United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2016

United Nations

Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2016

“Climate change can bring us together, if we have the wisdom to prevent it from driving us apart.”

—Margaret Beckett, Former British Foreign Secretary

Contents

Contents ...... 1

Letter from the Director ...... 4

Mandate ...... 6

Background ...... 8

A Bird’s-Eye View of the UNFCCC ...... 8

The Paris Climate Agreement ...... 10

Topics for Discussion ...... 13

An Equity-Based Approach: Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities ...... 13

Alliances ...... 15

Climate Finance ...... 17

Positions ...... 19

Bibliography ...... 23

Letter from the Director

Dear Delegates, My name is Julia Greensfelder, and I am pleased to be your director for the 2016 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) Ad Hoc Working Group on the Paris Agreement (APA) meeting at WUMUNS XIII. I am currently a member of the Class of 2021 at Washington University in St. Louis and am majoring in International and Area Studies with a focus on climate security. During my Junior year at WashU, I had the opportunity to take a class through which I learned about the UNFCCC and the Paris Climate Accord. As part of the class, I was able to attend the 2019 iteration of the UNFCCC conference in Madrid, Spain where I experienced all that I learned first-hand. I hope to be able to integrate some of the niche knowledge that I gained from this experience into this committee and to share it with all of you. Since joining Model United Nations in my first year at WashU, I have been involved with the organization in a multitude of ways, but WUMUNS remains one of my favorite events. Climate change is the great magnifier of the 21st century; it will make or break the current global order and is an existential threat to much of humankind. Irreversible damage has already occurred. Lives have been lost and property has been destroyed. The existence of entire countries, populations, and a multitude of public goods is at risk. While climate change does not impact every person nor country in the same way, as a collective action issue, it must be mitigated by every person and every government. I commend each and every one of you for choosing to engage in such a difficult, yet timely topic at this conference. You are being presented with an impossible challenge: utilize a document, the Paris Agreement, to address climate change in a way that is best-suited for your country, keeping in mind that climate change is a global threat that you cannot solve alone. Like any international body, the committee functions best when you work together to achieve your goals. Because you are situated within blocs, some alliances have already been formed. However, if blocs do not collaborate, stalemate will persevere and action will not occur.

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I encourage you to be creative in how you make use of your global position and respective alliances. All UN documents up until May 16, 2016 (the start date of this meeting) are fair game to use. I suggest exploring the documents cited in the bibliography at the bottom and this pocket guide to familiarize yourself with topics. You may use scientific studies that have been published since this meeting, however, I request that you do not utilize any political documentation you can find on this process that was published after May 16, 2016. The purpose of this committee is to ponder and explore these tough questions. As such, you will address and discuss issues of race and imperialism -- I will not tolerate xenophobia or racism of any kind in this committee. I expect engagement with all topics to be conducted with respect and maturity. I am excited to see how you approach this crucial step of the Paris Climate Accord. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact me at [email protected].

Sincerely, Julia Greensfelder

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Mandate

Welcome delegates, Congratulations on your selection as diplomatic representatives by your respective countries, or parties as we refer to them. My name is Ms. Laurence Tubiana, acting on behalf of the President of the Conference of the Parties (COP) at its twenty-first session, and I have just opened the Ad Hoc Working Group on the Paris Agreement (APA) and welcomed all Parties and observers to this session. You are all negotiators at this meeting in Bonn, Germany, spanning from 16 - 26 May, 2020. The Paris Agreement has been opened up for signature and you need 55 countries which represent at least 55% of global emissions to sign the Agreement in order for it to be entered into force. However, the Accord has only been ratified by 17 parties representing 0.04% of global emissions thus far. Your job is to utilize this meeting of global leaders to forward your political agenda; for many of you, it will be to ensure that the Paris Agreement as it is is ratified and entered into force, and for some, there will be a twist. You are all here because you represent the best and the brightest of your home countries. There is no one more well suited to ensure that this agreement that we have spent countless hours negotiating together is ratified. The future of global warming is in your hands; what we accomplish this week will determine the severity of the consequences of climate change for centuries to come. The fate of humankind is in your hands. As leaders of your respective countries, it is your job to ensure that the Paris Climate Agreement, an agreement which required years of negotiation and compromise, is 6 ratified by at least 55 parties representing 55% of global emissions in order for it to be entered into force. To clarify, the Paris Accord has already been negotiated. The Paris Agreement opened for signature (the ratification process) on 22 April 2016 – Earth Day – at UN Headquarters in New York and must be ratified before COP 22 (the next time we will meet) which will begin on November 7, 2016.1 The Paris Agreement represents tensions that occur within the international arena and climate negotiations specifically. Should the Agreement focus on mitigation or adaptation? Should wealthy developed countries be responsible for providing funds to aid developing countries with less wealth? What about nations existing within countries that do not receive the aid they need to survive and thrive? Should funding be contingent upon specific action? If so, can that be done in a way which does not manifest as neo- colonialism? Or, do some countries benefit from neo-colonialism and, in turn, hope that it does manifest in that way? How do you even define a developing versus a developed country? The UNFCCC already did that, yet China still abides by developing country rules. What can an agreement actually do? Can you enforce it internally within your country? How do you hold other governments accountable? If you do not work together, you will fail. If you do not ensure that the needs of your country are met, you might find yourself underwater by the turn of the century. This process will test your ability to balance your own agenda and that of the globe. You will need to understand which alliances are most important, and you might even need to do a little bit of math to ensure you meet the 55% GHG emission threshold before deciding which alliances to forego. Do not lose sight of your goals and why you are here. It is up to you to save our planet and to preserve the future of your country.

Onward, Laurence Tubiana

1 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/what-is-the-paris-agreement 7

Background

A Bird’s-Eye View of the UNFCCC The Paris Climate Accord was produced under the umbrella group the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) which serves as the basis for the international response to climate change. The UNFCCC operates as a treaty and has binding requirements for all Parties. This includes the Conference of the Party (COP) meeting which occurs in November/December and the Subsidiary Body (SB) meeting which occurs in May/June. COP tends to be more high-profile, addresses larger-scale issues, and has clear, political themes. SB meetings are designed to be a process through which Parties can work out details and kinks that remain after the closing of a COP. To be clear, this committee is modeled after a SB meeting. The Kyoto Protocol was the original treaty which operationalized the UNFCCC by setting forth emissions requirements for all Parties. It is important to note that such emissions requirements are binding only for 37 developed countries and countries with Economies in Transition. Under the new treaty, the Paris Accord (which is the focus of this committee), there are no binding emissions requirements. According to the UN, the objective of the UNFCCC, which has 197 Parties (or countries which ratified the UNFCCC treaty), “is to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic (human induced) interference with the climate system. [Accordingly,] such a level should be achieved within a time-frame sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened, and to enable economic development to proceed in a

8 sustainable manner."2 This is largely done through a system of loans and grants managed by the Global Environmental Facility which provides resources for countries which cannot afford to mitigate and adapt to climate change on their own. In addition, the UNFCCC “keeps tabs on the problem and what's being done about it, charts the beginnings of a path to strike a delicate balance, [and] kicks off formal consideration of adaptation to climate change.”34

The UNFCCC Parties (countries) are broken down into three different groups: Annex I, Annex II, and Non-Annex I. Annex I Parties consist of the countries which were OECD members in 1992 and “Economies in Transition” (EIT) countries such as the Russian Federation and the Baltic States. A complete list can be found here. Annex II Parties are essentially the same minus the EIT countries. The remainder of the Parties, mostly developing countries, are housed within the Non-Annex I category. Within the Non-Annex I category, 49 Parties are considered “Least Developed Countries” (LDCs). This matters because the expectations for each type of Party vary dramatically. For example, Annex II

2 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-convention/what-is-the-united-nations-framework-convention- on-climate-change 3 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-convention/what-is-the-united-nations-framework-convention- on-climate-change 4 The term adaptation is used when referring to addressing climate issues that have already taken place, whereas mitigation refers to preventative measures. 9 countries are expected to fund the financial mechanism mentioned above while LDCs typically require financial assistance provided by the UNFCCC and have far looser expectations. When analyzing your position in the context of the UNFCCC, it is important to understand what is expected of each Party which is outlined in the annex system. Much conflict has emerged, especially over the designation of China, as a result of the outdated nature of the annex system.

The Paris Climate Agreement

The Paris Climate Agreement represents a new era of international climate work. As stated by the UN, “The Paris Agreement’s central aim is to strengthen the global response to the threat of climate change by keeping a global temperature rise this century well below 2 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase even further to 1.5 degrees Celsius. Additionally, the agreement aims to increase the ability of countries to deal with the impacts of climate change, and at making finance flows consistent with a low GHG emissions and climate-resilient pathway.”5 The Paris Climate Agreement is a flexible and evolutionary agreement that is designed with principles of equity in mind. Rather than prescribing emissions standards as is done in the Kyoto Protocol, the Paris Agreement sets forth a process through which countries can analyze climate change adaptation and mitigation and set goals as it relates to their country. It is important to remember that there are no binding emissions requirements

5 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/what-is-the-paris-agreement 10 within the Paris Climate Agreement. Rather, countries are bound to regularly submit6 a “Nationally Determined Contribution” (NDC) in which they outline their current emission levels, as well as mechanisms and needs necessary for reduction. For example, in their NDC, the Maldives highlight the danger of sea level rise to the existence of their country and outline a number of financial and technological resources they need in order to delay, or mitigate, the process. This NDC process, represented by the notion of “Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities” (CBDR), is central to the promotion of equity in the fight against climate change because it allows countries to determine what they can and should do based on the resources that are available to them. For every NDC cycle (there has been one so far), countries are required to submit a new NDC which is more ambitious than the prior NDC. Countries are expected to hold themselves accountable to the NDCs they set for themselves, and to continuously track and update the conditions necessary to meet their goals. In order to aid with this process, the Paris Agreement increases financial and technological resources which provides increased funding for countries with less resources. The Paris Agreement contains many key components, all of which relate to countries in differing ways: 1. The Paris Agreement seeks to limit global temperature rise to well below 2 degrees Celsius; 2. “Parties aim to reach global peaking of greenhouse gas emissions (GHGs) as soon as possible, recognizing peaking will take longer for developing country Parties, so as to achieve a balance between anthropogenic emissions by sources and removals by sinks of GHGs in the second half of the century”7; 3. The binding and ambitious nature of NDCs forces all Parties to determine their mitigation strategies so as to reduce future global warming and associated consequences; 4. Parties are encouraged to preserve and expand their carbon sinks and reservoirs; 5. The Paris Agreement sets forth market and non-market-based approaches to allow for the transferral of mitigation outcomes; 6. “The Paris Agreement establishes a global goal on adaptation – of enhancing adaptive capacity, strengthening resilience and reducing vulnerability to climate change in the context of the temperature goal of the Agreement. It aims to significantly strengthen

6 The timeframe for these cycles is still under negotiation. 7 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/what-is-the-paris-agreement 11 national adaptation efforts, including through support and international cooperation...The adaptation efforts of developing countries should be recognized”8; 7. A mechanism is developed within the Agreement to address and mitigate potential loss and damage; 8. A new financial mechanism is developed and includes specific processes through which countries can access advanced technology and capacity-building support; 9. A component of public awareness and education has been added; 10. There is a new robust transparency and accounting system; and, 11. A system called the Global Stocktake has been established to assess progress in five-year cycles. You will not be able to address all of these during the conference, but it is important to understand the all-encompassing nature of the Agreement. For the purpose of this conference, you should focus on the financial mechanism, , minimizing temperature rise, mitigation, and adaptation. In order to operationalize the Paris Agreement, three main subsidiary bodies have been set forth: The Ad Hoc Working Group on the Paris Agreement (APA), the Subsidiary Body for Scientific and Technological Advice (SBSTA), the Subsidiary Body for Implementation (SBI). While this committee is focused on the APA, it is important to note that there is overlap and much intersection with the other committees. They all meet at the same location at the same time and usually contain the same negotiators. The text of the Agreement itself can be found here.

8 https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/the-paris-agreement/what-is-the-paris-agreement 12

Topics for Discussion

An Equity-Based Approach: Common but Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities

An oil field in Venezuela, a developing country whose economy is reliant on oil revenues in order to function.9

The Paris Agreement is a unique doctrine in many ways, one of which is its very intentional equity-based approach. The UNFCCC sets forth the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities” (or CBDR for short). This manifests to some extent in past agreements such as the Kyoto Protocol, however, the magnitude to which it is implemented is unique with the Paris Agreement. CBDR refers to the principle that every country has a duty to address the climate crisis; however, this duty varies greatly based on the resources available to a given country, the extent to which that country has already and continues to contribute to global warming, and level of impact climate change has already caused to the country. In context, this manifests in a number of ways, including, but not limited to, a requirement that developed Parties provide financial resources to assist developing Parties, less stringent standards (keep in mind most standards within the UNFCCC are non-binding) imposed upon developing countries, and often the

9 https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2019-10-03/three-days-in-venezuela-s-oil-belt-show-the-price-of- pillage 13 interests of wealthier developed countries are more represented given they have the financial resources to represent their interests. CBDR is the driving force behind the equity-based approach central to the Paris Agreement and its negotiations. Developed countries have had their time to develop. They could utilize coal and other polluting resources with no limitations because, when these countries were developing, climate change was not yet a widely known threat nor was there political capital dedicated to addressing it. These countries tend to have more capital, a more educated populace, a stronger military, and dedicated resources for adapting to climate change. A major exception to this is China. According to the original annex system that has not changed since 1992, China is still classified as a non-annex I Party. At $14.343 trillion (FY19) GDP, China rivals that of the European Union ($15.593 trillion FY19) and the United States ($21.374 trillion FY19).10 Accordingly, China has a similar set of resources, whether it be financial or technological, to developed countries held to higher standards. This has caused conflict and has stalled many negotiations. It is also reflected within the Byrd-Hagel Senate Resolution passed in 1998 which states: “the United States should not be a signatory to any protocol to, or other agreement regarding, the [UNFCCC], at negotiations in Kyoto in December 1997 or thereafter which would: (1) mandate new commitments to limit or reduce greenhouse gas emissions for the Annex 1 Parties, unless the protocol or other agreement also mandates new specific scheduled commitments to limit or reduce greenhouse gas emissions for Developing Country Parties within the same compliance period; or (2) result in serious harm to the U.S. economy.”11 The Byrd-Hagel Resolution explains why the United States is not a Party to the Kyoto Protocol, it explains much of the tension between China and the G-77 and the United States, and is a major contributing factor to the non-binding nature of the Paris Agreement emissions reduction component. You should keep this dynamic in mind throughout the duration of this committee. Parties within the UNFCCC have agreed that it is only fair to let developing countries maintain their development path; restricting their development by limiting the resources

10 https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.CD?locations=EU-US-CN 11 https://www.congress.gov/bill/105th-congress/senate-resolution/98 14 that are available to them due to climate change is unjust and inequitable. It also propagates many negative power dynamics contained within the current world order. As such, the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement Parties embrace CBDR and an equity-based approach as a justification to let developing countries develop even if they are polluting more by doing so. Because developed countries have already contributed so much to global warming (and continue to do so disproportionately to the clean technology available to them), the onus is placed on developed countries to decarbonize more quickly and to provide resources to developing countries to both develop more greenly and to operate in a more sustainable fashion once developed. CBDR does not only emphasize the notion that developed countries need to lead the decarbonization charge, and that expectations for a decrease in carbon emissions amongst developing countries should be lower; it also maintains that developed countries need to assist in the decarbonization of developing countries in addition to the decarbonization of their own.

Alliances

Brazil’s environment minister, Izabella Teixeira, and China’s special representative for climate change, Xie Zhenhua, address the media. The BASIC group has rejected claims by developed nations about how much financial help developing countries have had to tackle emissions.12

Coalition building is an essential part of the climate negotiation process; without it, major superpowers who are typically less vulnerable to climate change would dominate

12 https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2015/dec/09/french-negotiators-furiously-work-back-rooms- secure-climate-deal 15 discussions and agreements would be less ambitious. As mentioned in the above section, there is controversy surrounding the best way to approach climate mitigation in an equitable manner which creates deep divisions between countries, especially between those that are developed and those that are developing. In addition, there are divisions found between what is referred to as the “Global North” and the “Global South”. There is a high correlation between early development and wealth and the Global North and later (or lack of) development and the Global South. Brazil and China are leading the “South-South” strategy which is essentially a resource-sharing initiative in order to increase the resource capacity and power of countries found in the Global South. While these divides are apparent throughout negotiations and the ratification process, other divides between developing countries simultaneously emerge, cause conflict, and necessitate compromise. It is your job to ensure that the Paris Agreement is actualized in an equitable fashion. When thinking about alliances, it is important to remember that Parties can exist within multiple blocs. The biggest alliance is that of the G-77 and China. United by necessity, the G-77 and China serves as a powerful force to counter that of the developed countries. The G-77 and China, 134 members strong, maintains that developed countries should be primarily responsible for funding mitigation and adaptation efforts in developing countries. In a similar vein, the Like-Minded Developing Countries group, one containing major oil-producing states such as Venezuela and Saudi Arabia, has also pushed for differing obligations for developed and developing countries. The League of Arab Countries (Arab Group) contains many LMDC countries and has similar goals. They are also, as one could expect, more hesitant about the devolution from fossil fuels. While China is a major voice within the G-77 and China bloc, they are also found within the BASIC group, a group containing developing countries such as Brazil, China, India, and South Africa experiencing rapid growth and development. BASIC countries found that they could be more effective if they form their own alliance independent of the G-77, though there is some overlap between countries. Next, there is the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). These groups are arguably the most at-risk to global warming due to sea-level rise and have forged informal alliances with the European Union group in the past, usually bonding over the desire for the most ambitious action possible. In addition,

16 many of these countries operate within the Cartagena Dialogue whose primary goal is to impose legally binding standards. The remaining two major groups, Least Developed Countries and the African Group, tend to work together to prioritize financial support because they cannot support their own mitigation and adaptation efforts without it. This document contains a handy guide outlining all of the affiliations of each party. It is there where you can get a better understanding of the ways in which countries fit in and bounce between alliances.

Climate Finance13

Flash floods in Indonesia lead to devastating losses, largely because the country does not have the resources to protect flood victims and mitigate the impact of flooding.14

Climate finance refers to local, national or transnational financing—drawn from public, private and alternative sources of financing—that seeks to support mitigation and adaptation actions that will address climate change. The Convention, the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement call for financial assistance from Parties with more financial resources to those that are less endowed and more vulnerable. This recognizes that the contribution of countries to climate change and their capacity to prevent it and cope with its consequences vary enormously. Climate finance is needed for mitigation, because large- scale investments are required to significantly reduce emissions. Climate finance is equally

13 Language adapted from UNFCCC definitions. 14 https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/02/world/asia/indonesia-jakarta-rain-floods.html 17 important for adaptation, as significant financial resources are needed to adapt to the adverse effects and reduce the impacts of a changing climate. In accordance with the principle of “common but differentiated responsibility and respective capabilities” set out in the Convention, developed country Parties are to provide financial resources to assist developing country Parties in implementing the objectives of the UNFCCC. The Paris Agreement reaffirms the obligations of developed countries, while for the first time also encouraging voluntary contributions by other Parties. Developed country Parties should also continue to take the lead in mobilizing climate finance from a wide variety of sources, instruments and channels, noting the significant role of public funds, through a variety of actions, including supporting country-driven strategies, and taking into account the needs and priorities of developing country Parties. Such mobilization of climate finance should represent a progression beyond previous efforts. It is important for all governments and stakeholders to understand and assess the financial needs of developing countries, as well as to understand how these financial resources can be mobilized. Provision of resources should also aim to achieve a balance between adaptation and mitigation. There are multiple financial mechanisms which fulfill different needs: The Special Climate Change Fund, the Least Developed Countries Fund, the Adaptation Fund, and the Green Climate Fund. The focus of this committee should be ensuring the funding of these respective funds.

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Positions

Consult this link for a list of positions and bloc affiliations: https://tinyurl.com/unfccc-positions. The positions are going to be somewhat unique for this committee. While your country will likely fall within multiple groups, your home bloc throughout this conference will be the group that falls within the “Home Group” column on the positions spreadsheet. Your primary job is to uphold the agenda outlined in your home group description, as well the interests and needs of your country. However, some countries must toe the line to maintain interests they uphold within other groups. For example, New Zealand belongs to the Umbrella Group and the Cartagena Dialogue, two groups with conflicting interests outlined below. Keep in mind the annex designation for your country as well.

The UNFCCC defines each group as follows:15

African Group of Negotiators: Established at COP1 in Berlin, Germany in 1995 as an alliance of African member states that represents the interests of the region in the international climate change negotiations, with a common and unified voice. The Group comprises 54 Parties. The African Group is active in and supportive to all aspects of the climate change negotiating process, for instance regarding vulnerability, mitigation and adaptation to climate change. They prioritize capacity-building and climate finance measures.

Arab (States) League: The Arab League is a union of Arab-speaking African and Asian countries. It was formed in Cairo in 1945 to promote the independence, sovereignty, affairs and interests of its 22 member countries and four observers. The Arab League countries have widely varying levels of population, wealth, GDP, and literacy. They are all predominantly Muslim, Arabic-speaking countries, but Egypt and Saudi Arabia are considered the dominant players in the League. Through agreements for joint defense,

15 Some definitions have been adapted and/or enhanced for the purpose of this committee. 19 economic cooperation and free trade, among others, the league helps its member countries to coordinate government and cultural programs to facilitate cooperation and limit conflict.

BASIC Group: A group containing developing countries Brazil, China, India, and South Africa experiencing rapid growth and development. At the April 2010 meeting in Cape Town, environment ministers from the four countries called for a legally binding global agreement on long-term cooperative action under the UNFCCC, saying that slow legislative progress in the United States should not be allowed to dictate the pace of global agreement. The group's post-meeting statement also demanded that developed countries allow developing countries "equitable space for development" as well as providing them with finance, technology and capacity-building support, based on their "historical responsibility for climate change". The BASIC group contains the leaders of the South-South strategy and is looked to as both a leader and spokesperson for the needs of many developing countries.

China: This superpower maintains their classification as a developing country and continuously advocates for the needs and desires of developing countries, especially when it comes to differing financial obligations between developed and developing countries. Normally an outspoken leader in the BRICS Group and the G-77, China advocates that CBDR stays at the center of the Paris Agreement. China maintains that developed countries should allow developing countries "equitable space for development" as well as providing them with finance, technology and capacity-building support, based on their "historical responsibility for climate change". China is a major leader of the South-South strategy alongside Brazil and is looked to as both a leader and spokesperson for the needs of many developing countries.

European Union: 28 members of the European Union that meet in private to agree on common negotiating positions. The Party that holds the EU Presidency - a position that rotates every six months - then speaks for the European Union and its 28 member states. As a regional economic integration organization, the European Union itself can be, and is, a Party to the Convention. However, it does not have a separate vote from its members. In

20 other words, France is a signatory to the Paris Agreement both on its own and through the European Union ratification process. This does not apply to this committee, but due to its individual ratification, the United Kingdom remains a Party to the UNFCCC, the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Agreement despite leaving the European Union due to Brexit. Croatia is the latest country to join the European Union in 2013.

G-77: Developing country Parties generally work through the Group of 77 to establish common negotiating positions. The G-77 was founded in 1964 in the context of the UN Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and now functions throughout the UN system. As at May 2014, there are 133 members in the Group. The Party holding the Chair of the G-77 in New York (which rotates every year) often speaks for the G-77 and China as a whole. However, because the G-77 and China is a diverse group with differing interests on climate change issues, individual developing country Parties also intervene in debates, as do groups within the G-77, such as the African Group, the Small Island Developing States and the group of Least Developed Countries. For the purpose of this committee, all BASIC Group countries are not a part of the G-77. This position is designed to represent the interests of developing countries as a whole. It is more powerful than smaller blocs, but also has a more general agenda due to its broad base.

Least Developed Countries: 48 Parties that regularly work together in the wider UN system. They have become increasingly active in the climate change process, often working together to defend their particular interests, for example with regard to vulnerability and adaptation to climate change. Previously there were 49 Parties in the LDCs Group. However, in 2014 Samoa graduated from the LDCs. LDCs prioritize capacity-building and climate finance measures.

Small Island Developing States: A coalition of some 40 low-lying islands, most of which are members of the G-77 that are particularly vulnerable to sea-level rise. SIDS Parties are united by the threat that climate change poses to their survival and frequently adopt a common

21 stance in negotiations. They were the first to propose a draft text during the Kyoto Protocol negotiations calling for cuts in carbon dioxide emissions of 20% from 1990 levels by 2005.

Umbrella Group: A coalition of Parties which formed following the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol. The Group is made up of Australia, Belarus, Canada, Iceland, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, Kazakhstan, Norway, the Russian Federation, Ukraine and the United States. For the purposes of this committee, the United States is its own position and will not be represented by those assigned to the Umbrella Group. The Group's stance on climate change can be considered less enthusiastic than most other developed country Parties, and has the ability to block much real action on the issue. The Group insists that developing countries should make significant emission reduction commitments along with the developed countries, despite the rich countries' historical responsibility.

United States: Per the Byrd-Hagel Resolution, “the United States should not be a signatory to any protocol to, or other agreement regarding, the [UNFCCC], at negotiations in Kyoto in December 1997 or thereafter which would: (1) mandate new commitments to limit or reduce greenhouse gas emissions for the Annex 1 Parties, unless the protocol or other agreement also mandates new specific scheduled commitments to limit or reduce greenhouse gas emissions for Developing Country Parties within the same compliance period; or (2) result in serious harm to the U.S. economy.”16 The Byrd-Hagel Resolution explains why the United States is not a Party to the Kyoto Protocol, it explains much of the tension between China and the G-77 and the United States, and is a major contributing factor to the non- binding nature of the Paris Agreement emissions reduction component. The United States is the strongest advocate for a non-binding agreement and will not become a signatory to any agreement that has different binding requirements for developing and developed countries. Please keep in mind that this committee takes place in 2016. The United States is still a party to the Paris Agreement and Barack Obama is still president.

16 https://www.congress.gov/bill/105th-congress/senate-resolution/98 22

Bibliography

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