DOCSLIB.ORG

Public Declaration of Assets in Nigeria: Conflict Or Synergy Between Law and Morality?

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Public Declaration of Assets in Nigeria: Conflict Or Synergy Between Law and Morality? AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL Public declaration of assets in Nigeria: Conflict or synergy between law and morality? Ilias B Lawal* Lecturer and Sub-Dean (Postgraduate), Faculty of Law, University of Ibadan, Nigeria Summary The Nigerian Constitution seeks to prevent corruption and abuse of office through its provisions on the declaration of assets by public officers. Although they are not obliged to do so, many public officers have publicly declared their assets. This has in turn put pressure on others to do so. In forging a synergy between the law and practice of asset declaration in Nigeria, the paper examines the human rights implications of the recent trend and proffers suggestions for improvement. 1 Introduction Before he took his oath of office as the President of the Federal Repub- lic of Nigeria on 29 May 2007, President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua had declared his assets and liabilities as required by the 1999 Nigerian Constitution.1 After about a month in office, on 28 June 2007, the President made his asset declaration public in fulfilment of his elec- tioneering campaign. Records show that he also publicly declared his assets when he was elected as Governor of Katsina State in 1999. Presi- dent Yar’Adua declared assets of N945 446 116 million.2 President Yar’Adua, who said he was planning a Freedom of Information Bill that would make it mandatory for all public officers to declare their assets publicly, explained that the Code of Conduct Bureau had advised him * LLB (Hons) (Ibadan), LLM (Ife); [email protected] 1 See para 11 of the Fifth Schedule to the 1999 Nigerian Constitution. 2 The Punch 29 June 2007 4. 224 ahrlj-2009-1-text.indd 224 6/23/09 10:44:21 AM PUBLIC DECLARATION OF ASSESTS IN NIGERIA 225 against making his assets public as this would put pressure on other public officers to do so.3 Since the President’s public declaration of his assets, mixed reactions have been expressed by Nigerians. These range from the sublime to the ridiculous. His action has also attracted commendation and a consider- able dose of cynicism and skepticism.4 A few days after the public declaration, the Kogi state Governor, Ibrahim Idris, former Governor of Zamfara state and Senate minority whip, Sanni Ahmed, and Governor Gbenga Daniel of Ogun state declared their assets publicly.5 One major fallout of the public declaration of assets by President Yar’ Adua is the pressure being mounted on all his lieutenants and other public officers to do the same. The worst hit was the Vice-President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan. Nigerians naturally expected him to follow the footsteps of the President by declaring his assets publicly even though there is no legal obligation on him to do so. When they realised that the Vice-President was reluctant to declare his assets, formal calls were made to him. The calls were rebuffed by the Vice-President, who claimed that he had already declared his assets before the Code of Conduct Bureau, more than seven times as Deputy-Governor, twice as Governor and once before taking an oath of office as the Vice-President.6 In an editorial entitled ‘The Vice-President’s Assets’,7 the Guard- ian newspaper asked if the Vice-President’s reluctance was due to his attempt to conceal something from the public and urged him to act without further delay. It continued:8 By hiding under the letters of the law, the Vice-President lays himself open to a charge: Does he have something to hide? Morality is not law, but some- times perception may be more important than morality. He should see this as an opportunity to cleanse his image. And he needs not pollute the issues by turning this into a matter for partisan politics. The Vice-President caved in to pressure and made his assets declaration of N295 304 420 million public on the following day,9 probably after reading the editorial. Going by the public outrage against the Vice- President for his delay in making his asset declaration public, should penal sanctions attach to the failure to make an asset declaration public in Nigeria as opposed to a failure to declare assets? This brings to the fore the age-long conflict between law and morality. Law is a set of rules aimed at regulating human conduct. It is usually, but not always, backed by sanctions. Morality, on the other hand, is a distinct domain of normative thinking about action and feeling, the 3 As above. 4 For the different reactions, see This Day 3 July 2007 7; The Nation 10 July 2007 48. 5 The Guardian 10 July 2007. 6 The Guardian 1 August 2007 1. 7 The Guardian 7 August 2007 1. 8 As above. 9 The Vaunguard 9 August 2007 1. ahrlj-2009-1-text.indd 225 6/23/09 10:44:21 AM 226 (2009) 9 AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW JOURNAL whole domain being the subject of ethics.10 Both law and morality are founded in norms essential to the well-being of society — thus has theft developed from the concept of private property. Moreover, morality and law occupy common ground, as numerous infringements of the law are also morally abhorrent.11 Questions concerning the proper limits of the law are of particular interest to thinkers in the Western political tradition of individualism. In this tradition, the law is regarded as an instrument of coercion and the problem is to define the scope of the law in such a way that it fulfils its necessary purpose at minimum cost to individual liberty. The debate therefore centres on the proper end of legal coercion. Two law-limiting strategies are commonly adopted: the practical and the moral.12 As the most important ends of human life (salvation of the soul, or its secular equivalent, moral integrity) are taken to require the uncoerced ‘inward’ assent of the individual, the effective scope of the law is sig- nificantly limited on practical grounds by the regulation of ‘outward’ behaviour. On the moral question concerning what behaviour ought to fall within the purview of the law, conservatives contend that the society has a right to enforce its moral values by criminalising whatever behaviour its members regard as ‘sinful’.13 There can be little doubt that moral considerations do influence rules of law, but this aspect has to be distinguished from the question regarding how far laws should give effect to moral attitudes.14 Lord Mansfield went as far as to assert ‘that the law of England prohibits everything which is contra bonos mores’,15 but other judges have been more cautious.16 Also worth consideration is the question: On what basis should a failure to declare assets publicly, as opposed to a failure to declare it as stipulated by the Code of Conduct, attract criminal sanction? Is it on the basis of Mill’s harm-to-others principle or Dias’s calculus?17 Failure to make one’s asset declaration public after submitting the asset declaration form to the Code of Conduct Bureau does not in itself constitute any harm to anyone. It is only harmful when people hide behind the fact that members of the public do not have access to the declaration to make false declarations in order to cover up assets illegally acquired in corruption or abuse of office. This means that, although there is no legal obligation to publicise a declaration of assets 10 1E Craig (ed) Routledge encyclopedia of philosophy (1998) 544. 11 B Jones ‘A’ level law (1981) 4. 12 Craig (n 10 above) 460. 13 As above. 14 RMW Dias Jurisprudence (1985) 215. 15 Jones v Randall (1774) 1 Cowp 17 39; R v Delaval (1963) 3 Burr 1438. 16 Eg Scrutton LJ in In Re Wigzell, ex parte Hart (1921) 2 KB 835 859. 17 For further explication on this, see HLA Hart The concept of law, cited in LB Curson Jurisprudence (1995) 234-235; Dias (n 14 above) 111. ahrlj-2009-1-text.indd 226 6/23/09 10:44:21 AM PUBLIC DECLARATION OF ASSESTS IN NIGERIA 227 in Nigeria, the refusal to do so is potentially harmful to the country. This view is strengthened by the fact that most public officers being tried for or convicted of corruption are found to have made a false declaration of their assets. This is engendered by the lacunae contained in the constitutional provisions on the declaration of assets in Nigeria, to which we now turn. 2 Constitutional provisions relating to asset declaration in Nigeria 2.1 Code of Conduct Provisions on the declaration of assets by all public officers in Nigeria are entrenched in the Code of Conduct for Public Officers, contained in Part I of the Fifth Schedule to the 1999 Nigerian Constitution. The Code was first introduced into the Nigerian Constitution in 1979. It is meant to prevent corruption and abuse of office and to ensure transparency in public officers. Public officers for the purposes of the Code include the President18 and the Vice-President19 of the Federation, the President and Deputy-President of the Senate, the Speaker and Deputy-Speaker of the House of Representatives and Speakers and Deputy-Speakers of Houses of Assembly of states and all members of legislative houses,20 Governors and Deputy-Governors of states,21 the Chief Justice of Nigeria, justices of the Supreme Court, the President and justices of the Court of Appeal, and other judicial officers and all staff of courts of law,22 the Attorney-General of the Federation and Attorney-General of each state.23 Ministers of government of the Federation and com- missioners of governments of the states,24 Chief of Defence staff, Chief of Army staff, Chief of Naval staff, Chief of Air staff and all mem- bers of the armed forces of the Federation,25 the Inspector-General of Police, the Deputy-Inspector-General of Police and all members of the Nigerian Police Force and other government security agencies established by law,26 the Secretary to the government of the Federa- tion, Head of Civil Service, Permanent Secretaries, Directors-General and all other persons in the civil service of the Federation or of the 18 Para 1, Part II, Fifth Schedule to the 1999 Nigerian Constitution.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ethnic Identity Politics and Recurring Tensions in Kogi State, Nigeria
    ISSN 1712-8056[Print] Canadian Social Science ISSN 1923-6697[Online] Vol. 8, No. 1, 2012, pp. 130-135 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/j.css.1923669720120801.1717 www.cscanada.org The Scramble for Lugard House: Ethnic Identity Politics and Recurring Tensions in Kogi State, Nigeria LA RUEE POUR LUGARD HOUSE: LES ETHNIQUES D’IDENTITY DE LA POLITICS ET RECURRENT LES TENSIONS CHEZ L’ETAT DE KOGI, AU NIGERIA Ali S. Yusufu Bagaji1,*; Moses Shaibu Etila2; Abu Maji3 1 Exeter Centre for Ethno-Political Studies, University of Exeter, IAIS a été, cependant, loin de son apparence extérieure. Ceci Building, Stocker Road, EX4 4ND, Exeter, United Kingdom. est parce que, la politique d'identité ethniques ont non 2 Moses Shaibu Etila is an academic staff at the Department of Public Administration, Kogi State Polytechnic, Lokoja, Kogi State, Nigeria. seulement prouvé pour être résilients, mais une par 3 Abu Maji is an academic staff at the Department of Economics, Kogi une vague de résurgence, ont rapidement devenu une State University, Anyigba, Nigeria. caractéristique commune dans sa politique du corps * Corresponding author. conduisant à l'ethno-factions incessante et la tension Received 7 November 2011; accepted 12 February 2012. dans l'état. Cet article explore le lien entre la nature de la démocratie nigériane, la politique d'identité ethnique, et l'escalade des tensions ethniques dans l'Etat de Kogi. Abstract L'argument central de cet article est que, la notion des Successive Nigerian constitutions have always sought élites politiques de la démocratie, et la culture politique to legally prevent identities such as ethnic, religion, and dominante du winner-take-all, combinée à exacerber la regionalism from being the basis of political organisation politique d'identité ethniques et les tensions ethniques and contest for state power.
    [Show full text]
  • Licensed Microfinance Banks
    LICENSED MICROFINANCE BANKS (MFBs) IN NIGERIA AS AT DECEMBER 29, 2017 # Name Category Address State Description 1 AACB Microfinance Bank Limited State Nnewi/ Agulu Road, Adazi Ani, Anambra State. ANAMBRA 2 AB Microfinance Bank Limited National No. 9 Oba Akran Avenue, Ikeja Lagos State. LAGOS 3 Abatete Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Abatete Town, Idemili Local Govt Area, Anambra State ANAMBRA 4 ABC Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Mission Road, Okada, Edo State EDO 5 Abestone Microfinance Bank Ltd Unit Commerce House, Beside Government House, Oke Igbein, Abeokuta, Ogun State OGUN 6 Abia State University Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Uturu, Isuikwuato LGA, Abia State ABIA 7 Abigi Microfinance Bank Limited Unit 28, Moborode Odofin Street, Ijebu Waterside, Ogun State OGUN 8 Abokie Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Plot 2, Murtala Mohammed Square, By Independence Way, Kaduna State. KADUNA 9 Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University (ATBU), Yelwa Road, Bauchi Bauchi 10 Abucoop Microfinance Bank Limited State Plot 251, Millenium Builder's Plaza, Hebert Macaulay Way, Central Business District, Garki, Abuja ABUJA 11 Accion Microfinance Bank Limited National 4th Floor, Elizade Plaza, 322A, Ikorodu Road, Beside LASU Mini Campus, Anthony, Lagos LAGOS 12 ACE Microfinance Bank Limited Unit 3, Daniel Aliyu Street, Kwali, Abuja ABUJA 13 Acheajebwa Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Sarkin Pawa Town, Muya L.G.A Niger State NIGER 14 Achina Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Achina Aguata LGA, Anambra State ANAMBRA 15 Active Point Microfinance Bank Limited State 18A Nkemba Street, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State AKWA IBOM 16 Acuity Microfinance Bank Limited Unit 167, Adeniji Adele Road, Lagos LAGOS 17 Ada Microfinance Bank Limited Unit Agwada Town, Kokona Local Govt.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronologie Des Exactions À Maiduguri Et Gamboru Ngala (Etat De Borno) Entre 2011 Et 2015. NIGERIA
    NIGERIA 14 juin 2018 Chronologie des exactions à Maiduguri et Gamboru Ngala (Etat de Borno) entre 2011 et 2015. Avertissement Ce document a été élaboré par la Division de l’Information, de la Documentation et des Recherches de l’Ofpra en vue de fournir des informations utiles à l’examen des demandes de protection internationale. Il ne prétend pas faire le traitement exhaustif de la problématique, ni apporter de preuves concluantes quant au fondement d’une demande de protection internationale particulière. Il ne doit pas être considéré comme une position officielle de l’Ofpra ou des autorités françaises. Ce document, rédigé conformément aux lignes directrices communes à l’Union européenne pour le traitement de l’information sur le pays d’origine (avril 2008) [cf. www.ofpra.gouv.fr/sites/default/files/atoms/files/lignes_directrices_europeennes.pdf], se veut impartial et se fonde principalement sur des renseignements puisés dans des sources qui sont à la disposition du public. Toutes les sources utilisées sont référencées. Elles ont été sélectionnées avec un souci constant de recouper les informations. Le fait qu’un événement, une personne ou une organisation déterminée ne soit pas mentionné(e) dans la présente production ne préjuge pas de son inexistence. La reproduction ou diffusion du document n’est pas autorisée, à l’exception d’un usage personnel, sauf accord de l’Ofpra en vertu de l’article L. 335-3 du code de la propriété intellectuelle. Chronologie : Maiduguri et Gamboru Ngala - 2011 à 2015 Table des matières 1. Maiduguri ....................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • NIGERIA COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
    NIGERIA COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 6 January 2012 NIGERIA 6 JANUARY 2012 Contents Preface Latest news EVENTS IN NIGERIA FROM 16 DECEMBER 2011 TO 3 JANUARY 2012 Useful news sources for further information REPORTS ON NIGERIA PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED AFTER 15 DECEMBER 2011 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.07 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY (1960 – 2011) ........................................................................................... 3.01 Independence (1960) – 2010 ................................................................................ 3.02 Late 2010 to February 2011 ................................................................................. 3.04 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (MARCH 2011 TO NOVEMBER 2011) ...................................... 4.01 Elections: April, 2011 ....................................................................................... 4.01 Inter-communal violence in the middle belt of Nigeria ................................. 4.08 Boko Haram ...................................................................................................... 4.14 Human rights in the Niger Delta .........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • PROVISIONAL LIST.Pdf
    S/N NAME YEAR OF CALL BRANCH PHONE NO EMAIL 1 JONATHAN FELIX ABA 2 SYLVESTER C. IFEAKOR ABA 3 NSIKAK UTANG IJIOMA ABA 4 ORAKWE OBIANUJU IFEYINWA ABA 5 OGUNJI CHIDOZIE KINGSLEY ABA 6 UCHENNA V. OBODOCHUKWU ABA 7 KEVIN CHUKWUDI NWUFO, SAN ABA 8 NWOGU IFIONU TAGBO ABA 9 ANIAWONWA NJIDEKA LINDA ABA 10 UKOH NDUDIM ISAAC ABA 11 EKENE RICHIE IREMEKA ABA 12 HIPPOLITUS U. UDENSI ABA 13 ABIGAIL C. AGBAI ABA 14 UKPAI OKORIE UKAIRO ABA 15 ONYINYECHI GIFT OGBODO ABA 16 EZINMA UKPAI UKAIRO ABA 17 GRACE UZOME UKEJE ABA 18 AJUGA JOHN ONWUKWE ABA 19 ONUCHUKWU CHARLES NSOBUNDU ABA 20 IREM ENYINNAYA OKERE ABA 21 ONYEKACHI OKWUOSA MUKOSOLU ABA 22 CHINYERE C. UMEOJIAKA ABA 23 OBIORA AKINWUMI OBIANWU, SAN ABA 24 NWAUGO VICTOR CHIMA ABA 25 NWABUIKWU K. MGBEMENA ABA 26 KANU FRANCIS ONYEBUCHI ABA 27 MARK ISRAEL CHIJIOKE ABA 28 EMEKA E. AGWULONU ABA 29 TREASURE E. N. UDO ABA 30 JULIET N. UDECHUKWU ABA 31 AWA CHUKWU IKECHUKWU ABA 32 CHIMUANYA V. OKWANDU ABA 33 CHIBUEZE OWUALAH ABA 34 AMANZE LINUS ALOMA ABA 35 CHINONSO ONONUJU ABA 36 MABEL OGONNAYA EZE ABA 37 BOB CHIEDOZIE OGU ABA 38 DANDY CHIMAOBI NWOKONNA ABA 39 JOHN IFEANYICHUKWU KALU ABA 40 UGOCHUKWU UKIWE ABA 41 FELIX EGBULE AGBARIRI, SAN ABA 42 OMENIHU CHINWEUBA ABA 43 IGNATIUS O. NWOKO ABA 44 ICHIE MATTHEW EKEOMA ABA 45 ICHIE CORDELIA CHINWENDU ABA 46 NNAMDI G. NWABEKE ABA 47 NNAOCHIE ADAOBI ANANSO ABA 48 OGOJIAKU RUFUS UMUNNA ABA 49 EPHRAIM CHINEDU DURU ABA 50 UGONWANYI S. AHAIWE ABA 51 EMMANUEL E.
    [Show full text]
  • Voter Education Handbook.Pdf
    CHAPTER 1 REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY IN NIGERIA Introduction Democracy is the form of government, in which the people of a country, state or local government area decide how they want to be governed. They also decide who should govern them. In doing these as well as in their day-to-day life, the people have all the basic freedoms of speech, association, assembly, conscience, etc. Such institutions as an independent judiciary, free press, competitive political parties and an active civil society also protect them. Objectives On the completion of this chapter, the reader should be able to: - narrate how representative democracy started in Nigeria - explain what a Constitution is - trace the development of the right to vote (franchise) in Nigeria - explain the structure of the three tiers of government - describe the process by which the people elect their government. Key Words/Ideas Key words Key Ideas Democracy Tiers of Government Constitution Political Parties Franchise Separation of Power Mandate Federation Elective Representation in Nigeria What is today known as Nigeria is a product of British Colonial rule. In 1914 the first Colonial Governor- General of Nigeria, Lord Frederick Luggard amalgamated the southern and northern protectorates to form Nigeria. Earlier on, another British explorer Mungo Park had discovered the River Niger; hence the name Nigeria literarily means Niger area. 1 Lord Frederick Luggard 1914 -1919 Nigeria remained a colony of Britain until October1, 1960. The British administered the country as three regions, namely: Northern, Western and Eastern. Each region had a government, which was responsible for the affairs of that region. This arrangement started in 1946 under the Richards Constitution – which was the first federal constitution of Nigeria.
    [Show full text]
  • Money and Politics in Nigeria
    Money and Politics in Nigeria Edited by Victor A.O. Adetula Department for International DFID Development International Foundation for Electoral System IFES-Nigeria No 14 Tennessee Crescent Off Panama Street, Maitama, Abuja Nigeria Tel: 234-09-413-5907/6293 Fax: 234-09-413-6294 © IFES-Nigeria 2008 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of International Foundation for Electoral System First published 2008 Printed in Abuja-Nigeria by: Petra Digital Press, Plot 1275, Nkwere Street, Off Muhammadu Buhari Way Area 11, Garki. P.O. Box 11088, Garki, Abuja. Tel: 09-3145618, 08033326700, 08054222484 ISBN: 978-978-086-544-3 This book was made possible by funding from the UK Department for International Development (DfID). The opinions expressed in this book are those of the individual authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of IFES-Nigeria or DfID. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements v IFES in Nigeria vii Tables and Figures ix Abbreviations and Acronyms xi Preface xv Introduction - Money and Politics in Nigeria: an Overview -Victor A.O. Adetula xxvii Chapter 1- Political Money and Corruption: Limiting Corruption in Political Finance - Marcin Walecki 1 Chapter 2 - Electoral Act 2006, Civil Society Engagement and the Prospect of Political Finance Reform in Nigeria - Victor A.O. Adetula 13 Chapter 3 - Funding of Political Parties and Candidates in Nigeria: Analysis of the Past and Present - Ezekiel M. Adeyi 29 Chapter 4 - The Role of INEC, ICPC and EFCC in Combating Political Corruption - Remi E.
    [Show full text]
  • The Significance of the Immunity Clause for Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria
    African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies: AJCJS, Vol.6, #s1 &2 November 2012 ISSN 1554-3897 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE IMMUNITY CLAUSE FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN NIGERIA Olaoye, Ebenezer Olugbenga (Ph.D.), Department of Political Science, Ekiti State University, Nigeria Abstract This paper interrogates the relevance of the constitutional provisions on immunity for certain categories of elected political-office holders to the quest for democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It traces the history of immunity for political office-holders to the 1963 Republican Constitution and examines the rationale or justification for its inclusion in Nigerian constitutions. On the strength of evidences from case studies from Nigeria’s Second (1979 to 1983) and Fourth Republic (1999 till present), the paper notes that, while the original intention for its inclusion in the Nigerian constitution was good, politicians have used the clause to the detriment of democracy. For this reason, the constitutional provisions on immunity have become a threat to the consolidation of Nigeria’s nascent democracy. Rather than throw away the baby with the birth-water, the paper recommends a review of the provisions to take cognizance of the need for transparency, accountability and good governance while ensuring that political chief executives are not unduly constrained in the performance of their constitutional duties. In this way, the paper concludes, the excesses of elected political chief executives can be curbed while Nigerians can reasonably expect to reap more dividends of democracy now and in the future. Introduction: The Concept of Immunity The concept of ‘immunity’ originated from a Latin word ‘immunitas’ which the ancient Romans used in describing the exemption of an individual from service or duty to the State (Silverstein, 1999:19).
    [Show full text]
  • Religious Education and Nation-B Uilding in Nigeria
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stellenbosch University SUNScholar Repository Stellenbosch eological Journal 2015, Vol 1, No 2, 263–282 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2015.v1n2.a12 Online ISSN 2413-9467 | Print ISSN 2413-9459 2015 © Pieter de Waal Neethling Trust Religious education and nation-b uilding in Nigeria Ajah, Miracle1 Stellenbosch University [email protected] Abstract Aft er the Nigerian Civil War in 1970, the federal government took over schools founded by religious groups because education was thought to be a huge government venture and no longer a private enterprise. Prior to this time, Nigerian leaders benefi tted from the free education off ered by missionaries, which became the bedrock for Nigerian nationalism and independence. Most people argue that the sudden takeover of the schools by the government brought about the collapse of education that was hitherto reputed for high standards in learning and morality. Hence, the call for return of mission schools by pressure groups became rife. Conversely, in the wake of the return of mission schools by some states in the federation, stakeholders have expressed divergent views, citing denominational sentiments, tribal prejudices and unhealthy rivalry among citizens as problems that could militate against national integration and development. Th is article aims at examining the divergent views in the light of the role of religious education (RE) in nation building and integration. Keywords Religious education, Mission schools, Nigeria, nation-building, nation-integration 1. Introduction Th is article addresses the topic: “Religious education and nation-building in Nigeria.” Some argue that the federal government of Nigeria took over mission schools aft er the Nigerian Civil War in 1970, in order to combat the problem of tribalism (Fagbunmi 2005:1-7; Efobi 2011:6).
    [Show full text]
  • Medicine for Uncertain Futures: a Nigerian City in the Wake of a Crisis
    Medicine for Uncertain Futures ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Uppsala Studies in Cultural Anthropology no 50 Ulrika Andersson Trovalla Medicine for Uncertain Futures A Nigerian City in the Wake of a Crisis Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Geijersalen, Thun- bergsvägen 3H, Uppsala, Friday, May 20, 2011 at 10:15 for the degree of Doctor of Phi- losophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Abstract Andersson Trovalla, U. 2011. Medicine for Uncertain Futures. A Nigerian City in the Wake of a Crisis. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Uppsala Studies in Cultural Anthropology 50. 214 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-554-8054-7. The Nigerian city of Jos used to be seen as a peaceful place, but in 2001 it was struck by clashes that arose from what was largely understood as issues of ethnic and religious belong- ing. The event, which would become known as ‘the crisis’, was experienced as a rupture and a loss of what the city had once been, and as the starting point of a spiral of violence that has continued up to today. With the crisis, Jos changed. Former friends became enemies, and places that had been felt to be safe no longer were so. Previous truths were thrown into confusion, and Jos’s inhabitants found themselves more and more having to manoeuvre in an unstable world coloured by fear and anger. Life in Jos became increasingly hard to pre- dict, and people searched for different ways forward, constantly trying out new interpreta- tions of the world. This book, which is inspired by pragmatism, analyses the processes that were shaping the emergent city of Jos and its inhabitants in the aftermath of the crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Institutions, Fetish Oaths and Blind Loyalties to Political Godfathers in South-Western Nigeria
    Local Institutions, Fetish Oaths and Blind Loyalties to Political Godfathers in South-Western Nigeria Olusegun Afuape, Lagos State Polytechnic, Lagos, Nigeria The IAFOR North American Conference on the Social Sciences Official Conference Proceedings 2014 Abstract This paper examines the involvement of traditional rulers and other institutions such as Community Development Association (CDA) and Community Development Council (CDC) in the mobilization for both local and General Elections in south- western Nigeria. It argues that the upgrading of some village heads to the position of kings, together with the creation of the position where it was hitherto non-existent, as well as secret but fetish oaths of loyalty sworn to by political sons/daughters to guarantee their loyalty, is deliberately done with a view to using them as a veritable tool to mobilize for grassroots support during General Elections. Using interview and observation, the conceptual framework for this study is David Easton's system analysis and this is augmented with the theory of violence as espoused by Hannah Arendt and Jenny Pearce. The problems created by the politicization of these institutions are blind loyalty of traditional leaders, politicians and members of community associations to the political Godfathers, deification of these Godfathers, imposition of unpopular and incompetent candidates in political offices, misappropriation of public funds and all manner of corruption, among others. Hence, the required remedies to these factors are proffered after which this paper concludes that for violence to disappear, there is the need for political gladiators and electorate to desist and resist the politicization of local institutions and the installation of literate and non-violent candidates as either a village head or a king.
    [Show full text]
  • FG Warns Against Poor Governance Inaugurates Councils of 12 New Fed
    11 May, 2015 Vol. 10 No. 19 ISSN 0795-3089 FG Warns Against Poor Governance Inaugurates Councils of 12 New Fed. Varsities he Honourable Minister of (NUS) and well-being of the TEducation (HME), Mal. Ibra- individual universities. This, him Shekarau, CON, has warned he said, had made the Govern- the newly-inaugurated Govern- ment to meticulously search out ing Councils of the 12 new Fed- and appoint men and women eral Universities that the Gov- of proven integrity, who had ernment would not tolerate poor made impact in various areas governance of universities or of human endeavour, express- total disregard for due process. ing the hope that they would bring their wealth of experience Speaking at the inauguration of the to bear, regarding the rule of Councils of the 12 new Universi- law and due process in the dis- ties, last Tuesday, at the National charge of their responsibilities. Universities Commission (NUC)’s auditorium, Abuja, Mal. Shekarau The Minister reiterated that said that the Federal Government the University Councils were was concerned about good govern- Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, GCFR constituted according to the ance and smooth administration President of Nigeria law establishing them, saying of the Nigerian University System that the Councils should have L-R: Executive Secretary, NUC, Prof. Julius A. Okojie, Permanent Secretary, FME, Dr. MacJohn Nwaobiala, Sen. Sunday Ogbuji and Hon. Minister of Education, Mal. Ibrahim Shekarau in this edition... Presentation of Opera- Anniversary celebration: tional Licenses: Private UNIJOS at 40: Prof. Okojie varsities create competi- lauds Varsity achievements tion, stimulate competi- tion page: 5 Some members of the newly inaugurated Governing Councils a tenure of four years from the ing of educational programmes erning Councils to enable them date of their inauguration, pro- in their respective universities, see the best practices in the world.
    [Show full text]