The Early Days of the John Birch Society: Fascist Templars of the Corporate State by Alex Constantine
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The Early Days of the John Birch Society: Fascist Templars of the Corporate State By Alex Constantine "The new America will not be Capitalist in the old sense, nor will it be Socialist. If at the moment the trend is toward Fascism, it will be an American Fascism, embodying the experience, the traditions and the hopes of the great middle-class nation." -- E.F. Brown, associate editor, Current History Magazine, July 1933 "We have absorbed into our own legal system the German tyranny that we fought and inveighed against. The approach, copied from the Nazis, works this way: The press and radio first lay down a terrific barrage against the Red Menace. Headlines without a shred of evidence shriek of atom bomb spies or plots to overthrow the government, of espionage, of high treason, and of other bloodcurdling crimes. "We are now ready for the second stage: the pinning of the label 'Red' indiscriminately on all opposition." -- Abraham Pomerantz, U.S. Deputy Chief Counsel, Nuremberg Trials An Ornery Bunch Lays Down a Terrific Barrage Against the Red Menace If you live in southern California and traveled with any liberal organization in the early 1980s, chances are your name appeared on a secret file. On May 25, 1983, L.A.'s Public Order Intelligence Division (PDID) was exposed to the world as a clearinghouse of spies gathering intelligence on the left. The PDID kept files on thousands of law-abiding liberals at a cost of $100,000 in tax revenues. The PDID utilized a computer dossier system purchased by the late Representative Larry McDonald's Western Goals, the intelligence gathering branch of the John Birch Society. McDonald was the national leader of the Birchers. Late political researcher Mae Brussell noted in "Nazi Connections to the John F. Kennedy Assassination" that the Birch Society officer [he perished in the Flight 007 shootdown] was "exceedingly active in Dallas preceding the Kennedy assassination. Western Goals has offices in Germany run by Eugene Wigner [a Hungarian-born scientist who worked on the atamic bomb at the University of Chicago] that feed data to the Gehlen BND [post-WW II Nazi intelligence division]. On the board of Western Goals sat Edward Teller, Admiral Thomas Moorer [Reporter Bob Woodward's superior officer in the Naval wing of the Pentagon within a year of the Watergate series published by the Washington Post], and Dr. Hans Senholt, once a Luftwaffe pilot." The Birchers had much in common with their fascist contacts in Germany. Fred J. Cook, in The Warfare State (MacMillan, 1962), wrote that the Birch Society was named after an obscure Christian missionary and "OSS captain who was murdered by Chinese Communist guerrillas ten days after World War II ended." The JB Society's Web site provides more background on this paragon of American virtues: "Shortly after America's entry into the war, John Birch volunteered to join General Claire Chennault's 14th Air Force, known also as the Flying Tigers. Birch was of particular value in the war because of his facility with various Chinese dialects and it was thus that he was assigned primarily to intelligence work." The society named after Birch, Cook wrote, "is a completely monolithic organization, as authoritarian in its own way as any Communist dictatorship.... Welch's John Birch Society is as secret as the Ku Klux Klan, as monolithic and unbalanced as the Nazi Party of Hitler, with many of whose ideas and methods it would find itself quite compatible." What would the Cold War have been without the inebriating nationalism of the Birchers, dismissed as "yahoos" by most observers frightening to those who looked into them? The Birch Society was founded in 1959 by Robert Welch. Welch attended the U.S. Naval Academy and studied law at Harvard for two years. He was vice president of the James O. Welch candy company in Cambridge, Massachusetts. He was also vice chairman of the Massachusetts Republican Party Finance Committee in 1948. Welch made an unsuccessful bid for the office of Lt. Governor in the 1950 Republican primary. He was a ranking director of the National Association of Manufacturers, the subject of many a rancorous essay by George Seldes, who found NAM, in the 1950s, to be a hive of reactionary corporate intrigues. The Birch Society's Web site observes that in Welch's time, "self-reliance, good manners, moral uprightness, respect for hard work, and especially rigorous honesty were as pervasive among Americans then as watching television and collecting welfare are for a great many of them today." His funding came primarily from Texas oil billionaire H.L. Hunt - a Texas oil "patriot" and the sponsor of a vitriolic right-wing radio program, Lifeline, that aired in 42 states - Pew's Sunoco, and NAM's corporate constituents. Welch learned, according to the JBS Internet site, that "The Conspiracy" was more "deeply rooted than he had previously thought, and supported this thesis by tracing its origins back over a century to an occult group known as the Illuminati, founded on May 1, 1776 by a Bavarian named Adam Weishaupt. Tenaciously tracking back through the pages of obscure books and dusty old documents, he found that this "Satanic" conspiratorial alliance had participated in the French Revolution of 1789, "which infamous uprising, as we know, struck out with intense savagery against God and civilization and resulted in the murder of roughly a million human beings. Clearly, the upheavals and atrocities of 1789 served as a model for revolutions to come, especially the Bolshevik Revolution." Robert Welch introduced his vision of the John Birch Society at a meeting of twelve "patriotic and public-spirited men" in Indianapolis on December 9, 1958. The first chapter was formed in February 1959. "The core thesis of the society," reports Political Research Associates in Somerville, Massachussetts, "was contained in Welch's initial Indianapolis presentation, transcribed almost verbatim in The Blue Book of the John Birch Society, and subsequently given to each new member. According to Welch, both the US and Soviet governments are controlled by the same furtive conspiratorial cabal of internationalists, greedy bankers and corrupt politicians. If left unexposed, the traitors inside the US government would betray the country's sovereignty to the United Nations for a collectivist new world order managed by a 'one-world socialist government.'" This was the game substituting "fascist" with "socialist," reversing the perceived polarity of corporatism. The Birch Society "incorporated many themes from pre-WWII rightist groups opposed to the New Deal, and had its base in the business nationalist sector." Welch's Society had a corporate foundation primarily oil companies and miliitary contractors and served as a line of "defense" to stanch the influences of the left. Before the war, B. Palme Dutt, in Fascism and Social Revolution (International Publishers, 1935), found that capitalism "can no longer maintain its power by the old means. The crisis is driving the whole political situation at an escalating pace." The rise of the labor unions and social movements threatened to usurp the power, wealth and privilege of the ruling class. Every segment of society was affected by this clash. The Lords of Industry, with one eye askance at developments in the Russian satellites and the Far East, was "driven to ever more desperate expedients to prolong for a little while its lease on life." Fascist organizations like the Birch Society were a "desperate expedient" of social control, undermining any attempt to trespass on the self-serving authority of the country's military-industrial barons. In the wings of the Birch Society, with its insistent rejection of "collectivism," lurked the corporate sponsors. In an address to the Cooperative League of the United States, T.K. Quinn, a former vice president of General Electric, an "Insider," shared his dim view of the corporations that created the Society and supported it: "In forms of organization and control, these giants are essentially collectivistic, fascist states, with self-elected and self- perpetuating officers and directors, quite like the Russian politiboro in this respect. Their control extends directly over production, over tens of thousands of small supplying manufacturers and subcontractors, and over thousands of distributors and dealers. Indirectly, the control of these giant corporations influences legislation through paid lobbies in state capitals and Washington, and it is seen and felt in the magazines, newspapers, radio and television stations, all dependent upon these giants and their associates for their existence" (George Seldes, "Postscript: NAM and the John Birch Society," in Never Tire of Protesting, Lyle Stuart, 1968, p. 124). The ranking corporations were unified by the National Association of Manufacturers (NAM). Robert Welch had been an officer of NAM. This front and related organizations didn't score too badly in their lobbying efforts in a sample year: WON LOST PERCENT NAM 6 0 1,000 Committee for Constitutional Government 7 1 .875 U.S. Chamber of Commerce 6 2 .750 Liberal lobbying groups didn't fare so well. The American Federation of Labor won three lobbying campaigns and lost seven. The League of Women Voters was successful in one attempt to see legislation passed, but lost four. The Farmers' Union was 1-in-8. The Veterans of Foreign Wars, 1-in-5 (Seldes, pp. 124-125, from a Congressional Quarterly scorecard). Seldes observed that NAM, "the richest and most powerful lobby in the nation, got all the laws it sponsored passed by Congress." The Committee for Constitutional Government, "called 'America's No. 1 fascist organization' by Congressman Wright Patman, won seven in eight that it sponsored" (p. 125). Clearly, favoritism at the legislative level favored the right-wing corporate fronts, not the dreaded left.