Peer ; Ronald Foreman,"Jazz and Race Records, 1920-32: Their Originsand Their Significancefor the Record Industryand Society" (Ph. D. dissertation,University of Illinois, 1968), 92. 18 COLLEGE MUSIC SYMPOSIUM

wentback to Chicagoand we senta recordingoutfit out to an old warehouse there. . . andrented a floor... I gotthe best musicians that you could get . . . becauseI like Louis ... I okeyedthe musicians, all of whomI knew... I'd reallyset up thedates around Louis. I reallydid it to gethim enough money so he couldpay his way up there. . . thatwas thebeginning of Louis Armstrong.23

TheHot Five recordings were usually made in the morning between the completion ofmembers' regular or doubledgigs and their heading home for a fewhours sleep. St. Cyr'sregular job withDoc Cooke,for example, lasted from eight until midnight after whichhe doubled at the Apex Club with Jimmy Noone from one until six a. m.Armstrong, duringmuch of theHot Five period,started work with Erskine Tate at theVendome Theaterat sevenevery evening before doubling at theDreamland or Sunsetuntil three or fourin the morning.24 Ory described the routine at thestudio:

Our recordingsessions would start this way: theOKeh peoplewould call up Louis and saythey wanted so manysides. They never told him what numbers theywanted or how they wanted them. Then Louis would give us thedate, and sometimeshe'd call meand say I'm shortof a numberfor this next session. Do youthink you can getone together?... We wouldget to thestudio at nineor tenin the morning. . . . Ifwe weregoing to do a newnumber, we'd runover it a coupleof times before we recordedit. ... We spoiledvery few records, only sometimeswhen one ofus wouldforget the routine or the frame-up, and didn't come in whenhe was supposedto.25

The earliestHot Five recordingswere made acoustically, which required the per- formersto gatheraround a largehorn at varyingdistances to achievebalance.26 The hornfunneled the sounds to a styluswhich cut them directly on to a rotatingwax disc. Mistakesrequired starting a new disc. Dodds couldnot play hot without loudly tapping hisright foot, under which Mr. Fearn was obligedto place a pillowto keep from ruining thecuts. The bandmembers were so acclimatedto each other'splaying that they soon came to rehearseand timethe numbers in the studio,thereby eliminating tests and managingto cuta masteron thefirst take.27 Both Ory and St. Cyr remembered the Hot Five sessionsas happy,relaxed, and fun,with Louis as a "wonderful"leader who re- spectedhis sidemen and put the band before his personal acclaim. Most importantly for posterity'ssake, OKeh avoidedtrying to "expert"the musicians, allowing them almost completeartistic freedom within the studio.28

23Borgeson,"Interview with Ralph Peer." 24NewOrleans Style,71; Louis Armstrong,Swing ThatMusic (New York: Da Capo, 1993), 85. 25Ory,"The Hot Five Sessions," 17, 45. 26SeeRick Kennedy,Jelly Roll, Bix, and Hoagy (Bloomington:Indiana University, 1994), no page number, forillustrations of Bix Beiderbeckeand the RhythmJugglers making acoustic recordings for Gennett in 1925. 27St.Cyr, "The OriginalHot Five," 1-2; Bill Russell interviewof Lil Armstrong,Chicago, July1, 1959, Tulane Jazz Archive. 28Ory,"The Hot Five Sessions," 45. ARMSTRONG'S HOT FIVES AND HOT SEVENS 19

///:The Music

On November12, 1925,the first of theHot Fives wererecorded in OKeh's por- tablestudio at the Consolidated Talking Machine Company (Illustration 1 [1926 OKeh publicityshot of Armstrong's Hot Five]).29 Although "no earthshakingjazz" mayhave resulted,30the band performed with the confidence and assurancethat one mightex- pectfrom players who had knowneach otherpersonally and professionally for years. Notsurprisingly, the musical style of the first two numbers, "My Heart"and "Yes! I'm inthe Barrel," recalled the players' New Orleansorigins and King Oliver's recordings oftwo years earlier with their ragtime rhythms and ensemble-dominatedtextures. Al- thoughthe youngest of thegroup at twenty-four,Armstrong nevertheless exerted his musicalauthority by his swinging leads, innovative solos, and hot breaks. The thirdcut of thefirst Hot Five session,"Gut Bucket Blues," best typified its successors.The numberwas createdat thestudio in responseto Mr.Fearn's request fora bluesto round out the set. When Armstrong complained that all theirblues sounded alike,St. Cyr suggested beginning with a banjosolo:

So we madea shortrehearsal and cut the number. When Mr. Fern [sic] asked, "Whatshall we nameit?," Louis thought for a whileand then said, "Call it'The GutBucket.'" Louis couldnot explain the meaning of the name. He saidit just cameto him.But I willexplain it. In thefish markets in New Orleansthe fish cleanerskeep a largebucket under the table where they clean the fish, and as theydo thisthey rake the guts in this bucket. Thence "The Gut Bucket," which makesit a low downblues.31

The simplestructure of "GutBucket Blues" heraldsthe organization of laterHot Fives-a stringof ensembleand solo chorusesincreasingly showcasing Armstrong. In "GutBucket," however, everyone solos-each urged by theleader to "whipit" or "do thatthing." But when it came time for Dodds tointroduce "Papa Dip,"he frozein front ofthe horn, ruining several takes before finally turning the line over to Ory.32 The formalsimplicity of "Gut Bucket Blues" beliesits sophisticated musical con- tent.St. Cyr's introductorysolo, one of his mostextensive on record,reveals deft techniqueand a nicelycrafted melodic line spiced with chromaticism rising to a promi- nentblue seventh (W) inbar 3. A passingdiminished chord in bar 6, a seriesof second- arydominants (A7 inbar 8 toD7 inbar 9) beforearriving at the dominant (G) inbar 10, constitutea fewembellishments of thestandard blues progression(Example 1). St.

29Tothe author's knowledge,this publicityphoto of the original Hot Five has not been previously publishedin the UnitedStates. The authorthanks Klaus-Uwe Durr for this copy, which Mr. Diirrobtained from JohnDodds Jr.,eldest son of JohnnyDodds. 30GuntherSchuller, Early Jazz: Its Roots and Musical Development(New York: OxfordUniversity, 1968), 98. 3ISt.Cyr, "The OriginalHot Five," 2. 32Interviewwith Bill Rand forWERE Radio, Cleveland,c. 1953 (Cassette26, Louis ArmstrongArchives, Queens College, New York). 20 COLLEGE MUSIC SYMPOSIUM

Illustration1. LouisArmstrong's Hot Five

Cyr'sprogression differs, in fact, from that followed in the rest of the piece: C-F7-C-C7/ F7-F7-C-A7/G7-F7-C-C.

Example1: St. Cyr'sOpening solo in "GutBucket Blues."

"Oh playthat thing, Mr. St. CyrLawda jC 2c 3c? [_[ 4c?

■Youknow you can doit" 'Evoybody fromNew Orteanscan reallydo thatthing. Hi,hi" F? C A7 5 6F*dlm I I I 7 g

D? . 9 ,o O7 II C Dtdim Bdim C

I i * " I § ^ j»Jj Jjlj, j>^J|J J^ |lJi^ »i

Incidently,the copyright deposit of "Gut Bucket Blues" offers no compositionalinsights. Submittedseveral months after the recording, it is a descriptivelead-sheet incorrectly transcribedby Lil fromthe recording or from memory (Illustration 2 ["Gut Bucket Blues" copyrightdeposit]).33 The introductionhas thirteenbars instead of twelve and bars 1-2 ARMSTRONG'S HOT FIVES AND HOT SEVENS 21 lead.The second ensemble chorus, four solo choruses,and Armstrong's solo tag are not included.Only the final ensemble chorus and a fewbars of theintroduction actually duplicatethe recording. Interestingly, Lil's versionof St. Cyr's solo improvesthe struc- tureof theoriginal by insertingthe fifth (G) in its arpeggiationof theC7 harmony, therebydelaying the seventh (B^) untilits expected appearance in bar 4. On therecord- ing,St. Cyr reaches B'' prematurely, making a prolongationof C7 necessarybefore the moveto thesubdominant (F) in bar5. Lil's inclusionof the C7 prolongationfrom the original(or her interpolation ofan arpeggiationon G) producedthe introduction's extra bar. On therecording, however, the series of solos afterthe two ensemblechoruses providesa studyin motivicdevelopment (Example 2).34 Lil introducesa descending five-notemotive (C-A-G-Dt-E) in bars 1-2,which she repeatstwice in bars2-3, the secondtime inverted. Blue notes(E^s) occurfrequently as theseventh of the subdomi- nant(F7) butnot as thethird of the tonic (C) andshe refers to theimplied A7 frombar 8 ofSt. Cyr's introduction, a harmonic detail overlooked or ignoredby her successors. In sharpcontrast, Ory's chorus is less complexand more"primitive." Avoiding blue notesentirely, he repeatsliteral statements of Lil's motive,disregarding the E^/B disso- nancewith the sounding F7 inbars 2 and5-6, while Dodds, on theother hand, develops themotive rhythmically inbars 1 and3 andmelodically in bars7-8. Aside from bar 2, Dodds favorsblue notes as seventhsof the subdominant harmonies in 6 and 10. As theconclusion of the set of solos,Armstrong's performance might be heardas an extensionof his colleagues'efforts and a wryreflection on Ory'sin particular.Be- ginninglike the trombonist with a motivicstatement, he "corrects"Ory's missed or ignoredF7 changesin bars 2, 5-6.35Then, after stating Lil's motiveon thesecond half ofbar 6 as Oryhad done, Armstrong elects to leavethe Dt unresolved,thus transform- ingthe pitch into a bluethird (Et>) against tonic harmony in bar 7-a cleverthwarting of a voice-leadingexpectation (Di-E) introducedby St. Cyrin hisopening solo andrepeat- edlyreinforced by all succeedingsoloists. Armstrong'ssolo tagafter the final ensemble chorus summarizes and synthesizes "GutBucket Blues" rhythmically,melodically, and harmonically (Example 3). Witha combinationof syncopatedand unsyncopated rhythms beginning with a characteristic ripup to high A onbeat 4, herecalls the blue third and blue seventh, the A-E^ tritone, and

33LouisArmstrong, "Gut Bucket Blues" CopyrightDeposit, E640490, April 30, 1926, Music Division, Libraryof Congress.Although listed in the Music Division's catalog, the copyrightdeposit for"Gut Bucket Blues" cannotpresently be located. The authorthanks David Chevan forproviding the photocopyreproduced in Illustration1. The submissionis in Lil Armstrong'shand according to Chevan,"Written Music in EarlyJazz" (Ph. D. dissertation,CUNY, 1997), 273-274. 34A11musical transcriptions in thisarticle are by the author.Other published transcriptions of Armstrong's "Gut Bucket"solo are in Lee Castle, ed. and trans.,Satchmo's Solos (New York: International,1958), 12-13; Gerald Poe, "An Examinationof Four Selected Solos Recorded by Louis ArmstrongBetween 1925-1928," NACWPIJournal (Fall, 1975), 3-5; and PeterEcklund, ed. and trans.,Louis Armstrong:Great TrumpetSolos (New York:Charles Colin, 1995), 4. A transcriptionof JohnnyDodds's solo is in Bill Russell,"Play ThatThing, Mr. JohnnyDodds," Jazz Information(August 23, 1940), 11. For evidence of King Oliver's influenceon Armstrong's"Gut Bucket" solo, see Edward Brooks,Influence and Assimilationin Louis ArmstrongsCornet and TrumpetWork (1923-1928) (Lewiston,NY: Edwin Mellen, 2000), 62. 35Armstrong'sheightened sense of harmonicsensitivity in comparisonto thatof his musicalcolleagues is alreadyevident on ChimesBlues, his firstrecorded solo withthe Creole Jazz Band in 1923 (Schuller,Early Jazz, 83). 22 COLLEGE MUSIC SYMPOSIUM

Illustration2.

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theE^/B conflict so centralto thepiece. Such detailsof nuanceand creativitythus distinguishArmstrong from the rest of theHot Five and serveas a preludeto his in- creasingmusical dominance of the later recordings. ARMSTRONG'S HOT FIVES AND HOT SEVENS 2

Example2: Comparisonof Solos from"Gut Bucket Blues." ^ effli>'tfl ifflf- s i i 3. | f (I 11 «[>*jj> 'i #>

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Example3: Armstrong'ssolo tagin "GutBucket Blues." A 'r - IS$t \4 p f i J j i ii IV: Coda Exceptfor a singlepublic performance for publicity purposes36 the Hot Five was strictlya studio band throughout its existence while undergoing two major incarnations. Forfive sessions in May 1927,the Hot Five became the Hot Sevenwith the addition of tubaand drums,and in June-July 1928 Armstrong replaced the four original members andadded drums to makethe Hot Five, in numbersif not in name,a "Hot Six." The secondHot Five sessionon February22, 1926yielded a somewhatmaligned performanceof 'sand 's"Come Back SweetPapa,"37 but the thirdsession four days later made Armstrong a star. Three of itssix selectionsbecame jazz classics:'s","38Armstrong's own "CornetChop Suey," and BoydAdkins' "Heebie Jeebies." Armstrong's first recorded vocal and improvised scattingon "HeebieJeebies" in particularcaused a sensation.After its release in May, accordingto saxophonistMezz Mezzrow,the recording "took all ofChicago by storm," and formonths thereafter "you would hear cats greeting each otherwith Louis's riffs whenthey met around town-' I gotthe heebies' one would yell out, and the other would answer'I gotthe jeebies,' and the next minute they were scatting in each other's face."39 Reportedlyselling 40,000 copies, the record was thefirst Hot Five hitand thefirst to attracta substantialwhite audience. Its popularity prompted the publication of a sheet musicversion, additional recordings by singersof bothraces, and thecreation of an associateddance which competed with the Charleston and Black Bottomin contests acrossthe country. Soon fanswere purchasing Heebie Jeebiesshoes, doffing Heebie Jeebieshats, and devouringHeebie Jeebiessandwiches.40 Moreclassics followed- "Big Butterand Egg Man,""Wild Man Blues,""Potato Head Blues,""Struttin' With Some Barbecue," "Hotter Than That," "," "WeatherBird" - each to be subsequentlyand repeatedlyanthologized, analyzed, and acclaimedas masterpiecesof their kind. Each, too, reflected the musical characteristics firstdisplayed in "Gut Bucket Blues" while comprising only the most conspicuous por- tionof a pricelesslegacy indebted to thefortuitous circumstances that united a "tin- eared"record executive with "the world's greatest jazz cornetist."

36 Advertisementsfor the June12, 1926 OKeh Cabaretand StyleShow at the Chicago Coliseumorganized by E. A. Fearnproclaimed that the Hot Five would performseveral of its recentrecordings and wax "Heebie Jeebies"live on stage{Chicago Defender,June 12, 1926), a publicitystunt employed before by OKeh in Detroit and New YorkCity (TMW 21/2 [February15, 1925], 118; TMW 21/10 [October15, 1925], 92). Althoughthe Hot Five "brokeup the big ball June12 withtheir hot playing," the record-makingdemonstration apparently did not materialize{Chicago Defender,June 19, 1926). Armstrongseems to have appearedas a solo artistat the OKeh Race Record ArtistsNight, an earlier Fearn extravaganzaon February27, 1926 {Chicago Defender, January30, 1926 and March 6, 1926). 37Hodeir,52-53. 38Althoughcopyrighted by Ory,Armstrong claimed composer credit in an interviewwith Dan Morgenstern in Downbeat (July15, 1965), 18. i9Mezz Mezzrow and BernardWolfe, Really the Blues (New York: Citadel Press, 1990), 120. 40Collier,173; TMW 22/11 (November15, 1926), 128.