DOCSLIB.ORG

“Development and Accountability of Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Initiatives.”

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“Development and Accountability of Nigeria's Anti-Corruption Initiatives.” Running Head: Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives “Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives.” Chioma F. Nwogu, ABD Doctoral Candidate [email protected] Adrian M. Velazquez Vazquez, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Public Administration 1950 Third Street, CBPM 118 Department of Public and Health Administration College of Business and Public Management University of La Verne La Verne, CA 91750 909.448.4107 [email protected] Preliminary Draft Manuscript Not for Citation without Express Permission from the Authors Paper prepared for delivery at the International Institute of Administrative Sciences’ 2018 IIAS International Congress Tunis, Tunisia – June 25-29, 2018 Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives Introduction In 2015, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development was drafted during the meetings celebrating the 70th anniversary of the United Nations (United Nations, 2015). As part of adopting a “historic decision on a comprehensive, far-reaching and people-centered set of universal and transformative goals and targets” (United Nations, 2015, p. 3), the many actors who participated in drafting this agenda for the future recognized, amongst other goals, the need to “promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels” (United Nations, 2015, p. 14). As part of this initiative, the United Nations also articulated, along with other specific objectives to fulfill that goal, the need to: “- Promote the rule of law at the national and international levels and ensure equal access to justice for all. - By 2030, significantly reduce illicit financial and arms flows, strengthen the recovery and return of stolen assets and combat all forms of organized crime. - Substantially reduce corruption and bribery in all their forms. - Develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels. - Ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements. - Strengthen relevant national institutions, including through international cooperation, for building capacity at all levels, in particular in developing countries, to prevent violence and combat terrorism and crime (United Nations, 2015, pp. 25-26)” As one of the utmost hindrances to human growth and public advancement, corruption requires strong public institutions and strict vigilance over governmental processes, especially in developing nations. Whenever deliberate attempts to usurp authority from legitimate agencies occurs, it is necessary to establish clear paths and strong governmental bodies to prevent such endeavors or ameliorate its negative effects. In most economies, however, the development and production of goods and services has been the major function of the public sector (Honest, 2006). With enormous revenues derived from oil and agricultural resources which ought to cater 1 Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives to the social demands placed on public institutions, lack of accountability and transparent measures have led to great inefficiencies and ineffectiveness in the course of fulfilling the obligations of these agencies (Sekwat, 2002). Unfortunately, due to challenges encountered because of said lack of accountability, citizens all over the world have been exposed to poor or diminished quality of life, leading to an erosion of trust in public institutions. With that premise in mind, the objective of this work is to explore various anti-corruption initiatives implemented in Nigeria after the establishment of a legitimate democratic government. Given the practices of various military regimes in previous decades, anti-corruption measures were needed (Ploch, 2013). Those measures materialized due to increased international scrutiny and mounting domestic pressure to adjust institutional practices and civic life (Ribadu, 2009). Nigeria's chronic problems related to health and public safety have made them dependent on international aid and, as a result, increased the oversight that international actors place on their governmental practices (Gillies, 2009). Consequently, the country engaged in the development of a new paradigm of governance systems to help combat corruption and increase accountability, both internally and to the exterior. Some of the changes included the creation of specific agencies that targeted money laundering operations, fraud, financing of terrorism, and other economic and financial crimes. The implementation of such initiatives began with the formation of the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offenses Commission (ICPC) in 2000, and continued with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2004, as well as the creation of other national and international mechanisms to curb corruption. The results, however, have been mixed (CLEEN, 2010). Using a case study approach, this paper aims to explore the following questions: What are the effects of the diverse anti-corruption initiatives in Nigeria? What is the scope of their 2 Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives attributions and how do they align with the rule of law? Have these initiatives contributed to increased transparency and accountability of governance systems? If so, how? Currently, public perception of these agencies points out to systemic corruption and continuation of past practices, as well as the use of institutions for personal gain and as political tools (Obuah, 2010). Therefore, the aim of this paper is to increase our understanding of the diverse anticorruption initiatives undertaken in Nigeria using a theoretical framework related to State Crimes against Democracy, as discussed by deHaven-Smith (2006, 2010), Witt and deHaven-Smith (2010), as well as Kouzmin, Witt, and Kakabadse (2013). Nigeria’s Historical Challenges with Democracy The menace of corruption is endemic in Nigeria despite the numerous attempts by governments to curtail it. The military coup of 1966 in Nigeria was a direct response from the military to bail the country out from the corrupt practices of the First Republic (Ogbeidi,2012). The overwhelming support from civilians, despite the killings of major politicians, showed that Nigerians were willing to forego democracy if it meant that the country would be delivered from the clutches of corruption (Ogbeidi,2012). The probing of various agencies by the military government showed that various ministers had siphoned funds meant for public agencies into their respective bank accounts, with some even going to the extent of securing contracts for themselves while in office (Okonkwo, 2007). However, suddenly, General Murtala Mohammed, the military administrator was killed, and some of the public administrators who were imprisoned for their misappropriations were freed, hampering the efforts to rid the country of corruption (Afolabi, 1993). What would have been another go at cleaning up public service by General Murtala Mohammed, who took over office as the new military administrator, was a flop as he was 3 Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives assassinated barely six months after he assumed position as the Commander-in chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Ogbeidi, 2012). As a result, corruption resurged with the advent of the Second Republic due to the widespread availability of funds from oil revenues, as looting of public funds by elected public officials became, once again, common practice. Several claims were made that over $16 billion in oil revenues were lost between 1979 and 1983 under President Shehu Shagari (Dash, 1983). According to Ogbeidi (2012) “It became quite common for federal buildings to mysteriously go up in flames, most especially just before the onset of ordered audits of government accounts, making it impossible to discover written evidences of embezzlement and fraud” A new regime by General Buhari in 1983 violated human rights in its bid to tackle corruption and restore sanity to public life, and thus was overthrown by General Babangida. Unfortunately, corrupt leaders who were found guilty in Buhari’s regime, were released and even regained possession of their confiscated properties (Maduagwu, as cited in Gboyega, 1995, p.5). After an 8-year rule, amidst public outcry, Babangida relinquished power to a short lived interim government that was ousted by the late military dictator General Sani Abacha (Ogbeidi, 2012). Under his rule, full blown corrupt practices became systematic. In a 2009 article by the International Centre for Asset Recovery, it was estimated that illicit acquisition of public funds by Abacha amounted to over $4 billion. As this brief historical recount of Nigeria’s history points out, the implementation of corrupt practices is a vicious cycle in public life, making necessary the design and adoption of measures to combat corruption at all levels of government. Nigeria’s Post-Democratic Government Accountability 4 Development and Accountability of Nigeria’s Anti-Corruption Initiatives During the military era, the country passed various legislations aimed at fighting corruption and financial crimes while attempting to increase accountability. Some of the laws and decrees passed before the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1999 include: • Investigation of Assets Decree of 1968, which was aimed
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Rise of Boko Haram in Nigeria Sgo.Sagepub.Com
    SGOXXX10.1177/2158244015576053SAGE OpenSuleiman and Karim 576053research-article2015 Article SAGE Open January-March 2015: 1 –11 Cycle of Bad Governance and Corruption: © The Author(s) 2015 DOI: 10.1177/2158244015576053 The Rise of Boko Haram in Nigeria sgo.sagepub.com Mohammed Nuruddeen Suleiman1 and Mohammed Aminul Karim1 Abstract This article argues that bad governance and corruption particularly in the Northern part of Nigeria have been responsible for the persistent rise in the activities of Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JASLWJ), Arabic for “people committed to the propagation of the tradition and jihad.” It is also known as “Boko Haram,” commonly translated as “Western education is sin.” Based on qualitative data obtained through interviews with Nigerians, this article explicates how poor governance in the country has created a vicious cycle of corruption, poverty, and unemployment, leading to violence. Although JASLWJ avows a religious purpose in its activities, it takes full advantage of the social and economic deprivation to recruit new members. For any viable short- or long-term solution, this article concludes that the country must go all-out with its anti- corruption crusade. This will enable the revival of other critical sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing, likely ensuring more employment. Should the country fail to stamp out corruption, it will continue to witness an upsurge in the activities of JASLWJ, and perhaps even the emergence of other violent groups. The spillover effects may be felt not only across Nigeria but also within the entire West African region. Keywords Nigeria, governance, corruption, militancy, Boko Haram, democracy Introduction own desired objectives and methods.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
    Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment.
    [Show full text]
  • Nigeria V. Santolina Investment Corp., Diepreye Alamieyeseigha
    Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Wrongs, Private Actions Public Wrongs, Private Actions Civil Lawsuits to Recover Stolen Assets Jean-Pierre Brun Pascale Helene Dubois Emile van der Does de Willebois Jeanne Hauch Sarah Jaïs Yannis Mekki Anastasia Sotiropoulou Katherine Rose Sylvester Mahesh Uttamchandani © 2015 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank 1818 H Street NW, Washington DC 20433 Telephone: 202-473-1000; Internet: www.worldbank.org Some rights reserved 1 2 3 4 17 16 15 14 This work is a product of the staff of The World Bank with external contributions. The findings, interpreta- tions, and conclusions expressed in this work do not necessarily reflect the views of The World Bank, its Board of Executive Directors, or the governments they represent. The World Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this work. The boundaries, colors, denominations, and other information shown on any map in this work do not imply any judgment on the part of The World Bank concerning the legal status of any territory or the endorsement or acceptance of such boundaries. Nothing herein shall constitute or be considered to be a limitation upon or waiver of the privileges and immunities of The World Bank, all of which are specifically reserved. Rights and Permissions This work is available under the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 IGO license (CC BY 3.0 IGO) http:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/igo. Under the Creative Commons Attribution license, you are free to copy, distribute, transmit, and adapt this work, including for commercial purposes, under the following conditions: Attribution—Please cite the work as follows: Jean-Pierre Brun; Dubois, Pascale Helene; van der Does de Willebois, Emile; Hauch, Jeanne; Jaïs, Sarah; Mekki, Yannis; Sotiropoulou, Anastasia; Sylvester, Katherine Rose; and Uttamchandani, Mahesh.
    [Show full text]
  • First Election Security Threat Assessment
    SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2015 ELECTIONS January – June 2013 edition With Support from the MacArthur Foundation Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II. Security Threat Assessment for North Central III. Security Threat Assessment for North East IV. Security Threat Assessment for North West V. Security Threat Assessment for South East VI. Security Threat Assessment for South South VII. Security Threat Assessment for South West Executive Summary Political Context The merger between the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and other smaller parties, has provided an opportunity for opposition parties to align and challenge the dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This however will also provide the backdrop for a keenly contested election in 2015. The zoning arrangement for the presidency is also a key issue that will define the face of the 2015 elections and possible security consequences. Across the six geopolitical zones, other factors will define the elections. These include the persisting state of insecurity from the insurgency and activities of militants and vigilante groups, the high stakes of election as a result of the availability of derivation revenues, the ethnic heterogeneity that makes elite consensus more difficult to attain, as well as the difficult environmental terrain that makes policing of elections a herculean task. Preparations for the Elections The political temperature across the country is heating up in preparation for the 2015 elections. While some state governors are up for re-election, most others are serving out their second terms. The implication is that most of the states are open for grab by either of the major parties and will therefore make the electoral contest fiercer in 2015 both within the political parties and in the general election.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption with Tribal Marks: Explaining the Ethnic Nature of Political Corruption In
    Corruption With Tribal Marks: Explaining The Ethnic Nature Of Political Corruption In Nigeria By ADIGUN, Olalekan Waheed, BSc (Politics, Philosophy & Economics) (Ife), MSc (Political Science) University of Lagos, Akoka. Political analyst and strategist, Syndicated columnist and Public Relations consultant based in Lagos, Nigeria. Tel. No: +2348136502040, +2347081901080 Email: [email protected], [email protected] 1 Abstract No doubt, corruption is one of Nigeria’s biggest socio-political and economic problems today. This paper takes a look at the emerging trend of political corruption in Nigeria which is Corruption With Tribal Marks. Using Peter Ekeh’s conception of the “Two Publics” in Africa, the author argues it will be difficult to fight corruption with the present trend it is taking. The study also looks at the nature of the Nigerian state (colonial and post-colonial) and the instrument(s) through which it promotes political corruption. The paper also cites recent cases of corrupt politicians in Nigeria using Chinua Achebe’s work, A Man of the People. The paper further argues that de- ethnicization of corruption in Nigeria will take more than just a political process, but psychological and socialisation processes. Keywords: corruption with tribal marks, tribalism, post-colonial states, political corruption and ethnicization of corruption. 2 Introduction Nigeria is one of the legacies of British imperialism in Africa. The country’s multi-ethnic nature will provide the key to understanding its political problems. Since its independence in 1960, one of the main scourges that have bedevilled the Nigerian state is the pervasive nature of corruption. It is because of this that scholars have, at different times, devote considerable studies to the understanding and explanations of perhaps Nigeria’s biggest socio-political problem.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Analysis of Grand Corruption with Reference to International Human Rights and International Criminal Law: the Case of Nigeria
    Technological University Dublin ARROW@TU Dublin Doctoral Applied Arts 2017-4 A Critical Analysis of Grand Corruption with Reference to International Human Rights and International Criminal Law: The Case of Nigeria Florence Anaedozie Technological University Dublin Follow this and additional works at: https://arrow.tudublin.ie/appadoc Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Anaedozie, F. (2017) A Critical Analysis of Grand Corruption with Reference to International Human Rights and International Criminal Law: The Case of Nigeria. Doctoral thesis, 2017. doi:10.21427/D7V983 This Theses, Ph.D is brought to you for free and open access by the Applied Arts at ARROW@TU Dublin. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral by an authorized administrator of ARROW@TU Dublin. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 4.0 License A Critical Analysis of Grand Corruption with Reference to International Human Rights and International Criminal Law: The Case of Nigeria By Florence Anaedozie, BA, LL.B, LL.M School of Languages, Law and Social Sciences College of Arts and Tourism Dublin Institute of Technology A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Lead Supervisor: Dr Stephen Carruthers Advisory Supervisor: Dr Kevin Lalor April 2017 Abstract Grand corruption remains a domestic crime that is not directly addressed by the international human rights and international criminal law regulatory frameworks. Scholars argue that the right to a society free of corruption is an inherent human right because dignity, equality and participation significantly depend upon it.
    [Show full text]
  • Content Analysis of Ethics of Governance, Maladministration and Political Corruption Igwe, P. A., Egbo, O. P., Nwakpu, S. E., Ho
    Content Analysis of Ethics of Governance, Maladministration and Political Corruption Igwe, P. A., Egbo, O. P., Nwakpu, S. E., Hove-Sibanda, P., Mohammad Saif, A. N. & Islam, M. A (2021), Content Analysis of Ethics of Governance, Maladministration and Political Corruption. International Journal of Public Sociology and Sociotherapy, Vol. 1, Issue 2, pp. 15-32 July-December 2021. https://doi:10.4018/IJPSS.2021070102 Abstract Although different forms of corruption exist in every regions, Africa, South America, Latin America, Russia, and Asia countries, perhaps to a greater extent engage in higher levels of corruption more than other regions of the world. Applying ethics of governance and theory of “Patrimonialism”, this article examines governance of ethics and corruption. This article argues that corruption lays the foundation for the abridgement of citizens’ rights and perpetuation of underdevelopment. Methodologically, we explored contents through multiple media sources, ensuring rigor and trustworthiness. Our findings reveal how corruption is being perpetuated in Nigeria, prosecuted and the challenges. This article finds a strong relationship between corruption, the absence of ethics of governance, and maladministration. Many public and political office holders engage or support corruption, there is lack of moral and ethical considerations. More so, it appears that politics is based on wealth acquisition, self-interest rather than on ideologies. Keywords: Administrative Corruption; Political Corruption; Ethics of Governance; Patrimonialism; Qualitative Content Analysis; Nigeria Introduction The ethics of governance revolves around the question: “in whose interest should a corporation be governed?” (Rossouw, 2020, p. 187). The ethics of governance is about the incorporation of moral conditions and requirements in the management, governance, and control structures of organizations (Wieland, 2001).
    [Show full text]
  • Title Page Political Economy of Corruption And
    i TITLE PAGE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF CORRUPTION AND REGULATORY AGENCIES IN NIGERIA: A FOCUS ON THE ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CRIME COMMISSION (EFCC), 2000-2010 ii APPROVAL PAGE This is to certify that this research work has met the requirements of the Department of Political of Science, for the Award of a Masters of Science (M.Sc.) Degree in Political Science of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and is approved. BY -------------------------- -------------------------- Prof. Jonah I. Onuoha Date (Project Supervisor) ------------------------- ------------------------- Prof. Obasi Igwe Date Head of Department -------------------------- --------------------------- Prof. Emmanuel O. Ezeani Date Dean of Faculty External Supervisor --------------------------- Date iii DEDICATION To the Well Being and Good Health of my Parents, Mr. and Mrs. Nkemegbunam Anselem Uzendu. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENT To the Glory of God. I am immensely grateful to my supervisor, Prof. Jonah I. Onuoha whose effort ensured the success of this work. Prof, your cordial relationship with your supervisees and the students at large, speaks much of your professionalism and kind spirit, I cannot thank you enough. To my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Nkemegbunam Anselem Uzendu, my siblings (Henry Chukwujike, Colombus Udochukwu, David Ifeanyi, Rosemary Ifunanya and Augustine Chimobi), my uncles and aunt, (Boniface Uzendu, Okezie Uzendu and Marcy Ndu, nee Uzendu and their respective families) etc, I appreciate all of you for seeing me through to the end of the turnel, as the light shines upon me now. To my room-mates, friends and well-wishers: Ukanwa Oghajie E., Ogbu Ejike C., Adibe Raymond C., Eze Ojukwu Onoh, Okoye Kingsley E., Anya Okoro Ukpai, Ukeka Chinedu D., Dickson Agwuabia, Chris Onyekachi Omenihu, Sampson Eziekeh, Ogochukwu Nnaekee and host of others whose influences have helped to shape my life to better.
    [Show full text]
  • A Comparative Discourse Analysis of Western and Local (Nigerian) Media Depictions of the Presidential Pardon of Diepreye Alamieyeseigha
    Online Journal of Communication and Media Technologies Volume: 5 – Issue: 1 January - 2015 A Comparative Discourse Analysis of Western and Local (Nigerian) Media Depictions of the Presidential Pardon of Diepreye Alamieyeseigha Awobamise Ayodeji Olalekan, Girne American University, North Cyprus Abstract Nigeria has been at the forefront in corruption scandals in the past and has consistently ranked high on the list of most corrupt nations in the world. The Nigerian government since president Obasanjo’s regime from 1999 to 2007 tried different ways to stamp out corruption; most notable was the formation of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in 2003. The EFCC led by Nuhu Ribadu, successfully indicted a lot of politicians and other fraudsters in the country, but due to judicial corruption or ineptitude, most of the indicted politicians were let go on some technicality or given suspended sentences. One of such politician indicted was Former Governor of Bayelsa State, Diepreye Alamieyeseigha. He was recently granted a presidential pardon by the President Goodluck Jonathan. This pardon has been widely publicized by both local and international press. This work is simply an analysis of both western and local media depictions of this pardon when they reported the news. The writer shall make use of Van Dijk’s social Ideological Discourse Theory and Ideological Square also by van Dijk. It is the hope of the writer that this work shall further enlighten scholars on how through careful analysis using the write tools, one can begin to understand the underlining meanings in words and get what the writer really means to portray or pass along.
    [Show full text]
  • Machiavellianism: the Godfathers and the Godsons in Nigeria
    International Journal of Innovative Social Sciences & Humanities Research 7(3):91-99, July-Sept., 2019 © SEAHI PUBLICATIONS, 2019 www.seahipaj.org ISSN: 2354-2926 Machiavellianism:© SEAHI PUBLICATIONS, 2018 The www.seahipaj.org Godfathers and ISSN: the 2354 Godsons-2926 in Nigeria (1999-2015) Okoh, Kelechi Department of Public Administration, Federal Polytechnic of Oil and Gas Ekowe Bayelsa State, Nigeria Author’s E-mail: [email protected] Tel: +2348065817812 ABSTRACT This paper critically investigated the preference for Machiavellianism among politicians in Nigeria. The study specifically aimed to explain the nature of politics in Nigeria. It also set out to describe the role of godfathers in ensuring that their godsons acquire political power. In addition, it sought to explore the godsons-godfathers relationship after acquisition of political power in Nigeria. Relevant data were obtained through secondary method and were analysed. The study revealed that the nature of politics in Nigeria is that of winner-take-all. The results also show that the godfathers operate by scheming to acquire political power for their godsons. The findings further showed that after the godsons had acquired political power in Nigeria conflict of interest often occur between the godson and the godfather. The study concluded that there is misapplication and misinterpretation of Machiavellianism among politicians in Nigeria. Recommendations were made as followed: introduction of power sharing arrangement that will address the current winner-take-all system, attention should be given to morality in politics, emphasis to be placed on the good aspect of Machiavelli‟s counsel, desperate power seekers should be checked, and the need to have morally sound cum patriotic leader.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and the Hegemony of Corruption in Nigeria (1999-2017)
    International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 9 , No. 3, March, 2019, E-ISSN: 2222 -6990 © 2019 HRMARS Nigerian Conundrum: Democracy and the Hegemony of Corruption in Nigeria (1999-2017) Emmanuel Chimezie Eyisi To Link this Article: http://dx.doi.org/10.6007/IJARBSS/v9-i3/5673 DOI: 10.6007/IJARBSS/v9-i3/5673 Received: 21 Feb 2019, Revised: 08 March 2019, Accepted: 18 March 2019 Published Online: 21 March 2019 In-Text Citation: (Eyisi, 2019) To Cite this Article: Eyisi, E. C. (2019). Nigerian Conundrum: Democracy and the Hegemony of Corruption in Nigeria (1999-2017). International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 9(3), 251– 267. Copyright: © 2019 The Author(s) Published by Human Resource Management Academic Research Society (www.hrmars.com) This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and non-commercial purposes), subject to full attribution to the original publication and authors. The full terms of this license may be seen at: http://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0/legalcode Vol. 9, No. 3, 2019, Pg. 251 - 267 http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/IJARBSS JOURNAL HOMEPAGE Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://hrmars.com/index.php/pages/detail/publication-ethics 251 International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences Vol. 9 , No. 3, March, 2019, E-ISSN: 2222 -6990 © 2019 HRMARS Nigerian Conundrum: Democracy and the Hegemony of Corruption in Nigeria (1999-2017) Emmanuel Chimezie Eyisi (Ph.D) Department of Sociology/Psychology/Criminology, Faculty of Management and Social Sciences Alex Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-alike Ikwo, Ebonyi State.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nigerian 2007 Election: a Guide for Journalists and Commentators
    Africa Programme Briefing Note AFP BN 07/01 The Nigerian 2007 Election: A Guide for Journalists and Commentators Sola Tayo February 2007 Key Points: • Nigerians will vote in April for a president to replace Olusegun Obasanjo. The election is shaping up to be highly controversial. • Corruption remains a major concern, with allegations reaching as high as the Vice-Presidency. • Whoever wins will face the mounting challenges of the oil-rich but poor and increasingly violent Niger Delta region. Introduction Nigeria’s President, Olusegun Obasanjo, is bucking the trend set by some of his peers across the continent – he is stepping aside after two terms. As the leader of one of Africa’s largest economies, a leading producer and exporter of oil, he must have been greatly tempted to serve another term or two. In fact, he sought to alter the constitution to allow the reigning president to stay beyond two terms but the bid was thrown out by Senate. So who is likely to win favour with Nigeria’s 140 million-strong population? Before their bitter and public falling out last year, Obasanjo’s Vice-President Atiku Abubakar was viewed as his natural successor. Now, with the pair barely on speaking terms and accusing each other of corruption, Abubakar has been forced to campaign under the ticket of another party. Other candidates include the former military heavyweights Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida – the mention of whose name strikes fear into the hearts of many Nigerians – and Muhamadu Buhari. By complete contrast, Obasanjo’s chosen successor is the reclusive and softly spoken Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, the Governor of Katsina state.
    [Show full text]