20 Religion As a Key Factor for Resilience: From

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

20 Religion As a Key Factor for Resilience: From 20-I Religion as a Key Factor for Resilience: From Rome to Constantinople 09:00 - 10:40 Wednesday, 1st September, 2021 Giorgio Ferri In the course of Rome’s long history, religion has always been a powerful tool of resilience against natural disasters and military defeats. As Jörg Rüpke argued recently (Urban Time and Rome’s Resilience: Steeling Oneself against Disaster in Religious Practices, "Numen" 67, 2020, 1-28), an essential document of such resilience through religion was the calendar (fasti). The downfalls and misfortunes, which the city was able to endure and to survive, could put its very existence at stake, such as the Gallic sack or the defeats in the Second Punic War, or could temporarily open a crisis, that would be regarded first of all as a religious one. In any case, the immediate re-establishment and the careful preservation of the “pact” with the gods (the pax deorum) was a strong support during a crisis (no matter its causes) and the first pillar upon which to start rebuilding right afterwards. The resilience of Roman religion can be also observed beyond the sack of 410 AD and the fall of the Western Empire, and even beyond the shift to Christianity and the move/doubling of some rituals to Constantinople. This panel intends to explore the resilient function of religion in Rome and to investigate how such resilience could in its turn affect Roman religion, also by delving into some case studies from Rome to Constantinople, from the founding of the former to the fall of the latter. 09:00 - 09:20 66 The Lupercalia from Prehistory to Late Antiquity: A Case Study in the Resilience of Roman Religion Kresimir Vukovic Ludwigs Maximillians Universität, München, Germany Abstract The Lupercalia is arguably Rome's most famous and most enduring festival. Its roots can be traced to the prehistoric period while a most significant historical instance used the festival as a stage for Caesar's refusal of the royal diadem in 44BC (North 2008, Vuković, forthcoming). After civil wars, Augustus restored the festival and celebrations continued throughout the imperial period as the Lupercalia adapted to new circumstances such as the rise of the equestrian elite and gladiatorial games. The last testimony of the festival in Rome is given by pope Gelasius in a letter against its performance in the 490s AD, over a century after Theodosius’ prohibition of pagan sacrifice. At this point the Lupercalia lost many of its old rituals but continued in the form of a rowdy carnivalesque festivity that openly challenged authority and the new high priest of Rome (McLynn 2008). Finally, the Lupercalia was transferred to new Rome—Constantinople—where it became a celebration of spring in the hippodrome (Graf 2015). Tracing the countless transformations of the multifaceted Lupercalia this talk will present one of the most resilient festivals of Roman religion and give a glimpse of my book in progress, The Wolves of Rome. Works cited: Graf, F. Roman Festivals in the Greek East: From the Early Empire to the Middle Byzantine Era. Cambridge University Press, 2015. McLynn, N. "Crying wolf: the pope and the Lupercalia." The Journal of Roman Studies 98 (2008): 161-175. North, J.A. "Caesar at the Lupercalia." The Journal of Roman Studies 98 (2008): 144-160. Vuković, K. (forthcoming): “The Festival of the Lupercalia as a Vehicle of Cultural Memory in the Roman Republic.” In M.T. Dinter, C. Guérin (eds.) Cultural Memory in Republican and Augustan Rome (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge). 09:20 - 09:40 176 The Prodigious Ways of Resilience: Dreams and Prophecy in Cicero’s De divinatione Andrei-Tudor MAN Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris, France Abstract Cicero’s theological trilogy (De natura deorum, De divinatione, De fato) was written in the midst of perhaps the most troubled times of the author’s life. Out of the three dialogues, the one addressing divination was composed during the height of those disturbed moments. The Civil War and the defeat of Pompey, his exclusion from Roman active politics, Caesar’s death - all of them leave traces in Cicero’s dialogue. It was often emphasized that Cicero had the capacity to abstract himself from the historical context and to dedicate himself completely to writing, including De divinatione. Nonetheless, for all we know, an analysis from the point of view of resilience of the passages that mention the troubles of that time in De divinatione has never been advanced, the present paper assuming this task. Certain signs indicate that the composition of the dialogue is divided into two moments, separated by Caesar’s death. Cicero’s references to the historical events are also deployed in the text in different ways and seeking a different end, depending on the compositional moment they are part of. While, after Caesar’s death, Cicero openly affirms his former persecuted condition, the same end is attained before the Ides of March through examples of dreams or confirmed prophecy. The second instrument of resilience may seem peculiar, given the nature of the dialogue. Thus, while he seeks to confront the irrational belief in divination as a case of superstition, the author uses examples of true intuitive divination, coming out of his own experience, in order to reassert his political role in the Republic. Three passages of the first book are of interest for our paper, all exemplifying cases of intuitive divination: the dream of Quintus Cicero (I, 58), that announces the return from exile of his brother Marcus, the dream of Marcus Cicero (I, 59), announcing his own return from exile, and a case of true prophecy during the battle of Dyrrachium (I, 68-69). We consequently postulate that resilience is a common end for several passages that refer to Cicero’s historical context. To pursue this task, we primarily examine the instruments of these acts of resilience, which would bring us to the final and essential question of the paper, which regards the role of religion as an instrument for resilience in Cicero’s De divinatione. 09:40 - 10:00 23 Cicero’s De signis: Creating Religious Responses to Foreign Divine Statues in Rome Claudia Beltrão Universidade Federal do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Abstract This paper will address the fourth part of the second speech of Cicero’s Orationes in Verrem (De signis), in which the invective against Verres is supplemented by accounts of his appropriations or robberies of divine statues from Sicilian cities. The general desolation and the abandonment of the fields are presented as outcomes of the impiety and greed of a vicious Roman provincial governor. Cicero addresses varied responses of mourning or resistance of distinct Sicilian populations to their religious losses. This paper will focus only on the cases of Diana, Hercules, and Ceres (Verr. 2.4.72-82, 93-96, 105-115). These passages are crucial to Cicero’s argument, creating an emotional impact on his Roman audience by connecting the Sicilian divine statues with gods and goddesses who have saved Rome in dangerous times. Cicero connects the misfortunes of the Sicilians to moments when these deities were fundamental to the safety of Rome, in powerful associations in which Roman religious feelings and resilience are at the heart of the narrative. 10:00 - 10:20 71 Vespasian, the Restorer of Ma´at at Rome David Gordillo Salguero University of Salamanca, Salamanca, Spain Abstract The Flavian Dynasty maintained a close and unprecedented relationship with Isis and Serapis. This link with the Egyptian deities arose during the stay of Vespasian in Alexandria in the year 69-70. The first Flavian emperor promoted the public cult of Isis and Serapis, that was inscribed in the official calendar at least since 71. That year the first public sanctuary of these deities in Rome, the Iseum Campense, was inaugurated, from where the Ceremony of Triumph started a few months later. At this time, the doors of the Temple of Janus were closed and Vespasian announced the construction of the Templum and Forum Pacis. At the Iseum Campense, extensively renovated by Domitian, the goddess was venerated as Isis Sothis. In Egyptian Theology, Sothis was the star that announced the annual rise of the Nile. The overflow of the Nile was the symbol of the cyclic regeneration of life and the imposition of order and harmony in the face of chaos. This cosmic order was expressed by a concept, also an abstract deity associated with Isis: “Ma´at”. The political interpretations of this symbolic construction were evident in a context of political crisis. In this communication, I explore how these theological ideas from Pharaonic/Ptolemaic theocracy were integrated into the political discourse of restoration of pax deorum and concordia ordinum in Rome by the Flavian propaganda..
Recommended publications
  • The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
    The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Religions: Public Worship of the Greeks and Romans by E.M
    Ancient Religions: Public worship of the Greeks and Romans By E.M. Berens, adapted by Newsela staff on 10.07.16 Word Count 1,250 Level 1190L TOP: The temple and oracle of Apollo, called the Didymaion in Didyma, an ancient Greek sanctuary on the coast of Ionia (now Turkey), Wikimedia Commons. MIDDLE: The copper statue of Zeus of Artemision in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens, Greece. BOTTOM: Engraving shows the Oracle of Delphi, bathed in shaft of light atop a pedestal and surrounded by cloaked figures, Delphi, Greece. Getty Images. Temples Long ago, the Greeks had no shrines or sanctuaries for public worship. They performed their devotions beneath the vast and boundless canopy of heaven, in the great temple of nature itself. Believing that their gods lived above in the clouds, worshippers naturally searched for the highest available points to place themselves in the closest communion possible with their gods. Therefore, the summits of high mountains were selected for devotional purposes. The inconvenience of worshipping outdoors gradually suggested the idea of building temples that would offer shelter from bad weather. These first temples were of the most simple form, without decoration. As the Greeks became a wealthy and powerful people, temples were built and adorned with great splendor and magnificence. So massively were they constructed that some of them have withstood the ravages of This article is available at 5 reading levels at https://newsela.com. time. The city of Athens especially contains numerous remains of these buildings of antiquity. These ruins are most valuable since they are sufficiently complete to enable archaeologists to study the plan and character of the original structures.
    [Show full text]
  • A Journey in Pictures Through Roman Religion
    A Journey in Pictures through Roman Religion By Ursula Kampmann, © MoneyMuseum What is god? As far as the Romans are concerned we think we know that all too well from our unloved Latin lessons: Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, the Roman Triad as well as the usual gods of the ancient world, the same as the Greek gods in name and effect. In fact, however, the roots of Roman religion lie much earlier, much deeper, in dark, prehistoric times ... 1 von 20 www.sunflower.ch How is god experienced? – In the way nature works A bust of the goddess Flora (= flowering), behind it blossom. A denarius of the Roman mint master C. Clodius Vestalis, 41 BC Roman religion emerged from the magical world of the simple farmer, who was speechless when faced with the miracles of nature. Who gave the seemingly withered trees new blossom after the winter? Which power made the grain of corn in the earth grow up to produce new grain every year? Which god prevented the black rust and ensured that the weather was fine just in time for the harvest? Who guaranteed safe storage? And which power was responsible for making it possible to divide up the corn so that it sufficed until the following year? Each individual procedure in a farmer's life was broken down into many small constituent parts whose success was influenced by a divine power. This divine power had to be invoked by a magic ritual in order to grant its help for the action. Thus as late as the imperial period, i.e.
    [Show full text]
  • Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (Translated By, and Adapted Notes From, A
    Ovid, Fasti 1.63-294 (translated by, and adapted notes from, A. S. Kline) [Latin text; 8 CE] Book I: January 1: Kalends See how Janus1 appears first in my song To announce a happy year for you, Germanicus.2 Two-headed Janus, source of the silently gliding year, The only god who is able to see behind him, Be favourable to the leaders, whose labours win Peace for the fertile earth, peace for the seas: Be favourable to the senate and Roman people, And with a nod unbar the shining temples. A prosperous day dawns: favour our thoughts and speech! Let auspicious words be said on this auspicious day. Let our ears be free of lawsuits then, and banish Mad disputes now: you, malicious tongues, cease wagging! See how the air shines with fragrant fire, And Cilician3 grains crackle on lit hearths! The flame beats brightly on the temple’s gold, And spreads a flickering light on the shrine’s roof. Spotless garments make their way to Tarpeian Heights,4 And the crowd wear the colours of the festival: Now the new rods and axes lead, new purple glows, And the distinctive ivory chair feels fresh weight. Heifers that grazed the grass on Faliscan plains,5 Unbroken to the yoke, bow their necks to the axe. When Jupiter watches the whole world from his hill, Everything that he sees belongs to Rome. Hail, day of joy, and return forever, happier still, Worthy to be cherished by a race that rules the world. But two-formed Janus what god shall I say you are, Since Greece has no divinity to compare with you? Tell me the reason, too, why you alone of all the gods Look both at what’s behind you and what’s in front.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina
    The Evolution of the Roman Calendar Dwayne Meisner, University of Regina Abstract The Roman calendar was first developed as a lunar | 290 calendar, so it was difficult for the Romans to reconcile this with the natural solar year. In 45 BC, Julius Caesar reformed the calendar, creating a solar year of 365 days with leap years every four years. This article explains the process by which the Roman calendar evolved and argues that the reason February has 28 days is that Caesar did not want to interfere with religious festivals that occurred in February. Beginning as a lunar calendar, the Romans developed a lunisolar system that tried to reconcile lunar months with the solar year, with the unfortunate result that the calendar was often inaccurate by up to four months. Caesar fixed this by changing the lengths of most months, but made no change to February because of the tradition of intercalation, which the article explains, and because of festivals that were celebrated in February that were connected to the Roman New Year, which had originally been on March 1. Introduction The reason why February has 28 days in the modern calendar is that Caesar did not want to interfere with festivals that honored the dead, some of which were Past Imperfect 15 (2009) | © | ISSN 1711-053X | eISSN 1718-4487 connected to the position of the Roman New Year. In the earliest calendars of the Roman Republic, the year began on March 1, because the consuls, after whom the year was named, began their years in office on the Ides of March.
    [Show full text]
  • Paper Information: Title: the Realm of Janus: Doorways in the Roman
    Paper Information: Title: The Realm of Janus: Doorways in the Roman World Author: Ardle Mac Mahon Pages: 58–73 DOI: http://doi.org/10.16995/TRAC2002_58_73 Publication Date: 03 April 2003 Volume Information: Carr, G., Swift, E., and Weekes, J. (eds.) (2003) TRAC 2002: Proceedings of the Twelfth Annual Theoretical Roman Archaeology Conference, Canterbury 2002. Oxford: Oxbow Books. Copyright and Hardcopy Editions: The following paper was originally published in print format by Oxbow Books for TRAC. Hard copy editions of this volume may still be available, and can be purchased direct from Oxbow at http://www.oxbowbooks.com. TRAC has now made this paper available as Open Access through an agreement with the publisher. Copyright remains with TRAC and the individual author(s), and all use or quotation of this paper and/or its contents must be acknowledged. This paper was released in digital Open Access format in April 2013. The Realm of Janus: Doorways in the Roman World Ardle Mac Mahon For the Romans, the doorways into their dwellings had tremendous symbolic and spiritual significance and this aspect was enshrined around the uniquely Latin god Janus. The importance of principal entrance doorways was made obvious by the architectural embell ishments used to decorate doors and door surrounds that helped to create an atmosphere of sacred and ritual eminence. The threshold was not only an area of physical transition but also of symbolic change intimately connected to the lives of the inhabitants of the dwelling. This paper will explore the meaning of the architectural symbolism of the portal and the role of doorways in ritual within the Roman empire by an examination of the architectural remains and the literary sources.
    [Show full text]
  • Johnlydus-4-01-January – Final
    JANUARY [63] 1. I have spoken sufficiently about the fact that the month of January was defined as the beginning of the priestly calendar by King Numa; in it, they would offer sacrifice to the [beings] above the moon, just as in February [they would offer sacrifice] to the [beings] below it. And so, I must speak about Janus—who he is and what idea of him the ancients had. Now then, Labeo says1 that he is called Janus Consivius, that is, "of the council / Senate" [boulaios]; Janus Cenulus and Cibullius, that is, "pertaining to feasting"—for the Romans called food cibus; Patricius, that is, "indigenous"; Clusivius, meaning "pertaining to journeys" [hodiaios]; Junonius, that is, "aerial"; Quirinus, meaning "champion / fighter in the front"; Patulcius and Clusius, that is, "of the door"; Curiatius, as "overseer of nobles"—for Curiatius and Horatius are names of [Roman] nobility. And some relate that he is double in form [64], at one time holding keys in his right hand like a door-keeper, at other times counting out 300 counters in his right hand and 65 in the other, just like [the number of days in] the year. From this,2 he is also [said to be] quadruple in form, from the four "turns" [i.e., the solstices and equinoxes]—and a statue of him of this type is said to be preserved even now in the Forum of Nerva.3 But Longinus vehemently tries to interpret him as Aeonarius, as being the father of Aeon, or that [he got his name because] the Greeks called the year4 enos, as Callimachus in the first book of the Aetia writes: Four-year-old [tetraenon] child of Damasus, Telestorides5..
    [Show full text]
  • The Statue of Janus Geminus and the Gates of War
    The Hands of the Double God: The Statue of Janus Geminus and the Gates of War The bronze gates attached to the shrine of Janus Geminus in the Roman forum are well known, and many explanations have been proposed to explain the origin of the counter-intuitive tradition of closing the gates during peacetime and opening them during war. This project seeks to turn attention to another, less studied component of the cult: the bronze statue of Janus behind the gates. It is my intention to demonstrate that it was replaced at some point, almost certainly by Augustus. Ovid (Fasti 1.99) claims that Janus held a staff in his right hand and a key in his left. Pliny (Natural History 34.16.33; cf. Macrobius 1.9.10), on the other hand, claims that Janus was depicted with his fingers shaped so as to indicate the 365 days of the year. How exactly the statue’s fingers indicated the number 35 has been a matter of uncertainty; one recurrent explanation is that the statues fingers were contorted so as to suggest the letters of the Roman numerals for 365: the letters c, l, x, and v. In fact, no such grotesque explanation is necessary. The Romans possessed a tabulation system that used the fingers of both hands to count. The fullest account is preserved by the Venerable Bede in De Temporum Ratione. According to Bede, one would indicate the number 300 with the right hand; one would indicate 65 with the left hand; that this is what Pliny intends for us to understand has the position of Janus’ fingers is confirmed by John Lydus (1.4), who explicitly states that Janus indicated 300 with his right hand and 65 with his left hand.
    [Show full text]
  • Ancient Rome
    HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY Ancient Julius Caesar Rome Reader Caesar Augustus The Second Punic War Cleopatra THIS BOOK IS THE PROPERTY OF: STATE Book No. PROVINCE Enter information COUNTY in spaces to the left as PARISH instructed. SCHOOL DISTRICT OTHER CONDITION Year ISSUED TO Used ISSUED RETURNED PUPILS to whom this textbook is issued must not write on any page or mark any part of it in any way, consumable textbooks excepted. 1. Teachers should see that the pupil’s name is clearly written in ink in the spaces above in every book issued. 2. The following terms should be used in recording the condition of the book: New; Good; Fair; Poor; Bad. Ancient Rome Reader Creative Commons Licensing This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. You are free: to Share—to copy, distribute, and transmit the work to Remix—to adapt the work Under the following conditions: Attribution—You must attribute the work in the following manner: This work is based on an original work of the Core Knowledge® Foundation (www.coreknowledge.org) made available through licensing under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. This does not in any way imply that the Core Knowledge Foundation endorses this work. Noncommercial—You may not use this work for commercial purposes. Share Alike—If you alter, transform, or build upon this work, you may distribute the resulting work only under the same or similar license to this one. With the understanding that: For any reuse or distribution, you must make clear to others the license terms of this work.
    [Show full text]
  • The Vestal Virgins' Socio-Political Role and the Narrative of Roma
    Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 2021; 14 (2), s. 127–151 doi:10.4467/20844131KS.21.011.13519 www.ejournals.eu/Krakowskie-Studia-z-Historii-Panstwa-i-Prawa Zeszyt 2 Karolina WyrWińsKa http:/orcid.org/0000-0001-8937-6271 Jagiellonian University in Kraków The Vestal Virgins’ Socio-political Role and the Narrative of Roma Aeterna Abstract Roman women – priestesses, patrician women, mysterious guardians of the sacred flame of goddess Vesta, admired and respected, sometimes blamed for misfortune of the Eternal City. Vestals identified with the eternity of Rome, the priestesses having a specific, unavailable to other women power. That power gained at the moment of a ritual capture (captio) and responsibilities and privileges resulted from it are the subject matter of this paper. The special attention is paid to the importance of Vestals for Rome and Romans in various historic moments, and to the purifying rituals performed by Vestals on behalf of the Roman state’s fortune. The study presents probable dating and possible causes of the end of the College of the Vestals in Rome. Keywords: Vesta, vestals, priesthood, priestesses, rituals Słowa kluczowe: Westa, westalki, kapłaństwo, kapłanki, rytuały Vesta and her priestesses Plutarch was not certain to which of the Roman kings attribute the implementation of the cult of Vesta in Rome, for he indicated that it had been done either by the legendary king- priest Numa Pompilius or even Romulus, who himself being a son of a Vestal Virgin, according to the legend, transferred the cult of the goddess from Alba Longa,1 which was contradicted by Livy’s work that categorically attributes the establishment of the Vestal Virgins to Numa by removing the priesthood structure from Alba Longa and providing it with support from the state treasury as well as by granting the priestesses numerous privileges”.2 Vesta, the daughter of Saturn and Ops became one of the most important 1 Plut.
    [Show full text]
  • Lorica Nostra: Happy Valentines! ​ ​ ​
    February 14, 2019 Lorica Nostra: Happy Valentines! ​ ​ ​ Save the Date! Dē Amōre Every Thursday at 5pm This time of year it is inevitable that we turn our attention to love. Aequora with 5th. There is, of course, all kinds. The ancient Greeks had a many as six different words for the various types of love. Some overlap; some Graders in A222. Come are difficult to define, but the three most distinct are ἀγάπη- agape help out! (religious love), φιλία-philia (friendship and duty), and ἔρως- eros ​ ​ (passion). Saturday, February 23: ​ Carcer at Miramonte We Latinists have the opportunity to experience it all through the High School vast offerings of Latin literature. Cicero, ever the thinker and analyzer, focuses on philia and reminds us that we have ​ ​ responsibilities to our country and our friends not just to ourselves: March 2: Metamorphoses at non nobis solum nati sumus ortusque nostri partem patria ​ Berkeley Rep. vindicat, partem amici. De Officiis 1.22 ​ (We have not been born for ourselves alone and our country March 29-30: ​ and our friends demand part of our day.) State Convention at Miramonte High School In the same work he warns us that desire should obey reason: Appetitus rationi pareat (1.141). In De Amicitia, he also sings the ​ ​ ​ July 25-30: praises of friendship, which, he says, makes life better: ​ National Convention at nam et secundas res splendidiores facit amicitia North Dakota State et adversas partiens communicansque leviores University (22) (For friendship makes the good times brighter and, by sharing and interacting, makes the tough times easier to bear.) Clearly this is not a man who yields to passion, but he does understand the other forms of love.
    [Show full text]
  • Calendar of Roman Events
    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
    [Show full text]