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Assyrian Period Is Slowly but Steadily Increasing 245 NEW ARAMAIC CLAY TABLETS 246 matter of fact, two major items from the Moussaieff Collec- tion, viz. Nos. 1 and 2, have been published previously by Th. Kwasman2) with copies of the tablets by M.J. Geller and photographs of No. 1. Besides, No. 18 was published by A. Lemaire in Michmanim.3) The tablets belonged to distinct archives and are of differ- ent provenances. Tablets 3, 4, and 7-11 from the Schøyen Collection constitute a set characterized by the names of zkr’l/zkrl and ’nty. Tablets 12-17 and possibly 18 are connected with the site of Tell esh-Sheikh Îamad/ Dur-Katlimmu, on the Habur, while the mention of the Baal of Hiran on tablets 1 and possibly 5 points to the area south of Mardin. It does not seem possible at present to determine connections between the remaining seven tablets and frag- ments, but tablet 24 dates certainly from the Persian period. Lemaire’s presentation does not follow an archival path, but distinguishes rectangular “vertical” tablets (Nos. 1-6), trian- gular tablets (Nos. 7-22), and two particular items (Nos. 23-24). In addition, Lemaire reexamines the Louvre tablet AO. 21.063, edited by J. Starcky4) (No. 6A, pp. 64-68), and pro- vides a transcription and some comments on the tablets pub- lished after F.M. Fales’ survey of Aramaic inscriptions on clay tablets from the Neo-Assyrian period5) (Nos. 1*-34*, pp. 119-149). The volume contains useful indices of words, proper names, place names, divine names, and names of months (pp. 153-158). A general observation concerns the translation of the ini- tial word Ìtm by “sealed document” on several Dur- Katlimmu tablets. Cuneiform parallels clearly show that this is a reference to the seal or nail impressions, not to the whole document. Therefore, Ìtm should be translated simply by “seal”. A syntactical problem arises in connection with the preposition mn on tablets 1, 2 and 6, 2: this particle does not mark the agent of the passive in Aramaic texts of the period concerned. Therefore Lemaire’s translation of the partly bro- ken initial clause of both deeds ought to be corrected accord- ingly. A semantic question is raised by ’wrh on tablets 1, 7; 3, 6; 4, 18; 5, 2’. This is obviously the equivalent of Akka- dian urû, “team”, not “pair”. The spelling swsyn does not NEW ARAMAIC CLAY TABLETS need to mark a dual form, since the Aramaic word for “horse” was ending in a vowel (suse). The latter was not The number of Aramaic clay tablets from the Neo- always indicated (thus ss in O. 3714, 4) and the yod could be Assyrian period is slowly but steadily increasing and the pub- omitted also in the plural contracted to susen, as shown on lication of 24 new texts and fragments of the kind is a well- tablet 3, 6-8, where the penalty formula is shortened to come event,1) even if no handcopy of the inscriptions and no ’wrh.swsn…yntn, “he shall give a team of horses”. As no palaeographic tables of the scripts are provided. All the figure is provided in Aramaic, while the “team” ought to sug- tablets are photographed, but the resulting reproductions are gest a determined number of horses like in the correspond- not always of the best quality and several problematic or ing Neo-Assyrian clause which begins with a numeral, either damaged letters can hardly be recognized. The use of italics two or four,6) the precise meaning of ’wrh in the concerned to indicate incompletely preserved letters does not fulfil its area and period has to be established. purpose, as some of them are only slightly damaged and The fuller formula ’wrh.swsyn.Ìwrn.ybl/yhb appears on can be identified without any difficulty, while traces of oth- two tablets (Nos. 1, 7-8 and 4, 18-19). The lower tip of the ers cannot even be distinguished on the photographs. As a 2) Th. Kwasman, Two Aramaic Legal Documents, in BSOAS 63 (2000), pp. 274-283. 3) A. Lemaire, An Aramaic Tablet from the 7th Century BCE in the Hecht Museum Collection, in Michmanim 15 (2001), pp. 31*-37*. 4) J. Starcky, Une tablette araméenne de l’an 34 de Nabuchodonosor (AO. 21.063), in Syria 37 (1960), pp. 99-115. 5) F.M. Fales, Aramaic Epigraphs on Clay Tablets of the Neo-Assyrian Period (Studi semitici, n.s. 2), Roma 1986. 1) A. Lemaire, Nouvelles tablettes araméennes. Librairie Droz, 6) K. Radner, Die neuassyrischen Privatrechtsurkunden als Quelle für Genève, 2001. (22 cm, 160, XXIII planches). ISBN 2-600-00614-1; ISSN Mensch und Welt (SAASt 6), Helsinki 1997, pp. 306-311. See also the 0073-0971. references in SAA XIII, p. XXV, n. 39. 247 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 248 letters wr is slightly damaged in’wrh on the first tablet, but The readings presented below are based on the pho- the word is perfectly readable on the photograph of tablet 4 tographs compared with Lemaire’s comments. Owing to the (Pl. IV, 4c), and this reading should be accepted instead of the lack of precise copies, it is impossible to know how the Edi- reviewer’s ’rbh, an assumed transcription of Assyrian tor could identify some letters, traces of which are not rec- “four”.7) In fact, mostly “four white horses” had to be given ognizable on the photographs. Discussion of such readings to the Moon-god of Harran according to Neo-Assyrian or proposals is thus pointless. deeds,8) and in this area’wrh should thus be a team of four Tablet 1 enables us to identify the names borne by the horses instead of being a pair, as proposed by Lemaire. At any buyer, the seller, the two slaves, and the guarantor of the rate, from the late 8th century B.C. onwards, as Assyrian char- transaction. The buyer seems to be called ’lh[’][b]y (lines 1-2), iots became bigger and carry larger crews, only quadrigas with “My god is my father”, a name attested in Neo-Assyrian all four horses under yoke are represented.9) Teams of four cuneiform texts.15) The seller is Kakkullanu, but he has only horses are then sculpted on Assyrian reliefs10) and also teams the name in common with the well-known cohort comman- of processional chariots must have consisted often of quadri- der of the crown prince, who was buying slaves instead of gas, as suggested by Assyrian deeds requiring the dedication selling them (PNA, pp. 596-597). The first slave bears a of four horses. It is likely therefore that four horses are meant shortened form dtln of the name *Iddati-ilani-allak, “I walk on the Aramaic tablets dating from the 7th century B.C. and after the deity”. The first syllable of the first element that the quadriga — the chariot in which the Moon-god rides happens to be dropped also in cuneiform texts (PNA, p. 501). the sky — is alluded to. This is supported by the date of the The second slave is called l’t’l, the well-known name tablets, since the team of a battle chariot consisted of four La’iti-Il, “God is my strenght”. The guarantor Ìlpy bear the horses in the 7th century B.C. At Tell Halaf, in the concerned same name as the military official Îallapay from Nineveh.16) area of northern Syria, which was known for its horse breed- His name is followed by a short conditional clause hn yh‘l, ing, four horses for a single chariot are listed even earlier, viz. “in case he (the seller) cheats”. The denominative causative at the time of Adad-nirari III (810-783 B.C.).11) h‘l from ‘wl, “iniquity”, is well attested in Syriac with the A team of white horses had to be given to the Baal of meaning “to act iniquitously”. The subject is obviously the Hiran according to tablet 1, 7-9, possibly of tablet 5, 2’-3’ seller Kakkullanu, who should have the right to dispose freely as well, where the text is damaged. Hiran is very likely of the slaves and is supposed to offer a guarantee against modern Gülharin, 11 km south of Mardin.12) The recipient epilepsy (bennu) for 100 days. was the Aramaic Moon-god Sehr according to tablets 3, The names of some witnesses can be identified as well. 6-7 and 4, 18-19. Beside the team of white horses, a mina The photograph might indicate that the first letter of the first of gold had to be given to the Baal of Harran according to name following sh[d] is missing, but this is not certain. If tablet 1, 9-10, and a qryt zhb ought to be offered to the god- the name ‘ql is completely preserved, it may correspond to dess Nikkal according to tablet 3, 7-8. The Editor rightly Thamudic g∂’l.17) The second name seems to be ‘trsmky, identifies it with a golden crown (p. 37), but he fails to refer “‘Attar is my support” (PNA, pp. 236-237), spelt with final to the known examples of mural crowns from the very y like on tablet O. 3673, 3 from the Gozan-Harran area. The 7th century B.C. Queen Libbali-sarrat, Ashurbanipal’s wife, third one might be ’lmlk, while the fourth one can certainly is represented with such a crown on her stela from Ashur13) be read tlzqp. This is very likely an abridged form of Itti- and on the Garden Relief from Nineveh.14) In both cases, ili-(enaia-)azaqqap, “On God I focus (my eyes)”, since the city wall represented by the crown is flanked by turreted zaqapu is used in particular with “eyes lifted up” as towers.
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