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Assyrian Period Is Slowly but Steadily Increasing

Assyrian Period Is Slowly but Steadily Increasing

245 NEW CLAY TABLETS 246

matter of fact, two major items from the Moussaieff Collec- tion, viz. Nos. 1 and 2, have been published previously by Th. Kwasman2) with copies of the tablets by M.J. Geller and photographs of No. 1. Besides, No. 18 was published by A. Lemaire in Michmanim.3) The tablets belonged to distinct archives and are of differ- ent provenances. Tablets 3, 4, and 7-11 from the Schøyen Collection constitute a set characterized by the names of zkr’l/zkrl and ’nty. Tablets 12-17 and possibly 18 are connected with the site of Tell esh-Sheikh Îamad/ Dur-Katlimmu, on the Habur, while the mention of the Baal of Hiran on tablets 1 and possibly 5 points to the area south of Mardin. It does not seem possible at present to determine connections between the remaining seven tablets and frag- ments, but tablet 24 dates certainly from the Persian period. Lemaire’s presentation does not follow an archival path, but distinguishes rectangular “vertical” tablets (Nos. 1-6), trian- gular tablets (Nos. 7-22), and two particular items (Nos. 23-24). In addition, Lemaire reexamines the tablet AO. 21.063, edited by J. Starcky4) (No. 6A, pp. 64-68), and pro- vides a transcription and some comments on the tablets pub- lished after F.M. Fales’ survey of Aramaic inscriptions on clay tablets from the Neo-Assyrian period5) (Nos. 1*-34*, pp. 119-149). The volume contains useful indices of words, proper names, place names, divine names, and names of months (pp. 153-158). A general observation concerns the translation of the ini- tial word Ìtm by “sealed document” on several Dur- Katlimmu tablets. parallels clearly show that this is a reference to the seal or nail impressions, not to the whole document. Therefore, Ìtm should be translated simply by “seal”. A syntactical problem arises in connection with the preposition mn on tablets 1, 2 and 6, 2: this particle does not mark the agent of the passive in Aramaic texts of the period concerned. Therefore Lemaire’s translation of the partly bro- ken initial clause of both deeds ought to be corrected accord- ingly. A semantic question is raised by ’wrh on tablets 1, 7; 3, 6; 4, 18; 5, 2’. This is obviously the equivalent of Akka- dian urû, “team”, not “pair”. The spelling swsyn does not NEW ARAMAIC CLAY TABLETS need to mark a dual form, since the Aramaic word for “horse” was ending in a vowel (suse). The latter was not The number of Aramaic clay tablets from the Neo- always indicated (thus ss in O. 3714, 4) and the yod could be Assyrian period is slowly but steadily increasing and the pub- omitted also in the plural contracted to susen, as shown on lication of 24 new texts and fragments of the kind is a well- tablet 3, 6-8, where the penalty formula is shortened to come event,1) even if no handcopy of the inscriptions and no ’wrh.swsn…yntn, “he shall give a team of horses”. As no palaeographic tables of the scripts are provided. All the figure is provided in Aramaic, while the “team” ought to sug- tablets are photographed, but the resulting reproductions are gest a determined number of horses like in the correspond- not always of the best quality and several problematic or ing Neo-Assyrian clause which begins with a numeral, either damaged letters can hardly be recognized. The use of italics two or four,6) the precise meaning of ’wrh in the concerned to indicate incompletely preserved letters does not fulfil its area and period has to be established. purpose, as some of them are only slightly damaged and The fuller formula ’wrh.swsyn.Ìwrn.ybl/yhb appears on can be identified without any difficulty, while traces of oth- two tablets (Nos. 1, 7-8 and 4, 18-19). The lower tip of the ers cannot even be distinguished on the photographs. As a

2) Th. Kwasman, Two Aramaic Legal Documents, in BSOAS 63 (2000), pp. 274-283. 3) A. Lemaire, An Aramaic Tablet from the 7th Century BCE in the Hecht Museum Collection, in Michmanim 15 (2001), pp. 31*-37*. 4) J. Starcky, Une tablette araméenne de l’an 34 de Nabuchodonosor (AO. 21.063), in Syria 37 (1960), pp. 99-115. 5) F.M. Fales, Aramaic Epigraphs on Clay Tablets of the Neo-Assyrian Period (Studi semitici, n.s. 2), Roma 1986. 1) A. Lemaire, Nouvelles tablettes araméennes. Librairie Droz, 6) K. Radner, Die neuassyrischen Privatrechtsurkunden als Quelle für Genève, 2001. (22 cm, 160, XXIII planches). ISBN 2-600-00614-1; ISSN Mensch und Welt (SAASt 6), Helsinki 1997, pp. 306-311. See also the 0073-0971. references in SAA XIII, p. XXV, n. 39. 247 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 248 letters wr is slightly damaged in’wrh on the first tablet, but The readings presented below are based on the pho- the word is perfectly readable on the photograph of tablet 4 tographs compared with Lemaire’s comments. Owing to the (Pl. IV, 4c), and this reading should be accepted instead of the lack of precise copies, it is impossible to know how the Edi- reviewer’s ’rbh, an assumed transcription of Assyrian tor could identify some letters, traces of which are not rec- “four”.7) In fact, mostly “four white horses” had to be given ognizable on the photographs. Discussion of such readings to the Moon-god of Harran according to Neo-Assyrian or proposals is thus pointless. deeds,8) and in this area’wrh should thus be a team of four Tablet 1 enables us to identify the names borne by the horses instead of being a pair, as proposed by Lemaire. At any buyer, the seller, the two slaves, and the guarantor of the rate, from the late 8th century B.C. onwards, as Assyrian char- transaction. The buyer seems to be called ’lh[’][b]y (lines 1-2), iots became bigger and carry larger crews, only quadrigas with “My god is my father”, a name attested in Neo-Assyrian all four horses under yoke are represented.9) Teams of four cuneiform texts.15) The seller is Kakkullanu, but he has only horses are then sculpted on Assyrian reliefs10) and also teams the name in common with the well-known cohort comman- of processional chariots must have consisted often of quadri- der of the crown prince, who was buying slaves instead of gas, as suggested by Assyrian deeds requiring the dedication selling them (PNA, pp. 596-597). The first slave bears a of four horses. It is likely therefore that four horses are meant shortened form dtln of the name *Iddati-ilani-allak, “I walk on the Aramaic tablets dating from the 7th century B.C. and after the deity”. The first syllable of the first element that the quadriga — the chariot in which the Moon-god rides happens to be dropped also in cuneiform texts (PNA, p. 501). the sky — is alluded to. This is supported by the date of the The second slave is called l’t’l, the well-known name tablets, since the team of a battle chariot consisted of four La’iti-Il, “God is my strenght”. The guarantor Ìlpy bear the horses in the 7th century B.C. At Tell Halaf, in the concerned same name as the military official Îallapay from .16) area of northern Syria, which was known for its horse breed- His name is followed by a short conditional clause hn yh‘l, ing, four horses for a single chariot are listed even earlier, viz. “in case he (the seller) cheats”. The denominative causative at the time of Adad-nirari III (810-783 B.C.).11) h‘l from ‘wl, “iniquity”, is well attested in Syriac with the A team of white horses had to be given to the Baal of meaning “to act iniquitously”. The subject is obviously the Hiran according to tablet 1, 7-9, possibly of tablet 5, 2’-3’ seller Kakkullanu, who should have the right to dispose freely as well, where the text is damaged. Hiran is very likely of the slaves and is supposed to offer a guarantee against modern Gülharin, 11 km south of Mardin.12) The recipient epilepsy (bennu) for 100 days. was the Aramaic Moon-god Sehr according to tablets 3, The names of some witnesses can be identified as well. 6-7 and 4, 18-19. Beside the team of white horses, a mina The photograph might indicate that the first letter of the first of gold had to be given to the Baal of Harran according to name following sh[d] is missing, but this is not certain. If tablet 1, 9-10, and a qryt zhb ought to be offered to the god- the name ‘ql is completely preserved, it may correspond to dess Nikkal according to tablet 3, 7-8. The Editor rightly Thamudic g∂’l.17) The second name seems to be ‘trsmky, identifies it with a golden crown (p. 37), but he fails to refer “‘Attar is my support” (PNA, pp. 236-237), spelt with final to the known examples of mural crowns from the very y like on tablet O. 3673, 3 from the Gozan-Harran area. The 7th century B.C. Queen Libbali-sarrat, Ashurbanipal’s wife, third one might be ’lmlk, while the fourth one can certainly is represented with such a crown on her stela from Ashur13) be read tlzqp. This is very likely an abridged form of Itti- and on the Garden Relief from Nineveh.14) In both cases, ili-(enaia-)azaqqap, “On God I focus (my eyes)”, since the city wall represented by the crown is flanked by turreted zaqapu is used in particular with “eyes lifted up” as towers. The clause wlyrqwn bh/wlyrqh bh (tablets 3, 8-9; object.18) The name is then paralleled by Itti-Nabû-enaia(- 4, 19-20) corresponds to Assyrian la ilaqqi, “he shall not azaqqap) (PNA, p. 589b), which was shortened in a differ- succeed”. ent way. There was most likely a second name in the same line. The name of the following line cannot be read. Two names occurred also in line 18, where the first one is cer- 7) E. Lipinski, The Aramaeans: Their Ancient History, Culture, Reli- tainly Ìnn,19) while the second one ends in line 19 with Òwr, gion (Orient. Lov. An. 100), Leuven 2000, p. 576. Another correction possibly brÒwr.20) The name of the last witness ends on the should be introduced there in the partial transcription of the tablet, viz. the lower edge of the tablet. reading r’s’ (lines 4-5) is certain and no letter is missing. 8) K. Radner, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 311. The figure is uncertain in ADD 275+593, rev. 1’-2’, while A. 1924 is now published by V. Donbaz – S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Legal Texts in Istanbul (StAT 2), Saarbrücken 15) K. Radner – H.D. Baker (eds.), The Prosopography of the Neo- 2001, No. 53, rev. 2-3. The older situation is echoed in the formula refer- Assyrian Empire, Helsinki 1998 ff., p. 511a. Quoted further PNA. ring to Ashur, to whom mostly two white horses had to be dedicated. 16) PNA, p. 443. A name written in the same way Ìlpy appears in Jew- 9) P. Garelli, Note sur l’évolution du char de guerre en Mésopotamie ish Aramaic, Nabataean (A. Negev, Personal Names in the Nabatean Realm jusqu’à la fin de l’Empire assyrien, in Problèmes de la guerre en Grèce [Qedem 32], Jerusalem 1991, p. 30, No. 453), and on an Idumaean ostra- antique. Civilisations et Sociétés 11 (1968), pp. 291-295; M.A. Littauer, con (A. Lemaire, Nouvelles inscriptions araméennes d’Idumée au Musée New Light on the Assyrian Chariot, in Orientalia 45 (1976), pp. 217-226 d’Israël [Transeuphratène. Suppl. 3], Paris 1996, No. 10, 2; cf. I. Eph‘al, and Pl. I-XIII; RLA V, pp. 341, 349. in IEJ 47 [1997], p. 292a). However, another vocalization is provided by 10) See the splendid Louvre slab from the 8th century B.C. in Ency- Alfaíov (Mt. 10, 3; Mc. 2, 14; Lc. 6, 15). clopédie photographique de l’art. Le Musée du Louvre I, Paris 1935, p. 317. 17) G.L. Harding, An Index and Concordance of Pre-Islamic Arabian A much earlier example seems to be provided by a slab representing Ashur- Names and Inscriptions (Near and Middle East Series 8), Toronto 1971, nasirpal II’s battle chariot: A. Parrot, Assur (L’Univers des formes), 2nd ed., p. 456. Paris 1969, Fig. 18. 18) AHw, p. 1512a; CAD, Z, p. 53b. 11) E.F. Weidner – A. Ungnad – J. Friedrich, Die Inschriften vom Tell 19) The name is either Îannan, subdivided in PNA, pp. 449-450 and Halaf (AfO. Beih. 6), Berlin 1940, No. 48. 453, for unspecified reasons or Îannun/ Îunnun: PNA, pp. 457-458 and 12) E. Lipinski, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 147. 480, with the shift a > o and an eventual assimilation of the vowels. 13) RLA I, Pl. 36a. 20) E. Lipinski, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 243-244. This name does not appear 14) BM. 124920: A. Parrot, op. cit. (n. 10), Fig. 60; SAA VI, p. 196, in PNA, although king Bar-∑ur’s grandson Bar-Rakkab is mentioned there Fig. 25. on p. 271b, sub Bar-rakkub. 249 NEW ARAMAIC CLAY TABLETS 250

Obv. The dating formula is very interesting, as it should be read: wyrÌ’.’{d}[r.]{s}Ì bymt.srÌdn.mlk’, “and the month 1) [‘bdn.trn.zb]n.’lh “Ilahi-abî bo[ught two slaves] of Ada[r], revolt in the days of Esarhaddon, the king”. 2) [’][b]y.mn.kkln.dtln from Kakkullanu – Iddati-ilani The Akkadian noun siÌu is used precisely in the Babylonian 3) wl’t’l b 50 nÌsn and La’iti-Il – for 50 (minas) Chronicle to qualify the brief civil war culminating in of copper the events of Adar 681/0, when was murdered 4) wksp.20 sqln.r’ and 20 shekels of silver. (on the 2nd of Adar) and Esarhaddon enthroned (probably 5) s’.hslm.w‘bd He has paid the sum and the on the 8th of Adar).22) The document should thus date from slaves February/March 680, when Esarhaddon was already king, 6) y’.zrpw.mn.‘l mn are acquired. Anyone who while the revolt was not yet completely over. 7) ythpk.’rwh.sw turns against anyone shall bring a team of 8) syn.Ìwrn.ybl.l white horses to the Obv. 9) b‘l Ìyrn.mnh.z[hb] Lord of Îiran (and) a mina of 1) [……….] “[PN bought a slave-girl] gold 2) bksp.20 [sqln.mn.PN] for 20 [shekels] of silver [from PN]. Rev. impression of the seller’s cylinder seal 10) lb‘l Ìrn[.wmn.dn] to the Lord of Harran, [and] 3) ksp’.hslm.yhb He paid (and) gave the silver. anyone who 4) ’mt’.hzrpt.lqÌt. The slave-girl is purchased 11) ’w.mn.dbb.[r][sh] sou[ght a litigation] or a process. (and) acquired. 12) mÌ’.yd.Ìlpy hn Îallapay has struck the hand 5) mn.‘l.mn.ythpk.mnh. Anyone who turns against in case anyone 13) yh‘l.sh[d.?]‘ql he (the seller) cheats. Witness: ? 6) zhb.‘l.brky.’sr. shall place a mina of silver in Ga∂∂-Il . the lap of Istar 14) shd.[‘t]rsmky Witness: ‘Attar-sumki. ? 7) nnwh.ysm.wksp’. of Nineveh and shall give the 15) shd.’lm[lk.shd] Witness: Elime[lek . Witness:] silver 16) tlzqp.sh[d. …] Itti-ili-azaqqap. Witness: […]. 8) slsn.lmr’wh threefold to her owner. 17) shd.[….. sh] Witness: […… Wit-] 18) d.Ìnn.[shd. …] ness: Îannan. [Witness: Bar?-] 19) Òwr.s[hd. …] Òur. Witness: […] Rev. 9) [y]hb.shd.ms[..]t. Witness: PN. Edge 10) [s]hd.hr[ms]mÒr.s[..] Witness: Aramis-sum-uÒur?,.?. 11) [sh]d.knny.sh[d].‘bdhdd [Wit]ness: Kanunay. Witness: 20) yq YQ”. ‘Abdi-Hadad. There is no date indicated on the tablet, the scribe is 12) [shd..]l‘l[.].shd.pldrb [Witness:] PN. Witness: Pala- not mentioned, and no seal or nail impressions are visible. deriba. It seems therefore that the tablet is either a draft or a copy of 13) shd.mryÌld.shd. Witness: Marî-Îaldi. Witness: the authentic document which should have been in the pos- 14) ’lydn.shd.bl†. Ilyadin. Witness: Bala†/Bullu†. session of the buyer. 15) wyrÌ’.’{d}[r.]{s}Ì. And the month of Adar, revolt Tablet 2. Line 1 is illisible on the photograph and only 16) bymt.srÌdn in the days of Esarhaddon, bksp.20 can be read in line 2. Comparison with tablet 1 sug- 17) mlk’. the king”. gests that these lines were formulated as follows: “PN bought Since the text mentions Istar of Nineveh, like e.g. CTN II, a slave-girl for 20 shekels of silver from PN”. The name of 6, it is possible that the seller was a resident of that city. the seller was then followed by a blurred impression of his However, the next following clause ksp’ slsn yhb does not cylinder seal. The names of both parties are thus unknown, reflect an Assyrian formula. At any rate, the word slsn does as well as the name of the slave-girl, which was possibly not not mean “thirty” here: this is an iterative based on the named. Instead, the names of a few witnesses can be identi- old ordinal of the pattern CaCiC with addition of the suffix fied on the reverse. -an(u),23) thus salisan, “threefold” with the connotation of The letters visible on the photograph do not allow identi- the highest degree, the highest efficiency that a threefold fying the first name (line 9). The second one (line 10) might action had in West-Semitic semantics.24) be Aramis-sum-uÒur, possibly followed by a patronymic or a Tablet 3. The reconstruction of lines 1-4 proposed by superfluous shd. The names of line 11 can be read knny and the Editor is questionable, as the object of the transaction is ‘bdhdd. The first name of line 12 is not recognizable, but the second one is pldrb, i.e. (A)plad(ad)-eriba, pronounced *Paladerib(a) with the transfer of the initial a after the first 22 consonant,21) like in Îabasti for AÌubasti, Îalarim for AÌi- ) R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, Königs von Assyrien (AfO. Beih. 9), Graz 1956, p. 121, §109; A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylon- larim, etc. There is one name in line 13, viz. mryÌld, and two ian Chronicles (TCS 5), Locust Valley 1975, Bab. Chron. 1, col. III, names in line 14: ’lydn and bl†. 34-38, p. 82. 23) E. Lipinski, Semitic Languages: Outline of a Comparative Gram- mar (Orient. Lov. An. 80), 2nd ed., Leuven 2001, §35.32. The existence of this form in Aramaic is a new factor. 21) E. Lipinski, Apladad, in Orientalia 45 (1976), pp. 53-74 (see 24) E. Lipinski, Trois hébraïsmes oubliés ou méconnus, in Rivista degli pp. 70-71). Studi Orientali 44 (1969), pp. 83-101 (see pp. 93-101). 251 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 252 usually mentioned in the first place. As a rule, the nouns The reference to Sehr and to Nikkal, the goddess men- “silver” or “copper/bronze” qualify the sum paid and, since tioned with the Moon-god of Harran in the similar context of one mina is here at stake, the following word ’kl should des- SAA VI, 98, may suggest that the tablet was written in the ignate a one-mina ingot, like aklu in a few Neo-Assyrian deeds, Harran area, but also Sefire can be taken into account, espe- where aklu is qualified further by “of the temple” or a simi- cially in consideration of the Old Arabian names of Wahb- lar phrase.25) This was also the case on this tablet, but the text Waddi (whbwd) and ‘Usanni-Il (g†n’l). However, the second is broken and the photograph does not allow to see the traces element Ú-a-di-i of the name whbwdy occurs also in the Har- of the next following letter. As for ’sr written on the right edge ran area (SAA XI, 203, rev. I, 12’). The name of the last wit- of the tablet, it is the second part of the seller’s name ‘bd’sr, ness is spelt mSam-si-id-ri on tablet O. 3662, rev. 2’ from the while the following l introduces the name of the buyer, that Gozan-Harran area. begins with d. The name ’nty, probably attested also on Tablet 4 is relatively well preserved and neatly written by tablet 4, seems to refer to a second buyer. The phrase ldyn in a professional scribe, who even distinguishes d from r. It con- line 4 means “no litigation”, like in Neo-Assyrian deeds. tains interesting and new names that can be deciphered from the photographs without difficulty. Obv. Two impressions of the seller’s stamp seal 1) n[…]zbn.‘[bd] “‘Abd-Issar has sold N[…] two impressions of the seller’s stamp seal Obv. 2) ’sr ld[....w][l]’nty.b to D[… and] to Anutay for 1) ‘bd.zbn.’n[ty]“Anutay has sold a slave 3) mnh.[ksp]’.’kl.[...] a mina of [silver], a bread-loaf 2) lzkrl[.bksp] to Zakar-Il [for] of […]. 3) [sqln 30/40]+6 [30/40]+6 [shekels of silver]. 4) [s]hdn.nb{Ò}l Witnesses: Nabû-uÒalli, 4) w’ys[’.zr]p.ldy[n] And the man [is purcha]sed. ? There is no litigation. 5) [r]{m]s’.’l‘b[d][Ram ]-Si’, Il-‘abad, 5) mn.‘l.mn.y[sb.]wygrh Anyone who turns against 6) [?]lh.mn.s‘r [.]… from S‘R, anyone and initiates 7) ’lgbr Il-gabbir. 6) dyn.’wrh.swsn a lawsuit shall give a team of horses Rev. 8) shdn.mn. Witnesses from Lower edge 9) tlbr.‘tr‘zry TLBR: ‘Attar-‘izri, 7) [ls]hr.wqryt.zhb to Sehr and a golden city- 10) slml’ty Sallim-la’iti, crown 11) smsgb. Samas-sagab/saggib, 12) ’stdnÒr. Issi-taddin-uÒur, 13) kny.kwsh Kenî?, Kuwase. Obv. 14) l’m.smsrbn Eponym year of Samas-sarru- 8) lnkl.[yn]tn.wlyrqwn. to Nikkal, and he will not suc- ibni, ceed 15) trtn. commander-in-chief. 9) bh.l’m.ddy.msn in it. Eponym year of Dadi, 16) mn.‘l.mn. Anyone who the treasurer.26) 17) ysb. turns against anyone 10) shdy’.klbn.br. The witnesses are: Kalban, son of Left edge 11) ’nny.wgwsy.wnrgl[..] Innanni, and Gusi, and Ner- gal[…], 18) ’wrh.swsyn.Ìwrn shall give a team of white 12) whbwdy.br.‘g[…] Wahb-Waddi, son of ‘Ag[…], horses 13) w’bny.w‘sn’[l] and Ibni, and ‘Usanni-Il, 19) yhb.lshr.wlyrqh to Sehr and will not succeed 14) w’d’.wÌnwn.w[…] and Adda, and Îanun, and 20) bh – dnt smsqnh in it. — Deed concerning [PN], Samas-qana.” 15) wnsÌm‘zy.br.[…] and NasÌu-ma‘ozi, son of ’nty (line 1) can be restored in the light of tablet 3, line 2. [PN], This name does not seem to occur elsewhere and it appears 16) w’lly.br.[…] and Ululay, son of [PN], as a hypocoristicon based on Anutu, “The power of Anu”, used in Anutu-damqat, “The power of Anu is good” (PNA, Upper edge p. 112a). zkrl (line 2) is written zkr’l on tablets 7-11. This West- 17) wsms‘[zr] and Samase[zer].” Semitic name means “God remembered”. nbÒl (line 4) is most likely Nabû-uÒalli, “I implored Nabû”. 25) E. Lipinski, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 547. 26) The Neo-Assyrian reading masennu (Aramaic msn) of the logogram rms’ (line 5), if correctly restored, means “The Moon-god AGRIG (= IGI.DUB) is now commonly admitted. The former reading is high”, “The Moon-god is exalted”. The inverse order of abarakku/abrikku corresponds instead to the almost contemporaneous the elements appears in Si-’-ra-mu.27) Hebrew ’brk (Gen. 41, 43) and Phoenician hbrk (DNWSI, p. 269), that occurs also in the new Çineköy inscription (see below n. 39), where hbrk b‘l ’s […] parallels the Luwian royal title: “steward of Tarhunt, man of the […]”. 27) CTN II, 120, 9; CTN III, 102, III, 2’. 253 NEW ARAMAIC CLAY TABLETS 254

’l‘bd (line 5), “God made”, occurs also in O. 3717, 10.28) Kuwansa-/Kuwassa-, and to various personal names from the ’lgbr (line 7), “God is strong”, is well attested as Hellenistic period.38) Anatolian n is unstable in front of a con- Il-gabbir in cuneiform texts. It is not clear why the redupli- sonant: it can either disappear or be assimilated. cated b of gab-bi-ri is not indicated in PNA, p. 514b, although smsrbn (line 14) is the expected transcription of the Akka- this is precisely the characteristic adjectival pattern qattil in dian name Samas-sarru-ibni. Aramaic. smsqnh (line 20) is the Westsemitic name already attested ‘tr‘zry (line 9), “‘Attar is my help”. This Aramaic name in cuneiform script as Sá-mas-qa-na-a (SAA XII, 50, rev. is attested in cuneiform script as Attar-idri (PNA, p. 235b). 19’), “The Sun-god acquired/created”. On the tablet, this is In this case, the pronominal suffix -y is clearly indicated, the name of the slave being sold, not reported in the first lines while the name is spelt ‘tr‘zr on a Nimrud scepter (BM. of the deed. 12179) and a seal impression from Kuyunjik (BM. 8454).29) Two place names occur on this tablet: s‘r (line 6) and tlbr slml’ty (line 10), probably Sallim-la’iti, “Keep safe my (line 9). Trying to identify them would be a guesswork, since strength!” This Aramaic name30) can be compared with the place where the tablet was found is unknown either. Akkadian names of the type DN-aÌa-sullim,31) with the verb Tablet 5 is badly damaged. Its upper part (about four lines) in final position. The interpretation of slm as a divine name and its right side are lost. In line 1’ one can still read the price is unlikely, as such a theonym does not seem to occur in the of the slave expressed in lettres: stt.[‘s]rn, “twenty-six”. period and area concerned. Below the nail impressions the penalty clause can reasonably smsgb (line 11), obviously Samas-sagab/saggib, “The be reconstructed in the light of the parallel passages on tablets Sun-god prevailed”. The predicate sgb frequently occurs in 1 and 2. Nevertheless, the formula had to be shorter. Aramaic names.32) One must assume therefore that the qualifications “white” ’stdnÒr (line 12) must correspond to Neo-Assyrian *Issi- and “to his master” were not written down. The term “wit- taddin-uÒur, “My goddess, protect what you have given!” nesses” was used in the plural, in line 5’, and it was not The word iltu, “goddess”, was changed into issu (*issu) as repeated. The number of witnesses cannot be established: at a consequence of the shift lt > ss.33) The element ’s can least one name is a patronymic (line 12’) and about four lines hardly be regarded here as a shortened form of Issar, the are missing at the bottom of the reverse, thus exceeding the Neo-Assyrian name of Istar: an apocope of r could happen space needed for the date formula. only at the end of the name, like in sr’s+Sar-Issar = mIM-15 m 34 (SAA XIV, 47) or in Qur-di-sà for Qurdi-Issar. ) *Issi- Obv. taddin-uÒur can be compared with Nabû-tabni-uÒur (SAA X, 334, 2), “Nabû, protect what you have created!” The name 2’) [mn.‘l.m]n.ytpk[.’w]rh “[Anyone who] turns Issâ (PNA, p. 566b) may be a hypocoristicon based on Ilt-, [against any]one “goddess”. 3’) [swsn.y]tn.l[b]‘{l}[.Ì(y)rn] shall offer a team [of hor- kny (line 13) is probably the well attested Akkadian name ses] to the Lord of [Harran/ Kenî (PNA, pp. 610-611). However, the Aramaic spelling kny Hiran] does not allow distinguishing Kenaia, Kenî, Kunaia, and 4’) [wksp]’.slsn.[yhb] [and give the silver] Kunia. Thus kny appears as the Aramaic equivalent of threefold. mKu-na-a-a on the bilingual tablet O. 3698, edge 2. In the 5’) [sh] [d]n.gbry [Witness]es: Gabri, same period and area, kny occurs also in O. 3647, rev. 3, then 6’) [bl]sy.shr‘ [Bal]asi?, Sehr- on the Nineveh tablet IM. 59050, line 2, and on an Aramaic 7’) [s]n’.shr ‘usna’/‘asna’, Sehr- seal from the 7th century B.C.35) kwsh (line 13) is an Anatolian name, attested in cuneiform Rev. script as mKu-u-a-se.36) Its meaning is uncertain, but it is probably based on the verb kuwas-, “to kiss”.37) It is not clear 8’) […’]sr’ [….A]sara’?, whether it is related to the old divine name Kuwansi-/ 9’) [….]Òr.sr [….]-uÒur, Sar/ Sarru- 10’) [….]’bÌldy [….], Abi-Îaldi, 11’) […].nblÒr […], Nabû-liÒÒur, 28) Cf. E. Lipinski, Transfer and Mortgage in Ancient Aramaic Docu- ments, in Frank Moore Cross Volume (Eretz-Israel 26), Jerusalem 1999, 12’) […].br.rbkr […], son of Rib-Kurra, pp. 116*-122* (see p. 119*). 13’) [….]ysn […], Yasin.” 29) R.D. Barnett, Layard’s Nimrud Bronzes and Their Inscriptions, in E.L. Sukenik Memorial Volume (Eretz-Israel 8), Jerusalem 1967, pp. 1*-6* The form ytpk, if properly read, implies a progressive and Pl. I-VIII (see p. 5*-6* and Pl. VII, 4). assimilation of h (ythpk on tablets 1, 7, and 2, 5) to the pre- 30) Cf. R. Zadok, On West Semites in Babylonia during the Chaldean fix t, thus *yittepek. As suggested by the limited space in line and Achaemenian Periods. An Onomastic Study, 2nd ed., Jerusalem 1978, pp. 98-99. 2, also yntn should be assimilated there to ytn and swsyn con- 31) AHw, p. 1144b. tracted to swsn. Baal can be followed either by Ìyrn, like on 32) E. Lipinski, Studies in Aramaic Inscriptions and Onomastics I (Ori- tablet 1, 9, or by Ìrn. The personal names are partly well- ent. Lov. An. 1), Leuven 1974, pp. 106-108. The spelling sa-gib/gíb may known, like gbry that corresponds to cuneiform Gabrî (PNA, correspond to an Aramaic adjective or to the pa‘il form of the verb, attested in Sefire 1, B, 32. pp. 416-417), and [bl]sy — if properly reconstructed — that 33) GAG, p. 35; §34d. transcribes the widespread Balasî (PNA, pp. 254-256) and 34) V. Donbaz – S. Parpola, op. cit. (n. 8), No. 244, rev. 25. occurs on Assur tablet VA. 5831, line 2. The name shr‘[s]n’ 35) P. Bordreuil, Catalogue des sceaux ouest-sémitiques inscrits, Paris 1986, No. 103; N. Avigad – B. Sass, Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals, Jerusalem 1997, No. 804, p. 301. 36) PNA, pp. 645-646, sub Kuwasi. 38) Cf. H. Otten, RLA VI, p. 398; P.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian 37) J. Tischler, Hethitisches etymologisches Glossar I, Innsbruck 1983, Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic pp. 695-696. Period, Leiden 1961, pp. 138-139. 255 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 256 is new: “Sehr, help us!” or “Sehr has helped us” (root gw†). translation of Akkadian Òabit †uppi, “keeper of the tablet”. Also the next name begins with shr, but the predicate is lost The letters ’Ì in line 6’ belong to the name of the scribe: in line 8’. I am unable to see any trace of q in front of sr’ and ’Ìz’Ì, “The brother grasped”. may suggest [’]sr’, that would correspond to Asarâ (PNA, p. 136b), attested at Huzirina. In line 9’, Òr belongs to the Rev. name the first part of which is lost in the lacuna, while sr, either sarru, “king”, or saru, “breath”, belongs to the first 3’) hdyhb.br.br‘zy “Had-yahab, son of Bar-‘Uzzi, name of line 10’. The second name is ’bÌldy, “My father is 4’) syr’dny.lpÌthn (O)siri-adoni, their governor, Îaldi”, while nblÒr in line 11’ is Nabû-liÒÒur, “May Nabû 5’) w’Ìz.spr’.’Ìz and the keeper of the docu- protect”, with the precative instead of the imperative. The ment was Achaz- patronymic of line 12’ might be Rib-Kurra, “Reward, 6’) ’Ì[.s]pr.spr’ aÌ. [He w]rote the document Kurra”.39) The last preserved name is ysn, attested in 40 cuneiform script as Ia-sí-nu. ) This is the active participle of Left edge the verb ysy, corresponding to Sabaic ws3y, “to comfort”,41) with the hypocoristic suffix -n. It also occurs in the name of 8’) [by]rÌ.knn.bywm? [in the m]onth of Kanun, on the Aramaic tribe Ia-as-Ilu (OIP 2, p. 43, line 44), Ia-a-si- day? …” ( 280, 13-14), s ( 1000, 6.13; 1342, rev. 2), Ilu ABL I- i-Ilu ABL The triangular tablets offer no major problems, but the read- “God is a comforter”. ing and the interpretation of a few names ought to The interpretation of should start from the clause tablet 6 be revised. belong to the archive. On written on its right edge, close to the three nail impressions Tablets 7-11 zkr’l tablet 7, the name (line 2) can correspond to a a on its upper edge. Since these should have been impressed bby B b ya ( , p. 243a), a ( , p. 244), a , or i by the seller of the land, his name ought to appear in the PNA B bî PNA Bib ia Bibî Bib a ( , pp. 342-343). The name occurs several times clause at stake: [Ì] . . , “Îaban/Îabin impressed PNA ’mrn bn ‘l spr’ (tablets 7, 4; 8, 7; 9, 7; 10, 7’; 11, rev. 7’) and should be read (lit. penetrated) the document” or “(nail impressions of) a ( , p. 539b). We have already mentioned i Îaban/Îabin on the document”. The deed can then be inter- Immer n PNA Iss - Ò (tablets 3, 12; 7, 5; 8, 8; 10, 3). (tablets 7, preted without major problems: taddin-u ur Wty 6; 8, 9; 9, 8; 10, 8’) occurs also in Nabataean43) and is cer- tainly an Old Arabian name. As lexemes primae Obv. hamzatae happen to be pronounced with w instead of hamza, is likely to be a dialectal variant of and should be 1) Ì . .P[N] “The field which P[N] wty ’ty/w ql’ zy linked to the personal name “(home)comer”, which occurs in 2) [ ] . .Ì . ?.[PN] [bou]ght from Îaban, son of zb n mn bn br Thamudic at Tayma’ ( ),44) in Aramaic ( ),45) and in [PN], ’tw ’ytw Hebrew ( ).46) 3) [ ] ?. .Ì [. ] [an a]rea? sown with two ’ty, ’yty p lk zr‘ mryn bt and possibly come from Tell esh- Ìomers, Tablets 12-17 tablet 18 Sheikh Îamat/Dur-Katlimmu. They are characterized by the 4) [Ì ?.]PN. Ì[ ] [adjoining?] PN and adjoining m wbt m frequent use of the theophorous element a S a . The 5) . . [s] Bar-‘Uzzi, for tw[enty]-four Salm n/ alm n br‘zy b’rb‘t ‘ borrower of is called . This seems to be an 6) [ .s ] .Ì . Ì [shekel]s. The field is acqui- tablet 13 ’yk’k rn ql n ql’ lq Anatolian name consisting of the theophorous element 47) red”. ’Iya and of a qualification occurring as the independent name The reverse preserves the complete names of two wit- Kiakki.48) Its meaning is unknown. The patronymic of line 7’ nesses and of the scribe. The second witness, who bears can only be read brgd, “Son of the Fortune”. The name is an Egypto-Phoenician name,42) is the governor of the attested as Bargad and Bargaddav in Graeco-Roman province: lpÌthn, an adaptation of Akkadian sa-paÌati- times.49) There is no similarity between the b of brgd and the sunu/LÚ.EN.NAM-sunu, “their governor”. The determina- s of snsn in line 8’. Sansan designates the leaf of the palm in tive pronoun sa is usually omitted by Assyriologists or post-biblical and modern Hebrew. It is attested also as a per- replaced by bel, but in Neo-Assyrian times it distinguished sonal name: Îanina bar Sansan.50) the title of the governor (sa-paÌati) from the word Only the reverse of tablet 14 is preserved with names of “province” (paÌatu). No traces of the doubtful br at the end witnesses. Although the lack of a comparative table of scripts of line 5’ and of kl[h] at the end of line 6’ can be seen on hampers the readings, the first witness — mentioned also the photographs, but two indistinct letters still appear on the on tablet 15, 8 — seems to be called ’sln, which would pos- left edge of the tablet. The phrase ’Ìz spr’ in line 5’ is a sibly correspond to Neo-Assyrian *Esi-ilni, “Isis is our god”. The name of the second witness p†† is entirely Egyptian: p-dí-í()d.t, “He whom the womb has given”, in Greek 39) For this deity see now W. Röllig, Phönizisches aus Nordsyrien und der Gott Kurra, in K. Geus – K. Zimmermann (eds.), Punica-Libyca-Ptole- maica. Festschrift für Werner Huss (Orient. Lov. An. 104), Leuven 2001, pp. 41-52. One should add the b‘l kr of the bilingual inscription from 43) A. Negev, op. cit. (n. 16), p. 25, No. 361. Çineköy published by R. Tekoglu – A. Lemaire, La bilingue royale 44) G.L. Harding, op. cit. (n. 17), p. 19. louvito-phénicienne de Çineköy, in CRAI 2000, pp. 961-1006. 45) B. Porten – A. Yardeni, TAD II, B2.2, 16. 40) PNA, p. 498a, sub Iazinu. 46) II Sam. 15, 19.21.22; 18, 2.5.12; 23, 29; I Chron. 11, 31. 41) A.F.L. Beeston – M.A. Ghul – W.W. Müller – J. Ryckmans, Sabaic 47) P.H.J. Houwink ten Cate, op. cit. (n. 38), pp. 137-138. Dictionary/Dictionnaire sabéen, Louvain-la-Neuve – Beyrouth 1982, 48) PNA, pp. 613-614. p. 164. 49) F. Cumont, Fouilles de Doura-Europos (1922-1923), Paris 1926, pp. 42) The divine name Osiris is followed by the Phoenician predicate 397-398, No. 43, 2.9; p. 444, No. 123, 3. “my Lord”. The same name, spelt ’sr’dny, probably occurs on a scaraboid: 50) M. Jastrow, A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and N. Avigad – B. Sass, op. cit. (n. 35), No. 1057, pp. 393-394. Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature II, New York 1903, p. 1008a. 257 NEW ARAMAIC CLAY TABLETS 258

PatÉtjv, Pet¬tiv.51) The third witness, mentioned on are introduced by the plural of the emphatic state shdy’, like tablets 14, 2’; 16, 2, and other texts from Tell esh-Sheikh on one of the Guzana tablets (No. 1, 3) dating from the years Îamad, is Îuziru, “Porc”.52) The name of the borrower of after the fall of Nineveh in 612 B.C. and probably on tablet tablet 15 — mentioned also on tablet 17, 6 — occurs in 3, 10 from the Schøyen Collection. The first witness is psÌ, cuneiform script as mÎa-ba-Òi-ru (PNA, p. 436a) and is “Lame”, a name probably attested also on tablet O. 3713, 7 known also from a Nippur text (ÌbÒyr).53) This Old Arabian from the Gozan-Harran area. The second and third witnesses, name, borne by a king of north-eastern Arabia in Esarhad- ÎabaÒir and Rapi’, appear also on tablet 15, the first one as don’s time, probably results by elision of initial ’ from *’Ahu- borrower of barley, the second one as the father of a witness. baÒir, “Brother endowed with eyesight”, just like l‘zz-m54) The obverse of tablet 18 is poorly preserved. The readings stands for ’l‘zz-m, “God is mighty”. In line 8, one should qrn in lines 3 and 4 are problematic, and qdm might be sug- read, as proposed by the Editor, [s]r’dbÒr = Sarru/Assur-ed- gested in line 4 as well. Concerning the names of the wit- abi-uÒur, “O King/Ashur, protect the only son of the father!” nesses on the reverse, one should note that Ìsdn (line 7) The name ss of line 10 should be distinguished from occurs in cuneiform script as Îasdanu (PNA, pp. 464-465) Sasî/Sasaia, which would require the Aramaic spelling ssy. and ’sy (line 7), also attested on Assur tablet VA. 5832, 3, It is rather the frequently occurring Anatolian name Sasa,55) probably corresponds to cuneiform Asâ/Asaia (PNA, p. 139), probably represented by Sa-a-su (SAA XII, 16, 5’). Only the both forms from Assur. The name of the last witness cannot obverse of tablet 16 is preserved. be checked on the photograph. Tablet 17 offers an interesting parallel to one of the Brux- Tablet 19, neatly written by a professional scribe, reveals elles Aramaic tablets (O. 3649), which establishes the oblig- the existence of an institution called byt nsy’, “House of the ation of providing reapers for the harvest.56) When the Carriers”, apparently a kind of guild. The word nasiu, “car- inscription does not begin with Ìtm, “seal”, its first word usu- rier”, is attested in Neo-Assyrian and it occurs as a profes- ally indicates the object of the transaction, in this case kÒrn, sional name, for instance in SAA VI, 98, rev. 7. The plural “reapers”. This noun corresponds to Phoenician and Hebrew ns’n is used in an Aramaic ostracon from the late 4th century qÒrn with dissimilation of the emphatics like in k†l/q†l. The B.C., where the delivery of goods is expressed by ntn,59) like obligation is assumed by Saggib-Il, son of Adus, whose name on tablet 19. The latter is neither a loan contract nor a work is written through the left edge of the tablet and ends on its contract, but a carrier’s bill, imposing responsability upon the reverse (Pl. XVII): 1kÒrn sgbl br ’[d]s 2lÌlr[m 3….] 30 4shdy’ carrier for the safety of the barley carried. This responsabil- psÌ 5wÌbÒr wrp’, “Reapers: Saggib-Il, son of Adus, [shall ity commences upon due delivery of the goods to the carrier provide?] 30 (reapers) to Îalarim. The witnesses are PaseaÌ and ceases only upon their delivery to the proper consignee and ÎabaÒir and Rapi’”. The docket with this summary of or, in the latter’s default, upon their return to the premises of the agreement was obviously sealing the scroll with the con- the sender, viz. the House of the Carriers. Lines 5-8 refer to ditions of the contract. such an eventuality, since the last letter of line 6 appears on All the names are known from other texts. Sgbl, “God pre- the photograph as a completely preserved y, not as a doubt- vailed”, is attested in southern Babylonia as Ta5-gi-bi-DIN- ful Ì. The resulting word is the determinative pronoun zy: GIR.57) ’Adus, that can hardly be restored in a different way, occurs as Adusu/Adusu in Neo-Assyrian cuneiform texts Obv. (PNA, p. 55b). It seems to be an Old Arabian name meaning “Help was given”.58) If the reviewer’s reading Ìlr[m] is cor- 1) s‘rn 15 “Barley, 15 (emaru’s), rect, this is a shortened form of ’Ìlrm (PNA, pp. 64b, 441a), 2) lbyt.nsy’ (belonging) to the House of “May the brother be exalted!” The names of the witnesses the Carriers, 3) ‘l.mt‘.wknny on (the responsability of) Mati‘ and Kanunay 51) D. Foraboschi, Onomasticon alterum papyrologicum, Milano-Varese 4) w’dqsr and Adda-qasar. 1971, pp. 241, 257. The identification is confirmed by the Coptic 5) hn lh.ntnw If they did not give (it) vocalizations; cf. W. Westendorf, Koptisches Handwörterbuch, Heidelberg 1965-77, p. 142. 52) PNA, p. 484b. This name is written Ìzyrw on Idumaean ostraca: Rev. I. Eph‘al – J. Naveh, Aramaic Ostraca of the Fourth Century BC from Idumaea, Jerusalem 1996, No. 182, 4; A. Lemaire, op. cit. (n. 16), No. 103, 6) lÒlnny.pzy to ∑il-Nanay, to the (premises) 1; cf. I. Eph‘al, in IEJ 47 (1997), p. 292b. Also in the Persian period, the of spelling Ìzyr occurs in Neh. 10, 21 and I Chron. 24, 15. The name of a Jew- 7) byt.nsy’ the House of the Carriers ish family from Jerusalem in the 1st century B.C. was written Ìzyr as well (Cook, NSI, No. 148A). 8) yns’n they shall carry (it)”. 53) The name mÎa-ba-Òi-ru probably occurs at Sippar as well: C.B.F. Walker – S.N. Kramer, Cuneiform Tablets in the Collection of Lord The barley had probably to be loaded on fifteen donkeys, Binning, in Iraq 44 (1982), p. 71-86 (see p. 85, line 11’). The sign read ma each man being responsible for five beasts of burden. should be read ba. — the name occurs often in Neo-Babylonian. The three men were members or employees of the House of 54) A. Jamme, Sabaean Inscriptions from MaÌram Bilqîs, Baltimore the Carriers and the text does not contain any reference to 1962, No. 631, line 26. 55) L. Robert, Noms indigènes dans l’Asie Mineure gréco-romaine I, their wages, showing that this is no labour contract. The verb Paris 1963, pp. 519-522. ntn should have the connotation “to deliver” here. Although 56) E. Lipiñski, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 552-553. the conditions are not indicated on the docket, delivery 57) ABL 1052, 7; R.H. Pfeiffer, State Letters of Assyria, New Haven against payment was meant. Otherwise there would be no 1935, No. 79. 58) For ’ad instead of yad, “hand, help”, see Lisân XX, 303 and C. Rabin, Ancient West Arabian, London 1951, pp. 84 and 92, n. 8. For the passive ’ûs instead of ’îs, see W. Fischer, Grammatik des klassischen 59) I. Eph‘al – J. Naveh, op. cit. (n. 52), No. 206, 5’: ns’n ’lh yntnn ptph, Arabisch, Wiesbaden 1972, p. 117, §246, Anm. 3. “These carriers will give the provision”. 259 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LIX N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2002 260 reason why the barley should be brought back to the premises of the House of the Carriers. The use of the conjunction p to introduce the main clause after a preceding hypotactic one (line 6) is characteristic of a literary style, as well as the construction of the verb ns’ denoting movement with the object of place zy byt.nsy’, which is often substituted for by a prepositional phrase. The meaning and vocalization of the predicate in the name ’dqsr are uncertain, but one may point to the connotations “to conquer, to subdue” of qsr in Arabic. Tablets 20, 21, 22 are small fragments with a few letters left over, while tablet 23 is a particular item, similar to an amulet. The small photograph on Pl. XXII discourages any attempt at checking the readings. Tablet 24 (pp. 114-117 and Pl. XXIII) dates from the Per- sian period, as shown by its script. The final letter of the obverse appears as an unmistakable y on the photograph, while the Editor there reads a doubtful ligature n/t and y. There are some scratches, like on the reverse, where an unno- ticed b/d seems to appear. It should indicate an uninscribed space, like on two Brussels clay tablets (O. 3645 and O. 3672) and like two crossed wedges drawn on the uninscribed reverse of a cuneiform tablet from Tell Halaf, now in the British Museum.60) The minuscule tablet in question was most likely attached by a string to a small child, as suggested by the inscription: 1) nsn ylyd “Women! A newborn child! 2) lhwh kmry There is no kind of master: 3) qsy zny concealed by a prostitute”. The noun ylyd corresponds to Arabic walid, “newborn child”, or possibly wulayd, “little child”. In line 2, lhwh stands for la-hwa and the kaf veritatis is followed by a pho- netic spelling of mari’. The first word of line 3 is the passive participle of the same verb as Arabic gasiya, “to conceal”, with the expected change s > s and q corresponding to g, like in Mishnaic Hebrew qsyh, “cover”,61) certainly borrowed from an Aramaic dialect. The second noun zny is the Ara- maic indeterminate state of the noun “prostitute”. The baby exposed by the mother had no master and any woman could take it without violating someone’s rights. We should be grateful to A. Lemaire for having published these important and difficult documents without delay. It is to be hoped that the tablets in question — belonging to pri- vate collections — will be available also for making careful copies of the inscriptions, drawing palaeographic tables, car- rying out a comparative research into their scripts, and pro- viding some additional readable photographs.

Brussels, February 2002 Edward LIPINSKI

60) BM. 114961, cf. E. Weidner – A. Ungnad – J. Friedrich, op. cit. (n. 11), No. 28, pp. 27-28. 61) M. Jastrow, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 1396a. The Aramaic imperative “cover!” is transcribed in Demotic by g-s: R.C. Steiner, The Scorpion Spell from Wadi Îammamat: Another Aramaic Text in Demotic Script, in JNES 60 (2001), pp. 259-268, see line 3.

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