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The Palestinian People
The Palestinian People The Palestinian People ❖ A HISTORY Baruch Kimmerling Joel S. Migdal HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, Massachusetts London, England 2003 Copyright © 1994, 2003 by Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America An earlier version of this book was published in 1994 as Palestinians: The Making of a People Cataloging-in-Publication data available from the Library of Congress ISBN 0-674-01131-7 (cloth) ISBN 0-674-01129-5 (paper) To the Palestinians and Israelis working and hoping for a mutually acceptable, negotiated settlement to their century-long conflict CONTENTS Maps ix Preface xi Acknowledgments xxi Note on Transliteration xxiii Introduction xxv Part One FROM REVOLT TO REVOLT: THE ENCOUNTER WITH THE EUROPEAN WORLD AND ZIONISM 1. The Revolt of 1834 and the Making of Modern Palestine 3 2. The City: Between Nablus and Jaffa 38 3. Jerusalem: Notables and Nationalism 67 4. The Arab Revolt, 1936–1939 102 vii Contents Part Two DISPERSAL 5. The Meaning of Disaster 135 Part Three RECONSTITUTING THE PALESTINIAN NATION 6. Odd Man Out: Arabs in Israel 169 7. Dispersal, 1948–1967 214 8. The Feday: Rebirth and Resistance 240 9. Steering a Path under Occupation 274 Part Four ABORTIVE RECONCILIATION 10. The Oslo Process: What Went Right? 315 11. The Oslo Process: What Went Wrong? 355 Conclusion 398 Chronological List of Major Events 419 Notes 457 Index 547 viii MAPS 1. Palestine under Ottoman Rule 39 2. Two Partitions of Palestine (1921, 1949) 148 3. United Nations Recommendation for Two-States Solution in Palestine (1947) 149 4. -
Desperately Nationalist, Yusif Sayigh, 1944 to 1948
Yusif Sayigh was born in Kharaba, Syria, in 1916. His father was Syrian, his mother was from al-Bassa in Palestine. The family was forced to leave Kharaba during the Druze uprising of 1925, going first to al- Bassa and then Tiberias, where they lived until 1948. Yusif went to the Gerard Institute (Sidon), where he received a scholarship to the American University of Beirut in 1934. He studied business administration. With six younger siblings–his father was a Presbyterian pastor–Yusif began working as soon as he got his Bachelors’ degree: first as an accountant in Beirut, and then as a school teacher in Iraq. In 1940, he returned to Palestine, finding a job in Tiberias until 1946, when he moved to work in Jerusalem. As he recounts here, Yusif became aware of Desperately the Palestinian issue as a young boy hearing of land sales in al-Bassa. At AUB, he followed Nationalist, the swirling debates of the time and joined the PPS (Partie Populaire Syrien), eventually becoming the ‘amid [head] of the Palestinian Yusif Sayigh, branch. What drew him to the PPS was not merely Antoun Sa’adeh’s nationalism and 1944 to 1948 charisma, but also the leader’s emphasis on modernization and discipline. It was here Excerpts from his that Yusif Sayigh developed the conviction recollections that the Arabs must learn to plan and systematize their activities. He approached Palestinian politics in the decade before the As told to and edited Nakba fully aware of the Zionist challenge, by Rosemary Sayigh critical of the limitations of the traditional Palestinian leadership, but also eager to act and contribute what he could. -
Viii. Palestine
372 AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK VIII. PALESTINE GENERAL REVIEW By LOTTA LEVENSOHN1 It was inevitable that, once the war was over, the political issue should overshadow everything else in Palestine. The White Paper promulgated by the British Mandatory Power in May 1939 had been flatly rejected as soon as its contents were known. No other course was possible when an attempt was made to impose upon the Jewish National Home a policy designed to crystallize it with a final quota of 75,000 immigrants and to confine it within the rigid territorial barriers of five per cent of the area of Palestine as far as future settlement was concerned. Not only that, but it was proposed in ten years' time to set up a Palestine State where the Jews would be a permanent minority,—a minority that would grow proportionately smaller from year to year because the Arab birthrate is double that of the Jews and more. But, when war broke out, the struggle was left in abeyance and the Yishuv became one of His Majesty's Government's most loyal allies. Now that struggle has been resumed with all the greater intensity in view of the plight of the sur- vivors of Nazism and Fascism in the liberated areas of Europe. And now annulment of the White Paper is not enough. Since the Mandatory Administration's policy eventuated in the White Paper after twenty-six years, the time has come for a definitive status wherein the National Home can develop and flourish according to its own poten- tialities, without artificial restrictions. -
Religious Terminology As Consolidating and Mediating
Athens Journal of Mediterranean Studies- Volume 5, Issue 4 – Pages 263-282 Religious Terminology as Consolidating and Mediating between Ethno-National Groups: A Case-Study of the Arab Communists in Mandatory Palestine and in Israel (1925-1967) By Maysoun Ershead Shehade* This paper uses a qualitative text analysis to examine the use of religious terminology (RT) as a tool for national engineering and achieving of political gains, by the Arab leadership and activists of the Communist Party in mandatory Palestine and thereafter in the State of Israel. Based on the framework posited by Antonio Gramsci, the paper examines how a group of "organic" intellectuals used religion as a tool for inserting ideas and for influencing the public arena, and presents a typology examining the changing circumstances that dictate the modes and purposes of RT usage. The main conclusion from this study indicates that RT was used in order to achieve legitimacy, presence, and dominance in the Palestinian and Arab ethno-national space, the Arab-Jewish joint space, and the cosmopolitan space identified with communism. RT seems to serve as a consolidating and mediating tool in and between the three spaces. Keywords: Religious Terminology (RT),Communist Palestinian Arabs in Israel, National Engineering Tool, Marxism and Religion, Organic Intellectuals. Introduction In general, it can be said that the connection between religion, communism, and nationalism was always present in the Arab world. Most communist political activists in the Arab states have their roots deeply entrenched in religious culture. The leaders of the Arab left wing are mostly Muslim believers, and most leaders who were defined as socialists demonstrated loyalty to socialism that draws its ideas from Islam. -
Crown Center Working Paper: Between National Liberation And
Crown Center for Middle East Studies Brandeis University Between National Liberation and Anti-Colonial Struggle: The National Liberation League in Palestine Dr. Abigail Jacobson Working Paper 3 August 2012 Crown Center Working Papers Working Papers are article-length scholarly works in progress by Crown Center researchers. They aim to reflect the wide range of scholarship conducted by various faculty, senior, and junior fellows during their stay at the Crown Center. These articles have not undergone peer- review and may only be downloaded for personal use. Permission for attribution lies solely with the Working Paper’s author. About the Author Dr. Abigail Jacobson was a Junior Research Fellow at the Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University in 2011-12. Currently she is a Lecturer in History at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Jacobson received her PhD from the University of Chicago in 2006 and her book, entitled “From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule” was published by Syracuse University Press in July 2011. Author’s Note This paper is based on a research conducted originally under the guidance of Prof. Asher Susser from Tel Aviv University. The paper was written during my fellowship year at the Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University. I wish to express my deep thanks to all members of the Crown Center, and especially to Prof. Shai Feldman, Prof. Naghmeh Sohrabi, Prof. Kanan Makiyah, and Dr. Peter Krause, as well as to Prof. Eugene Sheppard (NEJS) for their excellent comments. This paper is under review: do not use without the permission of the author. -
Ghassan Kanafani Publisher: Committee for Democratic Palestine Contents
THE 1936-39 REVOLT IN PALESTINE GHASSAN KANAFANI PUBLISHER: COMMITTEE FOR DEMOCRATIC PALESTINE CONTENTS 04 | Introduction 06 | Political Writings of Ghassan Kanafani 08 | Poem for Ghassan Kanafani 10 | Introduction to the 1936-1939 Revolt in Palestine COLOPHON 12 | Background: The Workers Published by the Tricontinental Society, London, 1980. “The 1936-39 20 | Background: The Peasants Revolt in Palestine” published, in addition, by Committee for a Democratic Palestine, New York, 1972. 26 | Background: The Intellectuals DESIGN & EDITING | design_atelier_ (kalimatmagazine.com/atelier) 35 | The Revolt TYPESET | Adobe Caslon Pro, DIN SOURCE | 61 | Letter From Gaza newjerseysolidarity.org/resources/kanafani/ 65 | A Tribute to Ghassan Kanafani 68 | Biography The 1936-39 Revolt in Palestine Ghassan Kanafani | 4 The 1936-39 Revolt in Palestine Ghassan Kanafani | 5 INTRODUCTION nationalist Palestinian liberation movement into being a pan-Arab revolutionary socialist move- to ment of which the liberation of Palestine would be a vital component. He always stressed that the Palestine problem could not be solved in isolation from the Arab World’s whole social and Ghassan Kanafani political situation.” This attitude developed naturally out of Kanafani’s own experiences. At the age of hassan Kanafani was born in Acre in 1936, and his family was expelled from Pal- twelve he went through the trauma of becoming a refugee, and thereafter he lived as an estine in 1948 by Zionist terror, after which they finally settled in Damascus. After exile in various Arab countries, not always with official approval. His people were scattered, Gcompleting his studies, he worked as a teacher and journalist, first in Damascus, and many of them making a living in the camps or struggling to make a living by doing the then in Kuwait. -
Arab Labor Unions in British Palestine, 1917-1947
REAL UNIONS: ARAB LABOR UNIONS IN BRITISH PALESTI=, 1917-1947 Jane Power B.A., Bryn Mawr College, 1960 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PmTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History Q Jane Power 1996 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY August 1996 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. 1+ 1 ;faral;a~d; UIa Y uiurruir IGLIUG I du Canada Acquisitions and Direction des acquisitions et Bibliographic Services Branch des services bibiiographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa, Ontario Ottawa (Cntarii) KIA ON4 KIA ON4 Your hie Votre rgference Our hie Notre rdfgrence The author has granted an %'auteur a accorde une licence irrevocable non-exclusive licence irrevocable et non exclusive allowing the National Library of permettant a la Bibliotheque Canada to reproduce, loan, nationale du Canada de distribute or sell copies of reproduire, preter, distribuer ou his/her thesis by any means and vendre des copies de sa these in any form or format, making de quelque maniere et sous this thesis available to interested quelque krme que ce soit pour persons. rnettre des exemplaires de cette these a la disposition des personnes interessees. The author retains ownership of L'auteur conserve la propriete du the copyright in hislher thesis. droit d'auteur qui protege sa Neither the thesis nor substantial these. Ni la these ni des extraits extracts from it may be printed or substantiels de celle-ci ne otherwise reproduced without doivent Btre imprimes ou his/her permission. -
Palestine 1947, Israel 1948 a Memoir
1 A ONCE AND PAST LOVE: PALESTINE 1947, ISRAEL 1948 A MEMOIR IVOR WILKS Program of African Studies Special Papers Series ISSN Print 1949-0283 ISSN Online 1949-0291 Program of African Studies Northwestern University 620 Library Place Evanston, IL 60208-4110 U.S.A. 2 TO NEHEMIA LEVTZION (1935-2003) TIRTZA LEVTZION (1935-2007) AND TO IBRAHIM ABU-LUGHOD (1929-2001) FOR THEIR FRIENDSHIP AND ENCOURAGEMENT 3 CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF MAPS PREAMBLE CHAPTER ONE. DECEMBER 1947 9-12: Arriving in Palestine. 12-13: 376 Petrol Platoon. 14: Petrol, Imperial Policy, and Palestine. 15-16: Nesher Camp. 16-17: Balad esh-Sheikh. 17-18: Nesher. 18: Webster. 18-19: Massacre. CHAPTER TWO. EARLY JANUARY 1948 20-22: Reprisal. 22-23: Valentina and Friends. 23-25: Platoon Affairs. 25-26: On Keeping a Diary. 26-27: Jerricans and Ghaffirs. 27-29: Nesher Cement Works. 29: A Bookshop in Haifa. 29-30: Miriam’s café. CHAPTER THREE. LATE JANUARY 1948 31-32: Transjordan Frontier Force. 32-34: Petrol. Dippers and Tappers. 34-37: General Staff, Intelligence. 37-38: Field Security. 38-40: Table Talk. 40-42: Tewfik. 42: Webster. 42: Balad esh-Sheikh. 42-44: The Birth of Mapam. CHAPTER FOUR. FEBRUARY 1948 45-46: Arms for Arabs. 46: Dear Editor…. 46-48: 376 Petrol Platoon. 48-50: Troop Train to Egypt. 50-53: To Fort Agrud and Back. 53-55: 376 Petrol Platoon. 55-57: Mahdi Bey. 57-58: Matters of Conscience. 59: Haifa Enclave. CHAPTER FIVE. MARCH 1948 60: The Stern Group. 60-62: Haifa. 62-63: Balad esh-Sheikh. -
Palestinian Trade Unions
Palestinian Trade Unions An overview Global Trade Union Program Palestinian Trade Unions An overview Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Büro Palästinensische Autonomiegebiete, Ost-Jerusalem Table of Contents List of Abbreviations 6 Chapter I Introduction 7 Chapter II History of Trade Unions in Palestine 9 1. From the British Mandate to 2005 9 2. Main Trade Unions today 11 a) PGFTU 11 b) PTUF 12 c) DWRC 12 d) Islamic Trade Unions 13 3. Professional Associations 13 Chapter III Definition of Palestinian Trade Unions 16 1. Self understanding of the PGFTU 16 2. Approach of the DWRC 16 Chapter IV Organisation of PGFTU & DWRC 17 1. Organisation Structures 17 2. Funding 18 3. Cooperation between Trade Unions 18 4. Main Union Laws and Legislations – Establishment of new Unions 19 5. Departments for Youth & Women 19 Chapter V PGFTU, DWRC & their Members 21 1. Payment of Due 21 2. Election Procedures 21 3. Congresses 21 4. Participation of Women 22 Chapter VI Government & the Trade Unions 23 1. Bargaining with the Ministry of Labour 23 The New Labour Law: a) Minimum Wages 24 b) Child Labour 25 c) Social Security Law 25 d) Health Insurance 25 2. Double Hats: PGFTU & PA 25 3. On the way to Democratic Structures 26 4. PGFTU & Histadrut 27 Chapter VII Trade Unions & the Law 28 1. Right to Strike 28 2. Tripartite Consultations 28 3. ILO Conventions 28 Chapter VIII Trade Unions & the ILO 29 1. Main Projects of the ILO 29 2. Programs run by ACTRAV 29 3. Cooperation between the PGFTU & the ILO 29 Chapter IX Palestinian Trade Unions & the International Trade Union Movement 31 1. -
DAVID DE VRIES and SHANI BAR-ON Politicization of Unemployment in British-Ruled Palestine
DAVID DE VRIES AND SHANI BAR-ON Politicization of Unemployment in British-Ruled Palestine in MATTHIAS REISS AND MATT PERRY (eds.), Unemployment and Protest: New Perspectives on Two Centuries of Contention (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) pp. 199–219 ISBN: 978 0 199 59573 0 The following PDF is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND licence. Anyone may freely read, download, distribute, and make the work available to the public in printed or electronic form provided that appropriate credit is given. However, no commercial use is allowed and the work may not be altered or transformed, or serve as the basis for a derivative work. The publication rights for this volume have formally reverted from Oxford University Press to the German Historical Institute London. All reasonable effort has been made to contact any further copyright holders in this volume. Any objections to this material being published online under open access should be addressed to the German Historical Institute London. DOI: 8 Politicization of Unemployment in British-Ruled Palestine DAVID DE VRIES AND SHANI BAR-ON Unemployment in Mandate Palestine (rgr7-47) has long attracted the attention of historians. One reason was the sheer size of unem- ployment, its share in the labour force, and its relation to immi- gration. The second reason was the politicization of the issue. Whilst the Arabs persistently claimed that expanding Jewish immigration aggravated unemployment, the Jews retorted no less vociferously thatJewish immigration brought along capital and skills which, in turn, enhanced economic opportunities, thereby eventually reducing unemployment. Against the background of a social phenomenon hitherto unknown in Mandate Palestine in such dimensions, and of political leaders in the two communities mobilizing the unemployed for political purposes in the Arab- Jewish conflict, emerged a third characteristic of contemporary unemployment: the yawning gap between the potential it created for social unrest and the paucity of organized protest by the unemployed themselves. -
The Communist Movement in Palestine 1919-1949
The communist movement in Palestine 1919-1949 Written: This is the printable version of: January 2003 http://321ignition.free.fr/pag/en/ana/pag_003/ Last modification: pag.htm April, 2007 Between two imperialist world wars The orientation concerning Zionism Globally, on the subject of Zionism and the Jewish population, the Palestinian Communist Party has maintained up to 1943 the objective of cessation of Jewish immigration and the interdiction of purchase of land by Jews. Yet, it refused to adopt the perspective the departure of the already settled immigrants and fixed itself the task to organized the Arab and Jewish workers in the struggle against imperialism, considering that the interests of the Jewish workers in no way were in contradiction with those of the Arab workers. The attacks it launched against the British mandatory governments were consistent with this position. Thus the Party accused the latter of "not helping to give immigrants work and bread, still less land"[1], and it denounced the menace that represented immigration as being directed not only against the Arab workers and peasants, but also against the Jewish workers, for "it served as a means of swelling the ranks of the unemployed and lowering wages"[2]. The Party thought that the sole means to guarantee free development of the Jewish minority consisted in struggling against imperialism and Zionism and in assuring that in the revolutionary insurrection to come, the Jewish workers participate in the struggle for national independence. The same type of argumentation was applied to the situation in Germany after the establishment of the national-socialist regime. -
Copyright by Philip Thabet Issa 2015
Copyright by Philip Thabet Issa 2015 The Thesis Committee for Philip Thabet Issa Certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: Abu Maher al Yamani and the Unheralded Palestinian Leadership in 1950s Lebanon APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Yoav Di-Capua Kamran Asdar Ali Abu Maher al Yamani and the Unheralded Palestinian Leadership in 1950s Lebanon by Philip Thabet Issa, B.A. Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2015 To my parents and grandparents Abstract Abu Maher al Yamani and the Unheralded Palestinian Leadership in 1950s Lebanon Philip Thabet Issa, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2015 Supervisor: Yoav Di-Capua Ahmad abu Maher al Yamani, born in 1924 in Suhmata, Palestine, was one of the foremost refugee leaders in 1950s and ‘60s Lebanon. A school principal by occupation, Yamani built and directed the leading civic associations in exile, including the UNRWA Teachers’ Association, the popular committees of the camps, the al Shabab al ‘Arabi al Filastini branch of the Arab Nationalist Movement, and the Union of Palestinian Workers. These associations asserted the interests of poor and formerly peasant refugees to UNRWA and Lebanese authorities, and they laid the foundations for the armed struggle. This biography describes the maturation of camp organization with more color. It also traces continuity between the social transformations of the Mandate era and camp society in the diaspora. The processes in Palestine that drew peasants to continuing education, and then to urban areas and to wage labor, and to mass politics and national identification – these refined Yamani into a young leader.