DOCSLIB.ORG

Political and Economic Situation

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Political and Economic Situation Published on Eurydice (https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice) Political situation in Belgium The Belgian electoral system is based on the principle of proportional representation (proportional representation). It ensures a very stable representation of the people and usually leads to the formation of multi-party governments representing two or three political currents. Traditionally, there are five major political tendencies in Belgium's political power play: the socialist, the Christian-democratic, the liberal and the ecological, a fifth group of parties formed with the division of the country into linguistic and cultural communities in the sixties and seventies of the last century with language-political or regional goals, such as the French-speaking party DEFI (démocrate, fédéraliste, indépendant) with a political focus in Brussels, the Flemish party NVA (Nieuwe Vlaamse Alliantie) or the ProDG movement, which demands the greatest possible autonomy for the German- speaking world in the German-speaking community. Each of these political directions is represented by independent French-speaking, Dutch-speaking and German-speaking parties; each of them has its own party structures. - The socialist or social democratic parties are the Parti Socialiste (PS), the sociaal progressief alternatief (sp.a.) and the Sozialistische Partei (SP) in the German-speaking community. - The Christian Democratic parties are the Centre démocrate et humaniste (Cdh), the Christen- Democratisch & Vlaams (CD&V) and the Christlich Soziale Partei (CSP) in the German-speaking Community. - The liberal parties are the Mouvement Réformateur (MR), the Open Vld, and the Party for Freedom and Progress (PFF) in the German-speaking Community, which has joined the Mouvement Réformateur (MR) movement. - The ecological parties are Ecolo in the French Community and the German-speaking Community and Groen in the Flemish Community. - In addition to the four large party families, the above-mentioned regional and language parties avert the diverse spectrum of political currents in Belgium. Political situation in the German-speaking Community Most of these political currents can be found in the German-speaking Community. There is the Christian Social Party (CSP), the Party for Freedom and Progress (PFF), the Socialist Party (SP), the ecologically oriented party (Ecolo). Furthermore, the autonomous movement ProDG is active in the German-speaking community, as is the civic movement VIVANT. The distribution of seats for the 2019-2024 legislative period is as follows: CSP (6), ProDG (6), SP (4), PFF (4), Ecolo (3), Vivant (3). Currently, the Minister of Education is a member of the ProDG movement. A central goal of education policy is to strengthen equal opportunities. It must be borne in mind that every child and every young person is unique with his or her dispositions and development prospects. The educational and social system should be designed in such a way that no child or adolescent is neglected, but each is promoted individually and in the best possible way. In this way, all pupils and trainees are to be helped to find a place in society and to cope with their lives on their own. Economic situation The share of economic sectors in gross value added provides information on the economic structure of a region. A comparison of the economic structure of the German-speaking Community with that of Wallonia and Belgium as a whole shows that manufacturing accounts for a relatively high share (21.7%) of gross value added (Wallonia and Belgium each account for 14.4%). At 423.2 million euro, manufacturing is also the sector with the highest gross value added in the German-speaking Community. The manufacture of electrical equipment, rubber and plastics, metalworking and food are particularly important in this sector. The second and third most important economic activities are trade and repair and real estate. On the other hand, the tertiary sector is relatively less important in the German-speaking Community. On 30 June 2017, 22,685 employees (including civil servants) subject to social insurance contributions worked in the German-speaking Community, spread over 2,226 company seats. On 31 December 2017, the German-speaking Community also had 6,475 self-employed and freelancers. However, due to the border situation between three borders (Germany, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and the French-speaking part of Belgium), commuter movements play a role for the German-speaking community that should not be underestimated. More than 25% of employees are commuters to the German-speaking Community. Abroad: The number of people employed in Luxembourg in particular is increasing from year to year: in 2018, 4,220 inhabitants of the German-speaking area were employed in Luxembourg (2005: 2,550; 2010: 3,194). Commuters to the German-speaking Community mainly come from inland Belgium and increasingly also from Germany. According to this concept, the German-speaking Community achieved a result of 77,181 euros per employee in 2017. This is higher than the GDP per inhabitant, but still well below the national average of 92,939 euros. GDP When comparing the economic strength of different regions, GDP per inhabitant is often used as the unit of measurement. In regions with a high proportion of commuters, however, this indicator gives a distorted picture, as the GDP generated in the region is only divided by the number of inhabitants (although the commuters also generated it) and the value added generated abroad by the commuters is taken into account. In the case of the German-speaking community, the GDP per inhabitant is comparatively low, since the German-speaking community has a high proportion of commuters. A more realistic picture of value added in an area can therefore be obtained by dividing GDP by the number of local employees (whether residents or commuters). According to this concept, the German- speaking Community2010 achieves a result of 66 049 € per employee. This is higher than GDP per inhabitant, but still well below the national average of €78,903. DID YOU FIND WHAT YOU WERE LOOKING FOR? YES NO Contact * Message * Leave this field blank Source URL: https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice/belgien-deutschsprachige-gemeinschaft/political-and-economic-si tuation_hr.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • BIEN - Basic Income Earth Network NEW SFLASH 47 September 2007 **************************************************
    BIEN - Basic Income Earth Network NEW SFLASH 47 September 2007 ************************************************** www.basicincome.org The Basic Income Earth Network was founded in 1986 as the Basic Income European Network. It expanded its scope from Europe to the Earth in 2004. It serves as a link between individuals and groups committed to or interested in basic income, and fosters informed discussion on this topic throughout the world. The present NewsFlash has been prepared with the help of Paul Nollen, Simon Birnbaum, David Casassas, Erik Christensen, Claudia & Dirk Haardman, Jurgen De W ispelaere, Phil Dines, Sandro Gobetti, Seàn Healy, Marek Hrubec, Malcolm Torry, Philippe Van Parijs, and Karl W iderquist. This NewsFlash can be downloaded as a PDF document on our website www.basicincome.org CONTENTS 1. Editorial : Tribute to André Gorz 2. 12th BIEN Congress June 2008 3. Events 4.Glimpses of national debates 5. Publications 6. New Links 7. About BIEN _____ 1. EDITORIAL: Tribute to André Gorz French social philosopher and journalist André Gorz (born in 1923) committed suicide with his wife in their home in Vosnon (France), and was found dead on September 24, 2007. Gorz was one of the most prominent advocates of an unconditional basic income. In his classic essays on work, socialism, or green politics, he had first expressed some scepticism with regard to the idea of an —income by right“. His chapter in Arguing for Basic Income (edited by Philippe Van Parijs, Verso, 1996) was significantly entitled: —On the Difference between Society and Community, and W hy Basic Income Cannot by itself Confer Full Membership of Either“.
    [Show full text]
  • Renta Básica Universal
    Renta Básica Universal I. Introducción La situación de pobreza y pobreza extrema, la desigualdad en el nivel de ingresos, las crisis económicas, la transformación tecnológica y digital, así como el efecto de la globalización sobre el empleo, entre otros, están generando un debate sobre la implementación de una Renta Básica Universal -RBU- como mecanismo de protección social. Las redes de protección social son medidas para facilitar los cambios estructurales de la economía y hacerlos socialmente aceptables. La discusión pertinente es si el Estado, en su calidad de administrador de tales redes, debe incorporar dentro de sus políticas la implementación de una RBU, tomando en cuenta que los recursos son escasos y debiesen asignarse de una manera eficiente. Recientemente en Finlandia se ha puesto en marcha un proyecto que ha levantado la discusión sobre las ventajas de implementar una política de RBU. Tomando en cuenta que este tipo de modelos se está debatiendo en diversas partes del mundo, especialmente en Europa, se estima oportuno conocer algunos precedentes (tanto teóricos como experiencias), los conceptos de lo que se entiende por RBU, los argumentos a favor y en contra de su aplicación, así como una evaluación de lo que podría significar en el caso de Guatemala. II. Concepto y experiencias 1. Definición y características La Basic Income Earth Network -BIEN-1 define el concepto de RBU como un pago periódico en efectivo entregado incondicionalmente a todas las personas sobre una base individual, sin necesidad de medios o requisito de trabajo. La RBU no debe confundirse con los diversos subsidios condicionados existentes, propios del estado de bienestar, en los que la recepción de beneficios está condicionada a que se cumpla con los requisitos establecidos y cuya verificación la realiza el sector público.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ethics and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee
    Georgetown University From the SelectedWorks of Karl Widerquist 2005 The thicE s and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee Karl Widerquist Michael Lewis Steven Pressman Available at: https://works.bepress.com/widerquist/9/ 1 The Ethics and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee This is an early version of a manuscript that was later published as: Karl Widerquist, Michael Anthony Lewis, and Steven Pressman (editors) The Ethics and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 2005 If you want to cite or quote it, please refer to the published version. If you have any questions, please contact me at: [email protected] v 2 The Ethics and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables viii List of Contributors x Preface xiii Acknowledgments 1 An Introduction to the Basic Income Guarantee 1 Michael Lewis, Steven Pressman, and Karl Widerquist Part One: History 2 In the Shadow of Speenhamland: Social Policy and the Old Poor Law 13 Fred Block and Margaret Somers 3 Inheritance and Equal Shares: Early American Views 55 John Cunliffe and Guido Erreygers 4 The Guaranteed Income Movement of the 1960s and 1970s 77 Robert Harris 5 A Retrospective on the Negative Income Tax Experiments: Looking 95 Back at the Most Innovate Field Studies in Social Policy Robert A. Levine, Harold Watts, Robinson Hollister, Walter Williams, Alice O’Connor, and Karl Widerquist Part Two: Debate 6 Basic Income in the United States: Redefining Citizenship in the 109 Liberal State Almaz Zelleke 7 Basic Income, Liberal Neutrality, Socialism, and Work 122 Michael W.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
    1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO.
    [Show full text]
  • A Theory-Guided Statistical Historiography Of
    A statistical historiography of Belgium’s national electoral and party system Tom Schamp1 & Carl Devos Background paper For the paper submitted for ECPR‟s Joint Sessions of Workshops “Party system dynamics. New tools for the study of party system change and party transformation” 11-16 March, 2013 Mainz, Germany 1 Ghent University Faculty of Social and Political sciences Department of Political science Universiteitstraat 8, 9000 Gent, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] 1 1. Introduction In their overview of the Belgian national electoral results and party systems since 1830, Matagne and Verjans (2012:85) concluded that Belgium advanced from a bipolar political system since 1848, via what Giovanni Sartori (1976) called a two-and-a-half party system in the 1920s to the fractionalized and highly volatile multiparty system that present-day Belgium is worldwide known for. In this paper we study the linkages between the changing political system, the process of electoral reforms and the development of the party system. We intend to do so focusing on an old democracy: Belgium. We analyze origin, rise and fall of Belgian political parties participating in the national legislative elections, of the nature and complexity and change of the national electoral system, of the persistence, consolidation and change of the national party system, and last but not least of the perception of democracy in itself.2 These issues are among the most central issues studied by political scientists. There are plenty of explanations for today‟s party system fragmentation. Ever since the 1960s political parties in Belgium, in The Netherlands and in many other Western European representative democracies were principally uprooting from social cleavages.
    [Show full text]
  • Of European and National Election Results Update: September 2018
    REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2018 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2018 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit September 2018 - PE 625.195 TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS EE2019 6 OVERVIEW 1979 - 2014 7 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (10/09/2018) 8 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (01/07/2014) 9 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 10 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 11 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 12 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 13 3. TURNOUT: EE2014 15 TURNOUT IN THE LAST EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTIONS 16 TURNOUT IN THE EE2014 18 TURNOUT COMPARISON: 2009 (2013) - 2014 19 TURNOUT IN THE EE2014 - BREAKDOWN BY GENDER 20 TURNOUT IN THE EE2014 - BREAKDOWN BY AGE 21 TURNOUT OVERVIEW SINCE 1979 22 TURNOUT OVERVIEW SINCE 1979 - BY MEMBER STATE 23 4. NATIONAL RESULTS BY MEMBER STATE 27-301 GOVERNMENTS AND OPPOSITION IN MEMBER STATES 28 COMPOSITION OF THE EP: 2014 AND LATEST UPDATE POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE EP MEMBERS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT - BY MEMBER STATE EE2014 TOTAL RESULTS EE2014 ELECTORAL LISTS - BY MEMBER STATE RESULTS OF TWO LAST NATIONAL ELECTIONS AND THE EE 2014 DIRECT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS SOURCES EDITORIAL First published in November 2014, the Review of European and National Elections offers a comprehensive, detailed and up-to-date overview on the composition of the European Parliament, national elections in all EU Member States as well as a historical overview on the now nearly forty years of direct elections to the European Parliament since 1979.
    [Show full text]
  • 2005 JRH Vol 8 No 1
    JOURNAL OF RADICAL HISTORY Thomas Paine Vol. 8. No.1 . Autumn 2005 JOURNAL OF RADICAL HISTORY ISSN 0049 813 Volume 8. Number 1. Autumn 2005 Editor: Robert Morrell. Printed and Published by THE THOMAS PAINE SOCIETY 43, Eugene Gardens, Nottingham, NG2 3LF England All communications in respect of this journal should be addressed to the editor. Views and opinions expressed in signed articles are those of the writers and do not of necessity reflect those of the editor or the society or its officials. CO 2005. Thomas Paine Society. Contents THOMAS PAINE — EMPIRE AND WAR IN THE TWENTY FIRST CENTURY Brian Walker Page 1 THOMAS PAINE'S LAST YEAR: A NEW PERSPECTIVE Mae Silver Page 26 Thomas Paine — Empire and War in the Twenty First Century. The Eric Paine Memorial Lecture for 2005 Brian Walker My purpose is to relate Paine's ideas to two of the more threatening features of the 21s1 century. First, I shall consider the growth of "empire" in the evolution of America. Secondly, I shall consider how a modern Paine might react to armed conflict in today's world. Soon after arriving in America in 1774, the thirty eight year old Paine, despite being something of an admirer of the British Empire nevertheless spoke up for women & children.' Three years would pass before he would make a real mark. Paine believed in "reconciliation" when confronted by any breakdown in human relationships. His conversion to revolutionary politics was still to come — mostly due to the influence of Benjamin Rush.2 Paine set up a school far women, perceiving that education was the key to their emancipation.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Québec Entre La Flandre Et La Wallonie : Une Comparaison Des Nationalismes Sous-Étatiques Belges Et Du Nationalisme Québécois Jan Erk
    Document généré le 1 oct. 2021 14:41 Recherches sociographiques Le Québec entre la Flandre et la Wallonie : Une comparaison des nationalismes sous-étatiques belges et du nationalisme québécois Jan Erk Volume 43, numéro 3, septembre–décembre 2002 Résumé de l'article Une implicite présomption d’affinité entre les nationalismes wallon et URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/000609ar québécois est à la base des études comparatives étudiant les cas de la Belgique DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/000609ar et du Québec, en raison de la communauté de langage entre wallons et québécois. Le nationalisme québécois ressemble cependant plus au Aller au sommaire du numéro nationalisme flamand qu’à celui de la Wallonie, avant tout fondé sur des demandes économiques. Les nationalismes flamand et québécois sont tous deux motivés par une distinction linguistique ; ils ont tenté de redresser la Éditeur(s) division culturelle du travail et ils ont également essayé de bâtir des structures politiques de rechange à l’État central afin de parvenir à une redistribution Département de sociologie, Faculté des sciences sociales, Université Laval culturelle du pouvoir. Malgré tout, le nationalisme flamand s’est développé sous la bannière de la démocratie chrétienne, alors que le nationalisme ISSN contemporain du Québec doit sa force aux idées séculaires de gauche. Cette différence peut s’expliquer par l’attitude différente de l’Église catholique des 0034-1282 (imprimé) deux régions face au pouvoir politique. 1705-6225 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Erk, J. (2002). Le Québec entre la Flandre et la Wallonie : Une comparaison des nationalismes sous-étatiques belges et du nationalisme québécois.
    [Show full text]
  • The Provocative Joan Robinson: the Making of a Cambridge Economist
    The Provocative Joan Robinson science and cultural theory A Series Edited by Barbara Herrnstein Smith & E. Roy Weintraub MaIkhoh\Zmbo ChZgKh[bglh# Ma^FZdbg`h_Z <Zf[kb]`^>\hghfb GZab]:leZg[^b`nb@nrHZd^l =ndNgbo^klbmrIk^ll =nkaZfEhg]hg +))2 © 2009 Duke University Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper ∞ Designed by Jennifer Hill Typeset in Carter and Cone Galliard by Achorn International Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Photograph on previous spread: Joan Robinson. © reserved; collection Marshall Library of Economics, Cambridge. In memory of parvin aslanbeigui, m.d. 1 9 5 9 – 2 0 0 7 *) ** *+ *, *- *. */ *0 *1 *2 +) +* ++ +, +- +. +/ +0 +1 +2 ,) ,* ,+ ,, ,- ,. ,/ ,0 ,1 ,2 -) ` c o n t e n t s ` Acknowledgments ix Collage with Woman in Foreground 1 1. The Improbable Theoretician 17 Excursus: Robinson and Kahn 51 2. The Making of The Economics of Imperfect Competition 89 3. Becoming a Keynesian 161 “Who Is Joan Robinson?” 235 Notes 247 Bibliography 279 Index 295 ` acknowledgments ` Our warmest thanks to Geoff Harcourt, who read an entire draft and wrote elaborate notes, saving us, to paraphrase Joan Robinson, from our headlong errors. We are also grateful to Prue Kerr and Michele Naples, who read parts of a draft and offered helpful suggestions. Two readers for Duke University Press made valuable criticisms on which we acted. The usual caveats apply. For permission to quote unpublished copyrighted material, we ac- knowledge the following:
    [Show full text]
  • Political and Economic Situation
    Published on Eurydice (https://eacea.ec.europa.eu/national-policies/eurydice) Political situation in Belgium The Belgian electoral system is based on the principle of proportional representation (proportional representation). It ensures a very stable representation of the people and usually leads to the formation of multi-party governments representing two or three political currents. Traditionally, there are five major political tendencies in Belgium's political power play: the socialist, the Christian-democratic, the liberal and the ecological, a fifth group of parties formed with the division of the country into linguistic and cultural communities in the sixties and seventies of the last century with language-political or regional goals, such as the French-speaking party DEFI (démocrate, fédéraliste, indépendant) with a political focus in Brussels, the Flemish party NVA (Nieuwe Vlaamse Alliantie) or the ProDG movement, which demands the greatest possible autonomy for the German- speaking world in the German-speaking community. Each of these political directions is represented by independent French-speaking, Dutch-speaking and German-speaking parties; each of them has its own party structures. - The socialist or social democratic parties are the Parti Socialiste (PS), the sociaal progressief alternatief (sp.a.) and the Sozialistische Partei (SP) in the German-speaking community. - The Christian Democratic parties are the Centre démocrate et humaniste (Cdh), the Christen- Democratisch & Vlaams (CD&V) and the Christlich Soziale Partei (CSP) in the German-speaking Community. - The liberal parties are the Mouvement Réformateur (MR), the Open Vld, and the Party for Freedom and Progress (PFF) in the German-speaking Community, which has joined the Mouvement Réformateur (MR) movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Les Partis Régionalistes En Europe
    Petites patries, petits partis ? Les partis régionalistes en Europe Pascal DELWIT Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le fait régional et l’action régionale semblent s’être fortement développés en Europe. La promotion de l’Europe des régions a été au devant de la scène dans la conclusion de nouveaux traités jalonnant la construction européenne depuis quinze ans. Et de manière emblématique un Comité des régions a été établi. A l’heure actuelle, celui-ci reste doté d’une influence formelle modeste mais son établissement atteste d’un intérêt renouvelé pour l’échelon régional, quand bien même la région recouvre des réalités (très) différentes dans les Etats membres de l’Union européenne. Il n’empêche, l’intérêt et l’attachement au niveau sub-national semblent s’être accrus en parallèle à l’affaiblissement de l’Etat nation, « de moins en moins capable de jouer ce rôle de pilotage de l’économie au service du maintien de l’équilibre social » 1. « La révolution fédéraliste a commencé », proclamait Dusan Sidjanski au lendemain de la chute du mur de Berlin 2. Plus généralement, dans certains Etats, des institutions décentralisées ont vu le jour. C’est notamment le cas en Belgique depuis 1980, en France depuis 1986 ou en Espagne dans le cadre de la transition démocratique. Plus récemment, l’exemple le plus marquant est sans doute la Grande-Bretagne. A la suite de la victoire travailliste en 1997, Tony Blair a non seulement impulsé un nouveau cadre institutionnel en Irlande du nord, mais son gouvernement a aussi établi des institutions régionales en Ecosse et au Pays de Galles.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral Lists Ahead of the Elections to the European Parliament from a Gender Perspective
    DIRECTORATE GENERAL FOR INTERNAL POLICIES POLICY DEPARTMENT C: CITIZENS' RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS GENDER EQUALITY Electoral lists ahead of the elections to the European Parliament from a gender perspective STUDY Abstract Upon request of the FEMM Committee, this study provides a detailed analysis of the existing electoral systems for the European 2014 elections from a gender perspective in the 28 EU Member States. It also presents and scrutinises the electoral lists of the Member States from a gender perspective and presents the synthesis of the main findings from the lists. Some main conclusions are made on the basis of the mapping. They concern the relation between the adoption of legislated gender quotas and the implementation of quota provisions by national parties. PE 509.980 EN Document requested by the Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality AUTHORS Fondazione Giacomo Brodolini Ms Lenita Freidenvall Ms Hedvig Stahre Ms Silvia Sansonetti REVISOR Ms Elisabeth Victoria Lasky RESPONSIBLE ADMINISTRATOR Ms Erika Schulze Policy Department C - Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs European Parliament B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy Departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny. To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe to its newsletter please write to: [email protected] European Parliament, manuscript completed in May 2014. © European Union, Brussels, 2014. This document is available on the Internet at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/studies DISCLAIMER The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament.
    [Show full text]