Notes to Introduction

1. See especially the methodology issue of Fashion Theory 2.4 (1988); Stella Bruzzi and Pamela Church Gibson, eds. Fashion Cultures: The01ies, Explorations, and Analysis (London: Routledge, 2000); Fred Davis, Fashion, Culture, and Identity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Shari Ben stock and Suzanne Ferriss, eds., On Fashion (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1994); Elizabeth Wilson, Adorned in Dreams: Fashion and Modernity (Berkeley: University of Califor­ nia Press, 1987);Jane Gaines and Charlotte Herzog, eds., Fabrications: Costume and the Female Body (New York: Routledge, 1988). I understand "social bodies" as Elizabeth Grosz uses the term to refer to the body as "the political, social and cultural object par excellence, not a product of a raw, passive nature that is civilized, overlaid, polished by culture." Rather the social body is "a cultural interweaving and production of nature," Volatile Bodies: Toward a Corporeal Feminism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), p. 18. 2. See Tori! Moi, Simone de Beau voir: The Making ofan Intellectual Woman (Cambridge, England: Basil Blackwell, 1994), pp. 191-92. 3. Valerie Steele, 'A Museum of Fashion Is More than a Clothes Bag," Fashion Theory: The journal of Dress, Body, and Culture 2.4 (1988); Fiona Anderson, "Museums as Fashion Media," in Fashion Cultures, pp. 371-89. 4. Elizabeth Wilson, "These New Components of the Spectacle: Fashion and Postmodernsim," in Postmodernism and Society, ed. Roy Boyne and Ali Rattansi (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), pp. 209-36; and her "Fashion and the Postmodern Body," in Chic Thrills: A Fashion Reader, ed. Juliet Ash and Elizabeth Wilson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), pp. 3-16; Jennifer Craik, The Face ofFasltion: Cultural Studies in Fashion (London: Routledge, 1994). 5. Valerie Steele, 'A Museum of Fashion," 327; and Fiona Anderson, "Museums as Fashion Media," p. 376. 6. Stella Bruzzi, Undressing Cinema: Clothing and Identity in the Movies (London: Routledge, 1997); Sarah Berry, Screen Style: Fashion and Femininity in 1930s Hollywood (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000);Jackie Stacey, Star Gazing: Hollywood Cinema and Female Spectators hip (London: Routledge, 1994). 7. Wendy Chapkis and Cynthia Enloe, OfCommon Cloth: Women in the Global Textile Industry (Amsterdam, the Netherlands: Transnational Institute, 1983). 8. Thorstein Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Macmillan, 1899) and (~eorg Simmel, "Fashion," 1904, repr. in the American journal ofSociology 62 (1957): 541-58. 9. Eugenie Lemoine-Luccioni, La Robe: Essai psychanalytique sur le vi'tement (Paris: Seuil, 1983). 208 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION

10. Iris Marion Young, "Women Recovering Our Clothes," in Throwing Like a Girl: Essays in Philosophical and Social Theory (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), pp. 177-88. On Merleau-Ponty and film theory see Vivian Sobchack, The Address of the Eye: A Phenomenology of Film Experience (Princeton, N]: Princeton University Press, 1992). II. Clare Lomas,"'] Know Nothing About Fashion: There's No Point in Interviewing Me': The Use and Value of Oral History to the Fashion Historian," in Fashion Cultures, pp. 363-70. 12. Roland Barthes, The Fashion System, trans. Matthew Ward and Donald Howard (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983);Jean Baudrillard, "The System of Objects," in jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings, ed. Mark Poster (Stanford, CA: Stanford Univer­ sity Press, 1988), pp. 16-17; Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1977); Maurice Merleau-Ponty, The Phenomenology of Perception, trans. Colin Smith (New York: Humanities Press, 1962) and his The Visible and the Invisible, trans. Alphonso Lingis (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1968). 13. "Introduction: Commodities and the Politics ofValue," in The Social Lifo ofThings: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 3-13. 14. Hildi Hendrickson, ed. Clothing and Diffirence: Embodied Identities in Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996), p. 2. See also Deborah james, '"!Dress in This Fashion': Transformations in Sotho Dress and Women's Lives in Sekhukhuneland Village, South Africa" in Hendrickson, ed. Clothing and Difference, pp. 34-65, esp. p. 34; and Igor Kopytoff's argument that objects are created culturally and cognitively and thus move in and out of being "mere commodities," "The Cultural Biography of Things: Commoditization as Process," in The Social Life of Things, ed. Arjun Appadurai, pp. 64-91. 15. "Interpreted, Circulating, Interpreting: The Three Dimensions of the Clothing Object," in The Socialness of Things: Essays on the Socio-semiotics of Objects, ed. Stephen Harold Riggins (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1994). 16. 'Historiographie du vetement; un bilan," in Le Vi'tement: Histoire, archeologie, et symbolique vestimentaires au moyen dge, ed. Michel Pastoureau (Paris: Le Leopard d'Or, 1989), p. 28. 17. Roberta Gilchrist, Gender and Material Culture: The Archaeology of Religious Women (London: Routledge, 1994), p. 15. On the reading of medieval texts as cultural objects see Claire Sponsler, "Medieval Ethnography: Fieldwork in the Medieval Past" Assays 7 (1992): 1-30. 18. Nancy K. Miller, "The Text's Heroine: The Feminist Critic and Her Fictions," Diacritics (summer, 1982): 53; Naomi Schor, "Dreaming Dissymmetry: Barthes, Foucault, and Sexual Di±lerence," in Men in Feminism, ed. Alice Jardine and Paul Smith (New York: Routledge, 1987), p. 110; Luce Irigaray, Sexes et parentes (Paris: Edition de Minuit, 1987), p. 126, my translation ("Mais l'un [le feminin] est reduit a une marque, un masque inapproprie, un vetement impute"). 19. 'House and Home: Feminist Variations on a Theme," in Gender Struggles: Practical Approaches to Contemporary Feminism, ed. Constance L. Mui and julien S. Murphy (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), p. 333. 20. On wool, John H. Munro, "The Medieval Scarlet and the Economics of Sartorial Splendor"; Hidetoshi Hoshino, "The Rise of the Florentine Woollen Industry in the Fourteenth Century"; and his "The Woollen Industry in Catalonia in the Later Middle Ages" all inN. B. Harte and K. G. Panting, eds., Cloth and Clothing in Medieval Europe: Essays in Honor of Professor E. 1\1. Carus-Wilson (London: Heinemann Educational Books, 1983), pp. 13-70, 184-204; 205-29 respectively; Eileen Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History (London: Oxford NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 209

University Press, 1941 ); A. R. Bridbury, Medieval English Clothmaking: An Economic Survey (London: Heinemann Educational, 1982); Guy De Poerck, La Draperie medievale en Flandres et en Artois: Technique et terminologie, 3 vols. (Bruges: De Tempel, 1951). On linen ,Jane Schneider, "Rumpelstiltskin's Bargain: Folklore and the Merchant Capitalist Intensi±lcation of Linen Manufacture in Early Modern Europe," in Cloth and Human Experience, ed. Annette B. Weiner and Jane Schneider (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), pp. 177-213; and John Horner, The Linen Trade of Europe During the Spinning Wheel Period (Belfast: M'Caw, Stevenson, and Orr, 1920). On cotton, Maureen Fennell Mazzaoui, The Italian Cotton Industry in the Later Middle Ages 1100-1600 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1981) and Franco Borlandi, "Futainiers et Futaines en Italie au Moyen Age," in Eventail de l'histoire vivante: hommage a Lucien Febvre vol. 2 (Paris: A. Colin, 1953), pp. 133-40. On silk, Florence Lewis May, Silk Textiles of Spain (Eighth- Fifteenth Centuries) (New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1957); Robert Lopez, "The Silk Industry in the Byzantine Empire," in Byzantium and the World Around It: Economic and Institutional Relations (London: Variorium, 1978), pp. 594-662; Anna Muthesius, "The Byzantine Silk Industry: Lopez and Beyond," journal of Medieval History 19 (1993): 1-67; and Byzantine Silk Weaving: A.D. 400-A.D. 1200 (Vienna: Verlag Faesbinder, 1997); David Jacoby, "Silk in Western Byzantium Before the Fourth Crusade," in Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. David Jacoby (Brookfield, VT: Vari­ orum, 1997), pp. 452-500. On Cloth production more generally, Dominique Cardon, La Drape1ie au Moyen Age: essor d'une grande industrie europeene (Paris: CNRS, 1999); Irena Turnau, 'The Organization of the European Textile Industry from the Thirteenth to the Eighteenth Century," journal of European Economic History 17 (1988): 583-602; Walter Endrei, L'Evolution des techniques dufilage et du tissage du moyen dge a la revolution industrielle, trans. Joseph Takacs (The Hague: Mouton, 1968). On embroidery, Kay Staniland, Medieval Craftsmen: Embroiderers (London: British Museum Press, 1991). On dyeing, Dominique Cardon and Gaetan du Chatenet, Guides des teintures naturelles (Neufchatel-Paris: Delachaux et Nestlie, 1990). On clothing detail adapted from the eastern Mediterranean, Veronika Gervers, "Medieval Garments in the Mediterranean World," in Cloth and Clothing in Medieval Europe, pp. 279-315; Janet Snyder, "The Regal Significance of the Dalmatic: The Robes of le sacre as Represented in Sculpture of Northern Mid-Twelfth-Century France, in Robes and Honor: The Medieval World ofinvestiture, ed. Stewart Gordon (New York: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 291-304. 21. Elizabeth Chapin, Les Villes des foires de Champagne: Des origines au debut du XIVe siecle (Paris: Champion, 1937); Robert-Henri Bautier, Sur l'histoire economique de la Francemedievale (Brookfield, VT: Variorium, 1991); Henri Dubois, "Le commerce et les toires au temps de Philippe Auguste, in La France de Philippe Auguste: Le Temps des mutalions, ed. Robert-Henri Bautier (Paris: CNRS, 1982), pp. 689-709; Kathryn L. Reyerson, "Medieval Silks in Montpellier: The Silk Market ca. 1250- ca. 1350," journal of European Economic History 11.1 (1982): 117-140; and her "Le Role de Montpellier dans le commerce des draps de Iaine avant 1350," Annales du Midi 94 (1982): 17-40; Maurice Lombard, Les Textiles dans le monde musulman, 7e- 12e siecles. Etudes d'economie medievale, vol. 3 (Paris: Mouton, 1978). 22. Jules Quicherat describes French clothing from its earliest appearance to the Revolution, L'Histoire du costume en France depuis les temps les plus recules jusqu'a la fin du XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Hachette, 1877); Eugene-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc and Camille Enlart extend Quicherat's inventories to situate French costume within broader contexts: Viollet-le-Duc writes a dictionary of medieval costume and architecture, "Vetement, bijoux de corps, objets de toilette," Dictionnaire raisonne du mobilier franrais de l'epoque carolingienne a la Renaissance, vols. 3-4 (Paris: A. 21 0 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION

Morel, 1872-73), and Enlart catalogues medieval dress among other decorative arts, Camille Enlart, "Le Costume," Manuel d'archeologie fran,aise, vol. 3 (Paris: Picard, 1916). Germain Demay catalogues clothing that appears on seals in Le Costume au moyen age d'apres les sceaux (Paris: Librairie de D. Dumoulin, 1880); Adrien Harmand provides a detailed account of men's garments in the late Middle Ages in jeanne d'Arc, ses costumes, son armure: Essai de reconstitution (Paris: Librairie Ernest Leroux, 1929); S. Grandjean treats women's dress in Le Costume feminin en France depuis le milieu du XIIe siixle jusqu'a la mort de Charles VI (1150- 1422), thesis, L'Ecole des Chartes, 1941; Herbert Norris charts the development of medieval costume principally in England, Medieval Costume and Fashion (1927 repr. Mineola, New York: Dover Publications, 1999). For art historical studies see Joan Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952); Stella Mary Newton, Fashion in the Age of the Black Prince (Suffolk, England: Boydell Press, 1981); Margaret Scott, History of Dress Series: Late Gothic Europe 1400-1500 (Lon­ don: Mills and Boon, 1980) and A Visual History of Costume (London: Batsford, 1986); Mary Houston, Medieval Costume in England and France, 13th, 14th and 15th Centuries (London: Adam and Charles Black, 1950). See historians Fernand Braude!, "Les costumes et la mode," in Civilisation materielle et capitalisme (Paris: A. Colin), pp. 271-90; and Jacques LeGoff, La Civilisation de !'Occident medieval (Paris: Arthaud, 1977). Fran<;:oise Piponnier combines archaeological, historical, and anthropological approaches, Costume et vie sociale: LaCour d'Anjou au XIV-XV siecles (The Hague: Mouton, 1970). Elizabeth Crowfoot, Frances Pritchard, and Kay Staniland record medieval finds from excavations in London in Textiles and Clothing (London: HMSO, 1992). Useful overviews are provided in Le Vi'tement: Histoire, archeologie, et symbolique vestimentaires au moyen age, ed. Michel Pas­ toureau; and by Fran<;oise Piponnier and Perrine Mane, Dress in the Middle Ages, trans. Caroline Beamish (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997). 23. Sec Roberta L. Krueger, "Nouvelles chases: Social Instability and the Problem of Fashion in the Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landr)l the Menagier de Paris, and Christine de Pisan's Livre des Trois Vertus," in Medieval Conduct, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Robert A. Clark (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2001), pp. 49-85; and her "Jntergeneric Combination and the Anxiety of Gender in Le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry pour l'enseignement de ses .filles," Esprit createur 33 (1993): 61-72; Danielle Regnier-Bohler, "Un Traite pour les filles d'Eve: l'ecriture et le temps dans le Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry pour l'enseig~tement de ses .filles ," in Education, apprentissages, initiation au Moyen Age (Montpellier: Centre de recherche interdisciplinaire sur la societe et l'imaginaire au Moyen Age, 1993), pp. 449-67. On sumptuary law see Alan Hunt, Governance ofthe Consuming Passions: A History of Sumptuary Law (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996); Diane Owen Hughes, "Regulating Women's Fashion," in A History ofWomen in the West, vol. 2, Silences of the Middle Ages, ed. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 136-58 and her "Sumptuary Law and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy," in Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West, ed. John Bossy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 69-100; Claire Sponsler, "Fashioned Subjectivity and the Regulation of Difference" in her Drama and Resistance: Bodies, Goods, and Theatricality in Late Medieval England (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), pp. 1-23, and the chapter by Sarah-Grace Heller in this volume. 24. On the complexities of dressing and crossdressing see James A. Schultz, "Bodies That Don't Matter: Heterosexuality Before Heterosexuality in Gottfried's Tristan," in Constructing Medieval Sexuality, ed. Karma Lochrie, Peggy McCracken, and James A. Schultz (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), pp. 91- 110; Keith Busby, "'Plus acesmez qu'une popine': Male Cross-Dressing in Medi- NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 211 eva! French Narrative,'' in Gender Transgressions: Crossing the Normative Barrier in Old French Literature, ed. KarenJ Taylor (New York: Garland, 1988), pp. 45-59; 49; Susan Crane, "Clothing and Gender Definition: Joan of Arc," Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 26.2 (1996): 297-320; Susan Schibanoft~ "True Lies: Transvestism and Idolatry in the Trial ofJoan of Arc," in Fresh Verdicts on Joan of Arc, ed. Bonnie Wheeler and Charles T Wood (New York: Garland, 1996), pp. 31- 60; Valerie Hotchkiss, Clothes Make the Man: Female Cross-dressing in Medieval Europe (New York: Garland, 1996); Roberta L Krueger, "Women Readers and the Politics of Gender in the Roman de Silence," in her Women Readers and the Ideology ofGender in Old French Verse Romance (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 118-24; Peggy McCracken, "The Boy Who Was a Girl: Reading Gender in the Roman de Silence," Romanic Review 85.4 (1994): 517-46; Simon Gaunt, "The Significance of Silence," Paragraph 13.2 (1990): 202-16; essays by Lorraine Kochanske Stock, Elizabeth A Waters, Kathleen M. Blumreich, and Erin E Labbie in Regina Psaki, elL Le Roman de Silence, Arthuriana 7.2 (1997); essays by Robert S. Sturges, Robert L A. Clark, Robert Omar Khan, Lynne Dahmen, and Christopher Callahan in Regina Psaki, ed. Le Roman de Silence, Arthuriana 12.1 (2002); Lorraine Koschanske Stock, '"Arms and the (Wo)man' in Medieval Romance: The Gendered Arming of Female Warriors in the Roman d'Eneas and Heldris's Roman de Silence," Arthuriana 5.4 (1995): 56-83; Karma Lochrie, Covert Operations: The Medieval Uses ofSecrecy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), pp. 213-19; Claire Sponsler, "Outlaw Masculinities: Drag, Blackkface, and Late Medieval Laboring-Class Festivities," and Ad Putter, "Transvestite Knights in Medieval Life and Literature," both in Becoming Male in the Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland, 2000), pp. 321-47 and 279-302 respectively; David Townsend, "Sex and the Single Amazon in Twelfth-Century Latin Epic," in The Tongue of the Fathers: Gender and Ideology in Twelfth-Century Latin (Philadelphia: University of Pennsyl­ vania Press, 1998), pp. 136-55; E. Jane Burns "Denaturalizing Sex: Women and Men on a Gendered Sartorial Continuum," in Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylva­ nia Press, 2002), pp. 119-78. On literary representations of embroidery see Nancy A. Jones, "The Uses of Embroidery in the Romances of Jean Renart: History, Gender, Textuality," in Jean Renart and the Art of Romance: Essays on Guillaume de Dole, ed. Nancy Vine Durling (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1997), pp. 13-44; on the linings of garments, Caroline ]ewers, "Fabric and Fabrication: Lyric and Narrative in Jean Renart's Roman de laRose," Speculum 71.4 (1996): 906-24; on underwear, E. Jane Burns, "Ladies Don't Wear Braies: Underwear and Outerwear in the French Prose Lancelot," in the Lancelot-Grail Cycle: Text and Transformations, ed. William W. Kibler (Austin: University of Texas, Press, 1994), pp. 152-74; on clothing and courtly love, E. Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed; on eroticism, Kathy Krause, "The Material Erotic: The Clothed and Unclothed Female Body in the Roman de la violette," in Material Culture and Cultural Materia/isms in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Curtis Perry (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001), pp. 17- 40; on the economic and cultural implications of costume, Sarah-Grace Heller, "Fashioning a Woman: The Vernacular Pygmalion in the Roman de la Rose," Medievalia et Humanistica, New Series number 27 (Totowa, N]: Roman and Littlefield, 2000), pp. 1-25. Two important early studies that paved the way for later analyses are: Frans;ois Rigolot, 'Valeur figurative du vetement dans le Tristan de Beroul," Cahiers de civilisation mfdievale 10.3-4 (1967): 447-53, and Eunice Rathbone Goddard, Women's Costume in French Texts of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1927). 212 NOTES TO INTRODUCTION

25. See, for example, historians such as Dyan Elliott, "Dress as Mediator Between Inner and Outer Self: The Pious Matron of the High and Later Middle Ages," Medieval Studies 53 (1991): 279-308; Michael Moore, "The King's New Clothes: Royal and Episcopal Regalia in the Frankish Empire," in Robes and Honor, ed. Stewart Gordon, pp. 95-135; and Bonnie Effros, "The Symbolic Significance of Clothing for the Dead," in her Caringfor Body and Soul: Burial and the Afterlife in the Merovingian World (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1992), pp. 13-39; medieval art historians such as Annemarie Weyl Carr, "Threads of Authority: The Virgin Mary's Veil in the Middle Ages"; Desiree Koslin, "The Robe of Simplicity: Initiation, Robing, and Veiling of Nuns in the Middle Ages"; and Janet Snyder, 'The Regal Significance of the Dalmatic," all in Robes and Honor, pp. 60-93,255-74, and 291-304 respectively; and literary critics such as "Sara Sturm Maddox and Donald Maddox, 'Description in Medieval Narrative: Vestimentary Coherence in Chretien's Erec et Enide," Medeoevo Romanzo 9 (1984): 51-64. On heraldry see Michel Pastoureau, Figures et couleurs: Etudes sur Ia symbolique et Ia sensibilite medievales (Paris: Leopard d'Or, 1986), and his Traite heraldique, 3rd ed. (Paris: Picard, 1997). 26. Robes and Honor (New York: Palgrave, 2001); Peiformance of Self (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). Encountering Medieval Textiles and Dress, ed. Janet Snyder and Desiree Koslin (New York: Palgrave, St. Martin's Press, 2003). 27. Philadelphia, PA: University ofPennsylvania Press, 2002. 28. See especially Bumke's chapter on "Material Culture" in his Couray Culture, trans. Thomas Dunlap (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 128-52; and the array of essays in Pastoureau's Le Vetement. For a recent study of Renaissance clothing see Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials ofMemory (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 29. Herbert L. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing: Picturing God's Invisibility in Medieval Art (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), p. 187. On the fall into clothes see R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 41-43. 30. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing, p. 188. 31. See, for example, Lancelot in Chretien de Troyes, Le Chevalier de la charrete, ed. Mario Roques (Paris: Champion, 1970), vv. 1213-42; La Mort le Roi Artu, ed. Jean Frappier (Paris: Champion, 1964), p. 71; Lancelot: Roman en prose du XIIIe siecle, ed. Alexandra Micha (Paris: Champion, 1978-83), 7:374; Lanval's ladylove in Les Lais de Marie de France, ed. Jean Rychner (Paris: Champion, 1973), vv. 99-100; and further, Cesarius of Heisterbach's story of a repentant mother dressed "only in her shift," Devils, Women, and jews: Reflections on the Other in Medieval Sermon Stories, ed. Joan Young Gregg (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), p. 135. For a fuller discussion see E. Jane Burns, "Ladies Don't Wear Braies," in The Lancelot-Grail Cycle: Texts and Transformations, ed. William W. Kibler, pp. 152- 74. 32. "Guigemar," Les La is de Marie de France, vv. 139-41. 33. Ne m' an mostra Amors adons I Fors que la cache et les penons, 1 Carla fleche ert ala coivre mise:/ C'est li bliauz et la chemise,/ Don la pucele estoit vestue [my emphasis; At the time, love showed me only the notch and the feathers because the arrow was placed in the quiver, that is, inside the tunic and chemise the maiden was wearing], Chretien de Troyes, Cliges, ed. Alexandre Micha (Paris: Champion, 1957), ll. 845-49. For a fuller discussion of this scene see E.Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed, pp. 164-67. 34. The inscription reads: "C' est la chemise de mons. St. Lays jadix Roy de Fran[ ce] et n'y a que une manche. N." A lab report dated August 1970, identifies the NOTES TO INTRODUCTION 212

chemise as a thirteenth-century garment, containing traces of blood, that ostensi­ bly had remained unwashed since it was last worn. See ]annie Durand, Marie­ Pierre Lafitte, Dorota Giovanonni, Le Tresor de Ia Sainte-Chapelle (Paris: Reunion des Musees Nationaux, 2001), pp. 231-32. 3 5. Not unlike the key Christian relics purchased by Saint Louis himself from Baldwin II in Constantinople and transported to the Sainte-Chapelle in 1247, Le Tresor, pp. 20-22. 36. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing, p. 11. On the significance of the vernicle worn by Chaucer's Pardoner as a "true icon" see RobertS. Sturges, "The Pardoner Veiled and Unveiled," in Becoming Male, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen and Bonnie Wheeler, pp. 261-77. 3 7. A. Lecocq, "Recherches sur les enseignes de pelerinages et les chemisettes de Notre- Dame," Memoires dela societe archeologique d'Eure-et-Loire 6 (1876): 194-224; Emile Male, Notre-Dame de Chartres (Paris: Flammarion, 1963), pp. 9-10; Arthur Forgeais, Collection de plombs histories trouves dans Ia Seine (Paris: Boucquin, 1863); pp. 28-34; George Henderson, Chartres (Harmondsworth, England: Penguin, 1968), p. 21. 38. See E. Jane Burns, "Saracen Silk and the Virgin's Chemise: Cultural Crossings in Medieval France," in manuscript. 39. See, for example, Jacques de Vitry on St. Bernard's sister in The Exempla or Illustrative Stories from the Sermones Vulgares ofjacques de Vitry, ed.Thomas Freder­ ick Crane (1890; repr. London: Nutt, 1925), pp. 114, 252; and Pierre de Limoges, who endorses an unnamed woman's plan to decorate her tombstone with an image depicting herself stark naked, Albert Lecoy de Ia Marche, La Chaire fran~aise au moyen age (Paris: Librairie Renouard, 1886), p. 483 along with a fuller discussion of the phenomenon in E. Jane Burns, "Medieval Sermons and the Regulation of Gender" in Courtly Love Undressed, pp. 37-41. 40. Perrine Mane, "L'Emergence du vetement de travail a travers l'iconographie medievale," and Michel Beaulieu, "Le Costume: Miroir des mentalites de Ia France (1350-1500)," both in Le Vi'tement, ed. Michel Pastoureau, pp. 93-122 and 255-76 respectively; and Piponnier and Mane, Dress in the Middle Ages, pp. 114-41. 41. John V Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002); Michel Pastoureau, The Devil's Cloth: A History ofStripes and Striped Fabric, trans. Jody Gladding (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991). 42. See Alan Hunt, Governance of the Consuming Passions. 43. See E. Jane Burns, "From Woman's Nature to Nature's Dress," in Courtly Love Undressed, pp. 149-78 44. Courtly Love Undressed, pp. 11-14. 45. Roberta Gilchrist, "Medieval Bodies in the Material World: Gender, Stigma, and the Body," in Framing Medieval Bodies, ed. Sarah Kay and Miri Rubin (Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1994), p. 46. 46. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing, p. 193. 47. Erwin Panofsky, Abbot Suger on the Church of St.-Denis and Its Art Treasures, 2nded. (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1979), pp. 171,216. 48. Otto von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral (New York: Pantheon Books, 1956), p. 121. 49. Poetria Nova, trans. Margaret F. Nims (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1967), p. 17. 50. Kessler explains this as the "carnality of all written words," Spiritual Seeing, p. 188. 21 4 NOTES TO CHAPTER ONE

Notes to Chapter One

1. Eleanor P Hammond, "Two Tapestry Poems by Lydgate: The Life of St. George and the Falls of Seven Princes,"" Englische Studien 43 (1910-11): 10-26; 10. 2. For the history of medieval tapestry, see Achille Jubinal, Recherches sur !'usage et l'origine des tapisseries a personnages depuis l'antiquite jusqu'au XVIe siecle (Paris: Challamel et Cie., 1840);Jean Lestocquoy, Deux siecles de l'histoire de la tapisserie, 1300-1500 (Arras: Commission departementale des monuments historiques du pas-de-Calais, 1978); and Roger A. d'Hulst, Flemish Tapestries From the Fifteenth to the Eighteenth Century, trans. Frances]. Stillman (New York: Universe, 1967). 3. Both examples are cited in the Middle English Dictionary under "steinen," defini­ tion 3.a. 4. Charles Kightly, '"The Hangings About the Hall': An Overview of Textile Wall Hangings in Late Medieval York, 1394-1505," Medieval Textiles 28 (June, 2001): 3- 6. 5. William Caxton, Blanchardyn and Eglantine, ed. Leon Kellner, EETS es 58 (Lon­ don, 1890), p. 14. 6. These examples are cited by Hammond, 'Two Tapestry Poems," p. 22. 7. For the inventory of Gloucester's goods, which were seized in his castle ofPleshy, in Essex, in 1397, see Viscount Dillon and W H. St.John Hope, "Inventory of the Goods and Chattels Belonging to Thomas, Duke of Gloucester," The Archaeolog­ ical]ournal 54 (1897): 275-308. The inventory lists 15 items under the heading 'Draps de Arras," that is, wall hangings; their subjects include scenes from romances and histories, such as the battle of Gawain and Lancelot, the siege of Jerusalem, the story of St. George, and Judith and Holofernes, as well as religious scenes such as the nati;ities ofJesus and Mary. 8. Patrick M. De Winter, "'Colan de La on," Grove Encyclopedia ofArt Online (http:// www.groveart.com). 9. Unless otherwise specified, all quotations from Lydgate's poetry come from the two-volume edition by Henry N. MacCracken, The Minor Poems ofjohn Lydgate, 2 vols., EETS es 107 and os 192 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, 1911-1934), and will be cited by volume, page, and line numbers. 10. The Dance ofDeath has been edited by Florence Warren, The Dance ofDeatlt, EETS os 181 (London: Oxford University Press, 1931). 11. John Stow, A Survey of London (John Wolfe, 1598), p. 264. 12. The Legend of St. George exists in three manuscripts; the version in Shirley's anthology Trinity College Cambridge MS R.3.20 contains Shirley's headnote. 13. Reginald Pecock, The Repressor of Over Much Blaming of the Clergy, ed. Churchill Babington, 2 vols., (London, 1860), 1:212. 14. Of the four manuscripts in which Bycorne and Chychevache survives, only Shirley's Trinity College R.3.20 identifies it as a poem intended for a wall hanging. BL MS Harley 2251 omits the headnote; MS Trin Coli R.3.19 omits the headnote and headings before stanzas, but includes the following running titles across the top: '"

20. In his biography of Lydgate, Walter F. Schirmer draws attention to the connec­ tions between the mummings, the pictorial poems such as Bycorne and Chychev­ ache, and tableaux such as Of the Sodein Fal of Princes, while noting their atl!nities with other art forms such as mystery plays and polemical poems; see his john Lydgate: A Study in the Culture ofthe Fifteenth Century, trans. Ann E. Keep (London: Methuen, 1961), p. 100. 21. Lawrence M. Clopper, Drama, Play, and Game: English Festive Culture in the Medieval and Early Modern Period (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), p. 130. 22. A. S. G. Edwards, "Middle English Pageant 'Picture'?" Notes and Queries 237 (1992): 25-26, quoting More's text from the facsimile of the 1557 Rastell edition, introduced by K. J. Wilson (London, 1978), which was probably composed near the beginning of the first decade of the sixteenth century. 23. Margaret Connolly, john Shirley: Book Production and the Noble Household in Fifteenth-Century England (Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1998), p. 191. 24. For Shirley's biography, see Connolly, john Shirley, pp. 15-63. For Lydgate's connection to Warwick, see Derek Pearsall, john Lydgate (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1970), pp. 160-71. 25. The Brut, ed. Friedrich W. D. Brie, 2 vols., BETS os 131 and 136 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, and Triibner, 1906-08), 2:426. 26. Pecock, Repressor, pp. 212-213.

Notes to Chapter Two

1. The photographs in figures 2.1-2.5 are courtesy of the Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, Amersfoort, the Netherlands. 2. For the details of this description I draw on the authoritative study of these fragments by Herbert Sarfatij, "Tristan op vrijersvoeten? Een bijzonder vesi­ erungsmotief op Laat-Middeleeuws schoisel uit de Lage Landen," in Ad fontes: Opstellen aangeboden aan prof dr. C. van de Kieft ter gelegenheid van zijn aftchied als hoogleraar in de middeleeuwse geschiedenis aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam (Amster­ dam: Verloren, 1984) p. 43 [371-400]. 3. See Sarfatij, "Tristan" for a description and photograph of an ahnost complete slipper excavated in the province or Reimerswaal. See also Johan H. Winkelman, "Over de Minnespreuken op Recentelijk Ontdekte Tristan-Schoentjes," Amster­ damer Beitriige zur iilteren Germanistik 43-4 (1995): 553-560. The fragments average 15 em in length and 6.6 em in height. The leather is about 2 mm thick. 4. Olaf Goubitz, "Eight Exceptional Medieval Shoes from the Netherlands," in Proceedings of the State Service for Archeological Investigations in the Netherlands. Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, vol. 42 (Amers­ foort, the Netherlands: Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek, 1996-7), pp. 425-455. According to Goubitz, 90 percent of the medieval leather artifacts excavated in the Low Countries are footwear. Between the years 1969 and 1985 some 15,000 shoes or parts of shoes were found in Dordrecht alone. In terms of attire, shoes were probably more expendable than any other item. Goubitz mentions accounts informing us that people of the mercantile classes in this period may have bought two outfits of clothing every four years, but, he adds, they probably went through at least two pairs of shoes each year. Shoes were worn and probably discarded when worn through. 5. For the most extensive bibliography on footwear of the Middle Ages, see the website by I. Marc Carlson entitled: "Footwear of the Middle Ages: An On-going 216 NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

Examination of the History and Development of Footwear and Shoemaking Techniques up to the End of the Sixteenth Century" at http:/ /www.person­ al.utulsa.edu/ -marc-carlson/ shoe/ SHOEHOME.HTM. See also Goubitz, Step­ ping out in Time: Archeological Footwear from Prehistoric Times unti/1800 (Zwolle, the Netherlands: Stichting Promotie Archeologie, 2001). 6. Sarfatij, "Tristan." 7. Winkelman, 'Tristan en Isolde in de Minnetuin. Over een Versierungsmotief op Laatmiddeleeuws Schoeisel," Amsterdamer Beitrdge zur dlteren Germanistik 24 (1986): 163-188. 8. Winkelman, "Over de Minnespreuken." 9. Two of the Dordtecht fragments and the Leiden fragment were uncovered in refuse heaps, the Mechelen fragment was found in the courtyard well of a Beguinage, and the remaining fragments were isolated finds. See Sarfatij, "Tristan," on the Leiden, Dordrecht, and Mechelen fragments, and Winkelman, "Over de Minnespreuken." on the Velkenisse and Nieuwland fragments. 10. See Sarfatij, "Tristan," ±or details on dating. 11. Walter Prevenier, "Court and City Culture in the Low Countries from 1100 to 1530," in Medieval Dutch Literature in its European Context, ed. E. Kooper (Cam­ bridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 12 [11-29]. 12. These villages were submerged over time and now serve as rich sources of archeological material from the late medieval period. 13. This process seems to have been fairly common in the Netherlands, Flanders, and northern France; knife sheaths, purses, wallets, and bookbindings have been excavated that were similarly decorated using leather presses. 14. Sarfatij, "Tristan." 15. Sarfatij, "Tristan," 399. 16. Many of these oral folktales go back to the Middle Ages and earlier. See Alan Dundcs, cd., Cinderella, a Folklore Casebook (New York: Garland, 1982). 17. Ruth Schmidt-Wiegend, 'Hochzeitsbrauche," in Handbuch der deutschen Rechtsge­ schichte, ed. A. Erler und E. Kaufmann (Berlin: E. Schmidt, 1971-), col. 190. 18. Gregory of Tours, Libervitae patrum xx.i (De Sancto Leobrado reclauso). Cited from translation by Joaquin Martinez Pizarro, in A Rhetoric of the Scene: Dramatic Narrative in the Early Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989), p. 246 n. 6. 19. These traditions are also mentioned in Jacob Grimm and Wilhelm Grimm, Deutsches Wiirterbuch, vol. 9 (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1899), p. 1850. 20. In her comprehensive study of clothing and fashion in the courtly epic, Elke Briiggen includes only a brief section on shoes, which are apparently seldom mentioned in medieval courtly descriptions of clothing. According to the few literary references, peasants wore heavy shoes made of thick cowhide, while the nobility wore shoes made of Cordovan leather or fine materials. Elke Briiggen, Kleidung und Mode in der hiifischen Epik des 12. und 13. jahrhunderts (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1989), pp. 245-46. 21. According to Winkelman, "Tristan en Isolde," and Pizarro, Rhetoric of the Scene, the legal status of giving shoes becomes lost by the time Konig Rother is written down, but the connection between giving gifts of shoes and marriage remains a part of the cultural consciousness. 22. Schmidt-Wiegend, "Hochzeitsbrauche." 23. Winkelman, "Tristan en Isolde.'· 24. Ruth 4,7; Deuteronomy 25,9. 25. See Doris Fouquet, Wort und Bild in der mittelalterlichen Tristantradition. Der dlteste Tristanteppich von J...1oster Wienhausen und die textile Tristaniiberlieferung des Mittela­ lters. (Berlin: E. Schmidt, 1971); Hella Friihmorgen-Voss, "Tristan und Isolde in NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO 217

mittelalterlichen Bildzeugnissen" in Text und Illustration im Mittelalter. Auftdtze zu den Wechselbeziehungen zwischen Literatur und bildender Kunst, ed. N. Ott (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1975), pp. 119-39, figs. 37-53. See also Norbert Ott, "Katalog der Tristan-Bildzeugnisse" in Text und illustration, pp. 140-171. Michael Curschmann, "Images of Tristan" in Gottfried von Strassburg and the Medieval Tristan Legend: Papers from an Anglo-North American Symposium, ed. A. Stevens and R. Wisbey (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1990), p. 7, n. 17 [1-17] supplements this catalogue with several items, including the five fragments, from Dordrecht, Leiden, and Mechelen. 26. See Fouquet, "Die Baumgartenszene des Tristan in der mittelalterlichen Kunst und Literatur" Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie 92 (1973): 360-70. 27. James Rushing and others have suggested that the issue of adultery became secondary to the general idea of Tristan and Isolde as exemplary lovers, and that the representation ofthe orchard scene thus came to symbolize true love. James Rushing, "The Medieval German Pictorial Evidence," in The Arthur of the Germans: The Arthurian Legend in Medieval German and Dutch Literature, ed. W H. Jackson and S. A. Ranawake, pp. 257-79, esp. p. 267. 28. In the Low Countries the scene is reproduced, for example, on the facade of the city hall in Bruges (1376-87). See Fouquet, 'Die Baumgartenszene" and Ott, "Katalog." 29. Fouquet, "Die Baumgartenszene," 363; Ott, "Tristan auf Runkelstein und die tibrigen zyklischen Darstellungen des Tristanstoffes. Textrezeption oder medien­ interne Eigengesetzlichkeit der Bildgrogramme?" in Runkelstein. Die Wandmal­ ereien des Sommerhauses, ed. W Haug (Wiesbaden, 1982), p. 216 [194-238]. See also Curschmann, "Images of Tristan" for an interesting discussion of the intellectual and iconographic connections between representations of the orchard scene and the scene of Adam and Eve at the Tree of Knowledge. 30. Fouquet, "Die Baumgartenszene" makes this argument most convincingly. 31. Sarfatij, "Tristan"; Curschmann, "Images of Tristan." 32. See Ann Marie Rasmussen, "Eavesdropping Male Narrators." Speculum 77 (2002): 1,168-1,194. 33. Curschmann, "Images ofTristan." 34. Fouquet, "Die Baumgartenszene." 35. Isolde is likened to a falcon and a sparrow hawk in Gottfried von StraBburg's Tristan: She is described as "gestellet in der waete, I als si diu Minne draete I ir selber z' einem vederspil" (formed in every part as iflove had formed her to be her own falcon [ll. 10899-901]).'' Her figure is described as free and erect as a sparrow hawk's: "si was an ir gelaze I Ufreht und offenbaere, I gelich dem sparwaere" (ll. 10996-98). As she walks into the court gathering, Isolde's eyes dart around like a falcon's: "si liez ir ougen umbe gan I als der valke uf dem aste" (ll. 11001-2). Gottfried von StraBburg, Tristan, 2 vols, ed. Peter Ganz (Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1978). 36. Carl von Kraus, ed., Des Minnesangs Friihling (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1959) ll. 8,34-9, 2. Similarly, the lady is compared to a falcon in this strophe by Ktirenberg: "Wip unde vederspil diu werdent lihte zam: I swer size rehte lucket, so suochent si den man. I als warb ein schoene ritter umb eine frouwen guot. I als ich dar an gedenke, so stet wol hohe min muot." (Women and falcons are easily tamed: whoever knows how to attract them, they seek out that man. Thus did a handsome knight woo a fine lady. When I think of it my spirit is heightened [ll. 10,18-21]) 37. For comprehensive studies on Tristan iconography, see: Fouquet, "Die Baumgar­ tenszene"; Frtihmorgen-Voss, "Tristan und Isolde in mittelalterlichen Bildzeugn- 218 NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO

issen," Deutsche Vierteijahresschrift fiir Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 47 (1973): 645-63. 38. The chessboard is one point of comparison that Winkelman, "Tristan en Isolde", uses to support his argument that the iconography on the slippers derives from images of the love garden. 39. Michael Camille, The Medieval Art ofLove (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1998), pp. 107, 124-25. 40. The reference to the fish is found in only four instances in the Tristan material. It is found here on one of the slippers, on an oak comb from Bamberg dated from the first half of the fifteenth century, a mural at St. Floet in Issoire, dated at 1350, and in a Dutch version of the story by Dire Potter, written at the beginning of the fifteenth century. On the significance of the version of the text "'ith the line about the fish, see Martine Meuwese, 'Arthurian Illuminations in Middle Dutch Manuscripts," in Word and Image in Arthurian Literature, ed. K. Busby (New York: Garland, 1996), pp. 151-73. Bart Besamusca, mentions the slippers in the context of Potter's use of the fish motif in "The Medieval Dutch Arthurian Material," in The Arthur of the Germans, p. 204 [187-228]. 41. Unfortunately the lettering on the Nieuwland fragment has been damaged and cannot be reconstructed. We can discern only that the image is different in style, presenting us with the image in a medallion framed entirely by a ring of writing. Winkelman, "Over de Minnespreuken" identifies the following letters: GAET: NW A[+++] E[ +++ ]SUERDE [ .. ] B[ +++] E [ .. ] and suggests a partial recon­ struction based on the Dordrecht and Leiden fragments. 42. Herman Pleij, "The Rise of Urban Literature in the Low Countries," in Medieval Dutch Literature, p. 63 [ 62-77]. 43. Pleij, 'The Rise of Urban Literature," 73. 44. Ingeborg Glier, Artes Amandi: Untersuchung zu Geschichte, Uberlieferung und Typolo­ giederdeutschenMinnereden(Munich: Beck, 1971). 45. It is limited to a single fragmentary text of158 partly damaged lines from a mid­ thirteenth century manuscript written in the eastern part of the Low Countries. See Besamusca, "The Medieval Dutch," 204. 46. Frits Pieter van Oostrom, "Reflections on Literary History and Netherlandic Cultural Identity in the Medieval Period" in The Low Countries and the New World(s ): Travel, Discovery, Early Relations, ed. Johanna C. Prins, et al (Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2000), p. 7 [1-10]. He draws on Glier's work on the Minnereden in which she concludes that the Middle Dutch version of the Minnereden are more clearly didactic. 47. A.M.]. von Buuren, "Dire Potter, A Medieval Ovid," in Medieval Dutch Literature, pp. 151-167. On Dire Potter, see also van Oostrom, Court and Culture. Dutch Literature 1350-1450 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), esp. pp. 219- 263. 48. Dire Potter, Der Minnen Loep, vols. 1-4, ed. P. Leendertz (Leiden, the Netherlands: D. du Mortier en Zoon, 1845/46). Here, vol. 2, ll. 3613-3636. 49. Martha Howell, The Marriage Exchange: Property, Social Place and Gender in Cities of the Low Countries, 1300-1550 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998) p. 237. Howell writes: 'Historians are most familiar with these tropes from the literary and didactic texts of the late medieval and early modern period-sermons, conduct books, songs, plays, and stories in which contemporaries constructed the ideal of a union between husband and wife, bound together as much by passion as duty, that was, entirely contradictorily, both hierarchical and fully reciprocal." 50. See Howell, Marriage Exchange, for a bibliography on love and marriage in the late Middle Ages. NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 219

51. The banderoles on the comb read as follows: Isolde: "tristram gardee de dire vilane porIa pisson de Ia fonteine"; Tristan: "dame ie voroi per rna foi qui fV ave nos monsignor le roi"; Marke: "de dev sot il condana qui dementi Ia dame loial." For a photograph of the comb, see Fouquet, "Die Baumgartenszene," p. 367. See also Ott, "Katalog," 164-65 and Gertrud Blaschitz, "Schrifi: aufObjekten" in Die Verschriftlichung der Welt: Bild, Text und Zahl in der Kultur des Mittelalters und der friihen Neuzeit, ed. Horst Wenzel, et a!. (Vienna: Kunsthistorisches Museum, 2002), pp. 167-70 [145-179]. The comb is currently held in Bamberg at the Museum des historischen Vereins.

Notes to Chapter Three

1. Janet Mayo, A History of Ecclesiastical Dress (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1984), pp. 11-12. 2. Hrabanus Maurus, De clericorum institutione 1.15, Patrologia Latinae (hereafter PL) 107, col. 306. Note that Hrabanus in fact uses an alternative term for the more common am ictus: the superhumerale. 3. See Cyrille Vogel and Reinhard Elze, eds., Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du dixieme sifcle 40.79-82, Studi e testi, 226 (Vatican: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1963), 1:152-54. 4. The key passages cited byDurandus are in Ex. 28, 31, 35, 40; Eccli. 47. In Rationale divinorum officiorum 3.1.2, ed. A. Davril and T. M. Thibodeau, CCL, 140:178; cf idem, Le Pontifical romain au moyen-ilge, Le Pontifical de Guillaume Durand 2.9 ed. Michel Andrieu, Studi e testi , 88 (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1940), 3:520-21. Note, however, that Durandus remarks that certain heretics complain that there is no authorization tor such robes in the New Testament (Rationale 3.1.14, 140:183). 5. Durandus, Rationale 3.1.2, 140:178; idem, Pontifical romain 2.10.2, p. 521. Various theorists further ransacked Scripture for new analogies. For example, Philip of Harvengt draws a comparison between the priest in his two layered clerical tunic and figures such as the good wife from Proverbs (Prov. 31) and John the Baptist (Luke 3; De institutione clericorum tractatus VI 1.20, PL 203, col. 690). 6. Mayo, History, p. 15. 7. Durandus, Rationale 3.1, proemium, 140:177; cf. 3.1.2, 140:178. 8. Durandus, Pontifical romain 1.3. 7, p. 33 7. 9. Some authorities, such as Hugh ofAmiens, made much of the clergy's sevenfold nature, attempting to associate it with other celebrated sequences of sacred sevens. See Jan Michael Joncas, "A Skein of Sacred Sevens: Hugh of Amiens on Orders and Ordination," in Medieval Liturgy: A Book of Essays, ed. Lizette Larson­ Miller (New York: Garland, 1997), pp. 85-120. 10. Durandus, Pontifical romain 1.5.1, p. 338. 11. Durandus, Pontifical romain 1.11.12-19, pp. 356-58 (subdeacon); 1.12.12-13,17, p. 362 (deacon); 1.13.2, 10, 11, pp. 364, 368, 370 (priest). 12. Durandus, Pontifical romain 1.14.1, p. 374; 1.14.8, p. 376. Not all of these items are employed in the ordination proper. It became customary to receive the pallium in Rome from the pope himself. The pope might give the pallium to an ordinary bishop, but it was usually reserved tor the metropolitan. See Durandus's list in Rationale 3.1.3, 140:178. 2 2 0 NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE

13. Durandus, Rationale 3.1.12, 140:182. Elsewhere, Durandus remarks that the cope is worn on the ordination of the bishop by the archpresbyter, archdeacon, and the candidate himself(Pontifical romain, 1.14.1-2, p. 388). 14. Durandus, Rationale 3.11.4, 140:205. 15. Durandus, Pontifical romain 1.3. 5, p. 33 7. On the superpellicium, see idem, Rationale 3.1.10, 140:181-2. 16. Durandus, Rationale 3.3.5, 140:188; 3.4.6, 140:190; 3.5,8, 140:192; 3.6.5, 130:194; 3.7.5, 140:196. 17. Durandus, Rationale 1.2.12, 140:33. 18. Ourandus, Rationale 1.2.13, 140:34; cf. C.2 q.4 c.13. 19. D. A. Wilmart, ed., Precum Libelli Quattvor Aevi Karolini (Rome: Ephemerides liturgicae, 1949), p. 49. I would like to thank jonathan Black tor this reference. 20. See E. Vacandard, ''Deposition et degradation des clercs," Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (Paris: Letouzey, 1925-), cols. 451-65; R. Genestal, Le Privilegiumfori en France du Decret de Gratien ala fin du XIVe siecle, vol. 2, Le Privilege en matiere penale (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1924), see bk. 1, on degradation. Note that until the twelfth century, there was no formal distinction between deposition and degradation (Vacandard, "Deposition," col. 461). For exceptions in the early church, see col. 4 55. Also note that Durandus alleges that this stigma can be removed by the pope (Pontifical romain 3.7.25, p. 608). 21. Louis Salter, Les Reordinations: Etude sur le sacrement de l'ordre, 2d ed. (Paris: Victor Lecoffre and]. Gabalda, 1907), pp. 231-36. 22. Saltet, Les Reordinations, p. 354. 23. William of Auvergne, De sacramento ordinis c. 7, 8, in Opera omnia (1674; repr. Paris: A. Pralard, Frankfurt am Main: Minerva, 1963), 1:539-40. See Salter, Les Reordinations, pp. 356-58. 24. See Toledo IV, ann. 633, G. D. Mansi, ed., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Paris: H. Welter, 1901-1927), vol. 10, col. 627, no. 28. This passage was reiterated by Gratian (C.ll q.3 c.65). But note that Gratian's own position on reordinations was far from decisive (Saltet, Les Reordinations, pp. 291-96). 25. Vl.5.9.2. See Vancandard, "Deposition," col. 456; Marc Dykmans, "Le rite de Ia degradation des clercs," appendix in Le Pontifical romain revise au XVe siecle (Rome: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1985), p. 165. 26. Durandus, Speculum iudicale (Lyon, 1498-1500), bk. 3, ad De accusatione, no. 4 (unpaginated). 27. William of Auvergne, De sacramento ordinis c. 7, 1:539. 28. Nimes, ann. 886, Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum, vol. 18, col. 46. See Roger Reynolds, "Rites of Separation and Reconciliation in the Early Middle Ages," in Segni e riti nella chiesa altomedievale occidentale, Settimane di studio del Centro Italiano eli Studi sull'alto medioevo, 33 (Spoleto: Sede del Centro, 1987), 1:421. For other instances, see Dykmans, "Le rite," pp. 159-60. 29. Limoges, ann. 1031, Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum, vol. 19, col. 540. 30. This is the reason given by Liudprand of Cremona, Antapodosis 1.30, in Opera omnia, CCCM, 156 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1998), p. 23. But also see the summary ofFormosus's rehabilitation which claims he was guilty of perjury and lay communion. This council, thought to be held in Ravenna in 898, is dated 904 in Rome, in Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum, vol. 18, col. 221. On the controversy regarding whether there were actually one or two such councils, see J. Duhr, "Le concile de Ravenne en 898: La rehabilitation du Pape Formose," Recherches de sciencereligieuse 22 (1932): 541-79. 31. The council of rehabilitation will claim that this was the work of treasure seekers, however (Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum, vol. 18, col. 225, c. 9). NOTES TO CHAPTER THREE 221

32. On this fresco, see]. Duhr, "Humble vestige d'un grand espoir," Recherches de science religiense 42(1954): 361-87; Horace Mann, The Lives of the Popes in the Early Middle Ages (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1925), 4:47. 33. H. Leclercq, Histoire des conciles (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1911), 4,2:712. 34. Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum, vol. 18, cols. 223-25, c. 2, 3, 4, 8, 2. Only one cleric, a certain Bonosus of Narni, seems to have resisted (col. 222). Leclercq, Histoire, 4,2:715-18. On the issue surrounding the reordination of those originally or­ dained by Formosus, see Saltet, Les Reordinations, pp. 152-56. 35. See Andre Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, trans. Jean Birrell (Cam­ bridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp. 147-55. 36. Auxilius, In defensionem sacrae ordinationis papae Formosi 1.1 0, in Auxilius und Vulgarius, ed. Ernst Diimmler (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1866), p. 71. On Auxilius' etlorts, see Saltet, "Les Depositions," pp. 156-60. 37. This is according to an anonymous Beneventan author of the tenth century, as cited by Mann, Lives of the Popes, 4:82. 38. Auxilius, In defensionem 1.11, p. 72. 39. Liudprand, Antapodosis 1.31, p. 24. 40. Durandus, Pontifical romain 3.7.22-27, pp. 607-9. In his concluding remarks, he further refers the reader to the section in his Speculum iudicale mentioned above. 41. Vl.5.9.2. See Dykmans, "Le rite," pp. 165-66; Cenestal, Le Privilegium, 2:59-63. 42. Dykrnans, "Le rite," pp. 166-67, 172-73. 43. Dykrnans, "Le rite," p. 171. 44. See Bernard Cui's prescriptions for sentences on posthumous condemnations in Practica inquisitionis hereticae 3.1, ed. Celestin Douais (Paris: Alphonse Picard, 1886), p. 85. 4 5. Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 2nd edn. (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1977), pp. 180-81; Bernard Cui gives the forms for such a condemnation in Practica 3.27-28, pp. 123-26. 46. Lambert, Medieval Heresy, pp. 207 ti 47. See Acta S. Officii Bononie: ab anna 1291 nsque ad annum 1310, ed. Lorenzo Paolini and Raniero Orioli (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 1982-4), Jacobus, rector of St. Thomas del Mercato, 1:37-40. I discuss such cases at greater length in Proving Woman: Female Spirituality and Inquisitional Culture in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004). 48. Bernard Pirotas ofLodeve, Doat Collection, Bibliotheque Nationale, vol. 28, fol. 25v. 49. For sentencing and the bestowal of crosses, see Cui, Practica 3.1, p. 84. 50. Cui, Practica 3.20, pp. 111-15. 51. Cui, Practica 3.21. p. 117-19. 52. See Alan FriecUander's, The Hammer of the Inquisitors: Brother Bernard Delicieux and the Struggle Against the Inquisition in Fourteenth-Century France (Leiden, the Nether­ lands: Brill, 2000). 53. Alan Friedlander, ed., Processus Bernardi Delitiosi: The Trial of Fr. Bernard Delicieux, 3 September-S December 1319 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1996), p. 211; cf the account of the actual degradation in Carcassonne (p. 212). See Friedlander's discussion of the trial in The Hammer ofthe Inquisitors, pp. 258ft: 54. See Cenestal's discussion of this quarrel in Le Privilegium, 2:95-114. 55. See Vacandard, "Les depositions," cols. 462-63; Cenestal, Le Privilegium, 2:137-53. 56. See R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987), pp. 62-64. 57. C.24 q.3 c.16. Note that Cratian anticipated the papal decree that unrepentant clerics be delivered to the secular arm (C.1 q.1 c.30 dpc; see Cenestal, Le Privilegium, 2:7). 222 NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR

58. Durandus, Ponfical romain 3.7.22-23, p. 608; cf. idem, Speculum 3.4, De accusatione, in which he again stresses the publicity of the ceremony. See Dykrnans, "Le rite," p. 163. 59. See Dykrnans' edition of the ritual contained in the sixteenth-century Pontific ale romanus, in "Le rite," text no. 2, 10.2, p. 184. Dykrnans notes, however, that the rite may be no older than the fourteenth-century rite (p. 174). 60. Durandus, Pontifical romain 1.3 .9, p. 33 7. 61. Durandus, Pontificale romain, appendix, 4, pp. 681-2, nos. 9-10.

Notes to Chapter Four

1. The following editions of versions of Griselda have been consulted and will be cited, as appropriate: Boccaccio, "Decameron (X, 10), 1350," ed. Jean-Luc Nardone in L'Histoire de Griselda: une fomme exemplaire dans les litteratures europeennes, ed. Jean-Luc Nardone and Henri Lamarque, vol. 1 (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires de Mirail, 2000), pp. 29-57; in English, Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, trans. Mark Musa and Peter Bondanella (New York: W W Norton, 1982), pp. 672-81; Petrarch, "De oboedentia et fide uxoria, in Seniles (XVII, 3), 1373," ed. Henri Lamarque in L'Histoire de Griselda, pp. 59-104; in English, Francis Petrarch, Sen XVII 3 in Letters of Old Age "Rerum Senilium Libri" I-XVIII, trans. Aldo S. Bernardo, Saul Levin, and Rita A. Bernardo, vol. 2 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), pp. 65 5-68; Philippe de Mezieres, Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage, ed.Joan B. Williamson (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Univer­ sity of America Press, 1993), pp. 356-77; English translations of Philippe are my own. Le Mesnagier de Paris, ed. Georgina E. Brereton and Janet M. Ferrier, trans. Karin Ueltschi (Paris: Librairie Generale Fran~aise, 1994), pp. 192-232; English translations my own. For the French anonymous translation, Le Livre de Griseldis, ed.]. Burke Severs in]. Burke Severs, The Literary Relationships of Chaucer's Clerk's Tale (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1942; repr. Hamden, CT: Archon Book, The Shoe String Press, 1972), pp. 255-89. For the dramatic version, L'Estoire de Griseldis, ed. Barbara M. Craig (Lawrence, KA: University of Kansas Press, 1954). For Christine's version, Maureen Cheney Curnow's dissertation on Chris­ tine de Pizan remains a valuable source of information and analysis, "The Livre de la Cite des Dames of Christine de Pizan: A Critical Edition" (Ph.D. dissertation: Vanderbilt, 1975); the Gliselidis story occurs in Pt. IV, pp. 900-10. The most recent edition of Christine's work is La Citta delle Dame, ed. Earl Jeffrey Richards and trans. Patrizia Caraffi, (Milan: Luni Editrice, 1998), pp. 346-56; page references will be to Richard's edition and English translations are my own. 2. For discussion of Griselda's European transformations, see Nardone and Lama­ rque, L'Histoire de Griselda and for the Griselda legend in medieval France, see Elie Golenistcheff-Koutouzotl; L'Histoire de Griseldis en France au XIVe et au XVe siecle (Paris: Droz, 1933). 3. Ann Rosalind Jones and Peter Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing and the Materials of Memory (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 220. 4. An astute analysis ofrhetorical embellishment, the heroine's clothing, and gender ethics in Chaucer's Clerk's Tale is provided by Carolyn Dinshaw, "Griselda Translated" chapter 5 of Chaucer's Sexual Poetics (Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), pp. 132-55; on Petrarch's "correction" of Boccaccio's stripping of Griselda and the subsequent problematization of the nude heroine in Renaissance marriage chests, see Cristelle L. Baskins, "Griselda, or the Renais- NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR 222

sance Bride Stripped Bare by Her Bachelor in Tuscan Cassone Painting," Stanford Italian Review 10 (1992): 153-75;Jones and Stallybrass further discuss how Petrach "refashions" Boccaccio's Griselda by effacing "the violence and the sexualization of Boccaccio's version" in Renaissance Clothing, p. 222. Susan Crane analyzes Griselda's reclothing as social performance in Chaucer in The Performance of Self: Ritual, Clothing, and Identity During the Hundred Years War (Philadelphia: Universi­ ty of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), pp. 29-38; see also Kristine Gilmartin, '1\.rray in the Clerk's Tale," The Chaucer Review, 13.3 (1979): 234-46. Although Chaucer's Clerk's Tale and its frame have provoked arguably the liveliest discussion about authorial strategies and this text pre-dates the Cite des Dames, it is unlikely that Christine knew it. Comparison of Chaucer's and Christine's interpretative refash­ ioning is beyond the scope of this study. 5. See, for example, Marueen Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority: Christine de Pizan's Cite des Dames (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 165-67 and Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, "Christine de Pizan and the Misogynistic Tradi­ tion," Romanic Review 81.2 (1990): 291. Quilligan in particular notes Christine's distinctive treatment of the tale as compared to her male predecessors. Most recently, l'atrizia CarafE notes that Griselidis assumes new significance as she is recontextualized within the Cite; Patrizia Caraffi, "Jntroduzione," in Christine de Pizan, La Cite des Dames, ed. Richards and Caraffi, p.22 and Patrizia Caraffi, "Silence des femmes et cruaute des hommes: Christine de Pizan et Boccaccio," Contexts and Continuities: Proceedings of the IVth International Colloquium on Chris­ tine de Pizan (Glasgow 21-27 july 2000 ), Published in Honor ofLiliane Dulac, ed. Angus J Kennedy, Rosalind Brown Grant, and Liliane Dulac (Glasgow: University of Glasgow Press, 2002), pp. 175-86. 6. For example, GolenistcheffKjoutouzoff devoted only a few pages to Christine's version, L'Histoire de Griseldis en France, pp. 126-30; it is not included in Nardone and Lamargue, eds. L'Histoire de Griseldis. 7. Quilligan, The Allegory of Female Authority, p. 167. 8. Kevin Brownlee, "Commentary and the Rhetoric of Exemplarity: Griseldis in Petrarch, Philippe de Mezieres, and the Estoire," South Atlantic Quarterly 91, 4 (1992): 867. 9. Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics, pp. 132-33. 10. Decameron, trans. Musa and Bondanella, p. 681. 11. Decameron, ed. Nardone, p. 56. 12. Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, p. 228. 13. Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, p. 223. See also Robin Kirkpatrick, 'The Griselda Story in Boccaccio, Petrarch, and Chaucer," in Chaucer and the Italian Trecento, ed. Piero Boitani (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 231-48. 14. See Dinshaw, Chaucer's Sexual Poetics, p. 133. 15. Petrarch, ''De oboedentia," ed. Lamarque, p. 68. 16. See Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, p. 222. 17. Baskins, "Griselda," p. 159;Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, pp. 221-23. 18. Petrarch, Sen XVII, 3, in Letters of Old Age, trans. Bernardo, Levin and Bernardo, p. 660. 19. Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, p. 223. 20. On the medieval husband's gift of clothing to the bride, which symbolizes her entrance into a new family and which remains his property; see Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, "Le Complexe de Griselda: Dots et Dons de Mariage au Quattro­ cento," Melanges de L'Ecole fran~aise de Rome 94 (1982): 7-43. 21. Jones and Stallybrass, Renaissance Clothing, p. 220. 224 NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR

22. Petrarch, "De oboedentia," ed. Lamarque, p. 98 and Sen XVII, 4, trans. Bernardo, Levin and Bernardo, p. 670. 23. Joan B. Williamson, "La premiere traduction fran~aise de l'histoire de Griselidis de Petrarque: pour quiet pour quai fut-elle taite?" in Amour, mariage et transgres­ sions au Moyen Age. Actes du Colloque du Centre d'Etudes Medievales de l'Universite de Picardie, mars 1983. Gbppinger Arbeiten sur Germanistick, No. 420 (Goppingen: Kummerle Verlag, 1984), pp. 447-56 and "Philippe de Meziere's Book for Married Ladies: A Book from the Entourage of the Court of Charles VI," in The Spirit of the Court: Selected Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the International Courtly Literature Society (Toronto 1983 ), ed. Glyn S. Burgess, Robert A. Taylor et al. (Woodbridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 1983), pp. 393-408. 24. Philippe de Mezieres, Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage, ed. Williamson, p. 356, 1. 7; English translations of citations from this edition are mine. On the insistence on Griseldis as "marvelous" in Philippe's authorial commentary, see Brownlee, "Commentary," p. 871. Brownlee also argues that Philippe "criticizes the behavior and motivation ofWalter," p. 871, more than Petrarch. 25. "Povre cote" appears in the Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage, p. 373, 1. 6; p. 374, 1. 7 (with "povre habit); "en habit de tres povre ancelle" p. 374, 1. 21; "povre robe" p. 374, 1. 32; "povres dras" p. 376, 1. 32. 26. Carolyn Collette, "Chaucer and the French Tradition Revisited: Philippe de Mezieres and the Good Wife," in Medieval Women: Text and Contexts in Late Medieval Britain: Essays for Felicity Riddy, ed. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, Rosalyn Voaden, Arlyn Diamond et al. (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2000), p. 165. Collette notes that earlier Philippe emphasizes her management of the state as well as the household. 27. Le Mesnagier de Paris, ed. Ueltschi, p. 232. Translations of citations from this edition are mine. 28. See Janet M. Ferrier, "Seulement pour vous endoctriner: The Author's Use of Exempla in Le Menagier de Paris," Medium Aevum 48 (1979): 77-89. 29. Ueltschi, ed. Le Mesnagier de Paris, p. 10. 30. Ferrier, "Seulement pour vous endoctriner," 79. 31. The addition of this speech has been noted by Ferrier and others. Ferrier, calls it "a little sermon" and takes brief notice of it; Ferrier, "Seulement pour vous endoctriner," p. 78. I wish to emphasize its importance in a text where few changes to the original have been made. 32. As noted by Golentischeft~Koutouzoff, I:Histoire de Griselda, pp. 126-29. See also La Cite des Dames, ed. Curnow, vol. 1, pp. 156-60. 33. The contemporary chronology is noted by Brown-Grant, Christine de Pizan and the Moral Defense of Women: Reading Beyond Gender (Cambridge, England: Cam­ bridge University Press, 1999), p. 165 who cites Glynnis M. Cropp, "Les person­ nages feminins tires de l'histoire de la France dans Le Livre de la Cite des Dames," in Une femme de lettres au Moyen Age: Etudes autour de Christine de Pizan, ed. Liliane Dulac et Bernard Ribemont (Orleans: Paradigme, 1995), pp. 195-208. 34. See Caraftl, "Introduzione," La Cite des Dames, ed. Richards, p. 22. 35. For Christine's version of the speech, see La Cite des Dames, ed. Richards, p. 350; tor Philippe's more obsequious speech, see Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage, ed. Williamson, p. 371. 36. Cite des Dames, ed. Richards, 354; Le Livre de la vertu du sacrement de mariage, ed. Williamson, p. 375. See Quilligan's discussion, The Allegory ofFemale Authority, p. 166. 37. For other perspectives on Christine's rewriting ofBoccaccio in these stories, see Patricia A. Philippy, "Establishing Authority: Boccaccio's De Claris Mulieribus and Christine de Pizan's Le Livre de Ia Cite des Dames," Romanic Review 77. 3 (1986), 167- NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 225

93; Kevin Browlee, "Christine de Pizan's Canonical Authors: The Special Case of Boccaccio," Comparative Literature Studies 32.2 (1995): 244-61; Caraffi, "Silence des femmes." 38. On Christine's ethical stance against the defamation of women and her sapiential writing, see Helen Solterer, The Master and Minerva: Disputing Women in French Medieval Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), pp. 151-75. 39. Brownlee, "Christine de Pizan's Canonical Authors," pp. 251-52. 40. On women's manipulation of speech and dress in the Livre des Trois Vertus, Liliane Dulac, "The Representation and Functions of Feminine Speech in Christine de Pizan's Livre des Trois Vertus," in Reinterpreting Christine de Pizan, ed. Earl Jeffrey Richards (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), pp. 13-22 and my "Nouvelles chases: Social Instability and the Problem of Fashion in the Livre du Chevalier de la Tour Landry, the Menagier de Paris, and Christine de Pizan's Livre des Trois Vertus," in Medieval Conduct, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Robert L. A. Clark (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press), pp. 48-85. 41. On women's positive construction of social honor in Trois Vertus, see Brown­ Grant, Christine de Pizan and the Moral Defence ofWomen, pp. 175-214, especially pp. 200-1.

Notes to Chapter Five

1. For this debate, see Judith M. Bennett, '"History that Stands Still': Women's Work in the European Past," Feminist Studies 14 (1986): 269-83; Bridget Hill, "Women's History: A Study in Change, Continuity or Standing Still?" Women's History Review 2 (1993): 5-23; Martha Howell, Women, Production, and Patriarchy in Late Medieval Cities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986). 2. Judith M. Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England: Women's Work in a Changing World, 1300-1600 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). 3. Sarah B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives, and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York: Shocken, 1975), p. 30. 4. John Scheid and Jesper Svenbro, The Craft of Zeus: Myths of Weaving and Fabric, trans. Carol Volk (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), p. 68. 5. Elizabeth Wayland Barber, Women's Work: The First 20,000 Years (New York: W. W. Norton, 1994), pp. 281-2. 6. 7:35, excerpted in Women's Lifo in Greece and Rome: A Source Book in Translation, ed. Mary P. Lefkowitz and Maureen Fant, 2nd ed. (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), p. 200. 7. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 199. 8. David Herlihy, Opera Muliebria: Women and Work in Medieval Europe (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990), pp. 77-91. 9. On embroidery see Nancy A. Jones, "The Uses of Embroidery in the Romances of Jean Renart: Gender, History, Textuality," in Nancy Vine Durling, ed., jean Renart and the Art ofRomance: Essays on Guillaume de Dole (Gainesville: Universi­ ty of Florida Press, 1997), pp. 13-44. 10. On the chanson de toile, see E. Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), Chapter 3. 11. Rene de Lespinasse and Fran<;ois Bonnardot, ed., Le livre des metiers d'Etienne Boileau (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1879). 226 NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE

12. Alexander Neckam, De Naturis rerum, ch. 171, ed. Thomas Wright, Rerum Britannicam Medii Aevi Scriptores 34 (London: Longman, Green, Longman, Rob­ erts & Green, 1863), p. 281. 13. Herlihy, Opera Muliebria, pp. 185-91. 14. Arsene Darmesteter and D.S. Blondheim, Les gloses fran~aises dans les commenwires talmudiques de Raschi (Paris: Champion, 1929), no. 1089, 1:150. 15. A. R. Bridbury, Medieval English Cloth making: An Economic Survey (London: Heine­ mann, 1982), pp. 1-3. 16. Dominique Cardon, La. Draperie au Moyen Age: Essor d'une grande industrie eu­ ropccnnc (Paris: CNRS, 1999), p. 545. 17. Herlihy, Opera Muliebria, pp. 96-97, 147-48. 18. Howell, Women, Production, pp. 124-33; Herlihy, Opera Muliebria, pp. 147-48; Maryanne Kowaleski and Judith M. Bennett, "Crafts, Gilds, and Women in the Middle Ages: Fifty Years After Marian K. Dale," Signs: journal of Women in Culture and Society 14 (1989): 474-501. 19. Heather Swanson, Medieval Artisans: An Urban Class in Late Medieval England (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), p. 31. 20. Kathryn L. Reyerson, "Women in Business in Medieval Montpellier," in Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 21-22; Kay Lacey, "The Production of'Narrow Ware' by Silkwomen in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century England," Textile History 18 (1981): 187-204; John of Garland, Dictionarius, in A Volume of Vocabularies, ed. Thomas Wright (Liverpool: D. Marples and Co., 1882), pp. 134-35. 21. Howell, Women, Production, pp. 70-75, shows that women in Leiden did not weave or full, although some were actually cloth merchants. 22. Maryanne Kowaleski, "Women's Work in a Market Town: Exeter in the Late Fourteenth Century," in Hanawalt, Women and Work, pp. 152-53 (the women merchants were widows of merchants); P. J. P. Goldberg, Women, Work, and Lift Cycle in a Medieval Economy: Women in York and Yorkshire c. 1300-1520 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), pp. 82-157, esp. pp. 120-21, noting that women tended to be in the lowest-skilled and lowest-paid branches of the textile trade. 23. Wakefield examples listed in J. W. Walker, Wakefield: Its History and People, 3rd edition (Wakefield: S. R. Publishers Ltd., 1966), 2:386-88.Johannes Brugman, Vita posterior beatae Lidwinae virgin is, 2:4, AASS vol. 11 p. 323 and ff. 24. Jenny Jochens, Women in Old Norse Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), pp. 134-60, esp. p. 139; Helgi Porlaksson, '1\.rbeidskvinnens, sarlig vever­ skens, oknomiske stilling pa Island I middelalderen," in Kvinnans ekonomiska stiillning under nordisk medeltid, ed. Hedda Gunneng and Birgit Strand (Lindome, Sweden: Kompendiet, 1981), pp. 50-65; Nanna Damsholt, "The Role oflcelandic Women in the Sagas and in the Production of Homespun Cloth," Scandinavian journal ofHistory 9 (1984): 81-87. 25. I use the term "woolen" here not in the technical sense, which distinguishes between "woolen" and "worsted" cloth although both are made of wool fiber, but simply to indicate the fiber content, as opposed to linen or silk. 26. Little Red Book ofBristol, ed. Francis Bickley (Bristol: W. Crofton Hemmons, 1900), 2:127-28. 27. York Memorandum Book, ed. Maud Sellers, Surtees Society 120 (Durham, England: Andrews & Co., 1912), 1:243. 28. Walter Endrei, L'Evolution des techniques du filage et du tissa.ge du Moyen Age a Ia revolution industrielle, trans. Joseph Takacs (Paris: Mouton, 1968), p. 38; Cardon, La Dra.perie, pp. 265-67. 29. Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters, pp. 122-44. 30. John of Garland, Dictionarius, p. 135. NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE 227

31. Ruth Mazo Karras, Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England (New York: Oxford, 1996), p. 54. 32. Karras, Common Women, p. 39; Peter Schuster, Das Frauenhaus: Stiidtische Bordelle in Deutschland (1350-1600) (Paderborn, Germany: Ferdinand Schoningh, 1992), p. 109. 33. Fols 60r, 166v, 193r, in Michael Camille, Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), pp. 299-300, 219, 221. 34. Geoffrey Chaucer, Canterbury Tales, "General Prologue," ll. 446-47, Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry Benson (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987), p. 30. 35. William Langland, Piers Plowman: The B Version, ed. George Kane and E. Talbot Donaldson (London: Athlone Press, 1988), 5:213-16, p. 319. 36. Christine de Pisan, Le Livre des Trois Vertus, 2:10, ed. Charity Cannon Willard and Eric Hicks (Paris: Champion, 1989), p. 156. 37. Quoted in Merry E. Wiesner, "Spinsters and Seamstresses: Women in Cloth and Clothing Production," in Rewriting the Renaissance: The Discourses of Sexual Difference in Early Modern Europe, ed. Margaret W Ferguson, Maureen Quilligan, and Nancy]. Vickers (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), p. 191. 38. Jochens, Women in Old Norse Society, pp. 159-60; Damsholt, "Role," p. 84. 39. Brennu-Njals saga, 157, in Islendinga siigur, vol. 1, ed. Bragi Halld6rsson, J6n Torfason, Sverrir T6masson, and Ornulfur Thorsson (Reykjavik: Svart a hvitu, 1987), pp. 341-42;Jochens, Women in Old Norse Society, pp. 136-39. 40. The manuscript was destroyed during World War I, but had been photographed before that time. Cardon, La Draperie, fig. 131. 41. Gert Kreytenberg, "The Sculptures of the Fourteenth Century," in Cristina Acidini Luchinari, ed., The Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore in Florence, trans. Anthony Brierly (Florence: Cassa eli Risparmio di Firenze, 1994), 2:73-156, fig. 19. 42. Cardon, La Draperic, fig. 126. 43. Dennis A. Chevalley, Der Dom zu Augsburg(Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1995), p. 139, fig. 242; Robert L. Wyss, "Die Handarbeiten der Maria: Eine Ikonogra­ phische Studie unter Berticksichtigung der Textilentechniken," in Artes Minores, ed. Michael Stettler and Mechthild Lemberg (Bern: Stampfli & Cie., 1973), pp. 114-55, pis. 1-5, 18-22. 44. Wyss, "Die Handarbeiten," p. 177. 45. Giovanni Boccaccio, Famous Women, ed. and trans. Virginia Brown (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), pp. 158-61. 46. Boccaccio, Famous Women, pp. 138-81. The translation of the last phrase is mine rather than Brown's, as it is the skill rather than the woman that is not to be despised. 47. E. Jane Burns, Bodytalk: When Women Speak in Old French Literature (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993), pp. 116-50 discusses the Old French text. The story is known in other versions and vernaculars as well; the French version has been used here because Burns's analysis is helpful. 48. Geoffrey Chaucer, The Legend of Good Women, 11. 2351-53, in Riverside Chaucer; p. 626. 49. Francesca Bray, Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), pp. 183-272. 50. G. R. Owst, Literature and Pulpit in Medieval England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933), p. 291, on the history of this saying. 51. Ruth Mazo Karras, From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Late Medieval Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), pp. 109-50. 52. Barbara Hanawalt, The Ties that Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), p. 149. 228 NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX

Notes to Chapter Six

Picture credits: Overlays ©. Madeline H. Caviness, based on illustrations in Caviness, Sumptuous Arts. 1. Theophilus, De Diuersis Artibus II, in "De componendis fonestris ," ed. and trans. C. R. Dodwell (London: Nelson Press, 1961), p. xvii; Joan Vila-Grau, "La table de peintre-verrier de Cerone," La Revue de l'Art 72 (1986): 32-34. See also Sebastian Strobl, Glastechnik Des Mittelalters (Stuttgart: A. Gentner, 1990), pp. 76-84, and Madeline Caviness, Stained Glass Windows, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Age Occidental 76 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1996), pp. 49-50. 2. An invitation to give a paper on the re-use of cartoons (full-size patterns) in monumental stained glass programs at a conference at Auxerre in 2000 inspired me to see what could be added to existing knowledge by scanning photographs into a computer. See my "Les Patrons pour le vitrail: transmission et utilisation a plusieurs reprises autour de 1200," Le Vitrail au XIIIe siecle dans la Bourgogne royale et le contexte europeen, Colloque 1-3 decembre 2000, Auxerre: Centre d'Etudes Medievales (papers in press). 3. Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi Colloquium, Canterbury and York, 1972. 4. Heidi Gearhardt, working with me as a graduate assistant, showed me how to scan and edit the computerized images. She is largely responsible tor the completed designs used in the French version of this paper and available on the web at: http:/ I www.tufts.edu/ -mcavines/ glassdesign.html. 5. Madeline H. Caviness, The Early Stained Glass of Canterbury Cathedral (Princeton, N]: Princeton University Press, 1977), pp. 88-89, figs. 175 [upside down], 176; 177, 178 6. Caviness, Early Stained Glass, p. 87, Appendix figs. 2 (n. II) and 3. 7. Robert W Scheller, Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Middle Ages, trans. Michael Hoyle (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1995), pp. 70-71 (with bibliography, pp. 189-92, n. 198). 8. A clear case is the border of Window n. II in the Trinity Chapel of Canterbury, referred to above, one of several containing the posthumous miracles of Saint Thomas Becket, and the border of the vvindow v<.ith the life of the same saintly archbishop in Sens. See Madeline Caviness, "Les Patrons pour le vitrail," figs. 1 a­ c. 9. Caviness, "Les Patrons pour le vitrail," figs. 2 a-c. 10. Madeline H. Caviness, The Windows ofChrist Church Cathedral, Canterbury, Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi, Great Britain, II (London: Oxford University Press for the British Academy, 1981), pp. 86, 100, 106, 161, 165, 199,205,209. 11. The border of the St. Eustace window in Sens (in which the iron armature design has already been linked with window n.II in the Trinity Chapel at Canterbury), is very close to a stray panel that has been reused in one of the choir clerestory windows at Canterbury: Caviness, "Les Patrons pour levitrail," figs. 3 a-c. 12. The clerestory refers to the upper wall, usually the third story above an arcade and a gallery, which brings light directly into the nave and choir. In the buildings discussed here, the sills of the clerestory windows are about 50-60 feet above the pavement. 13. Madeline H. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts at the Royal Abbeys in Reims and Braine: Ornatus elegantia et varietate stupendae (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 120 and Appendix D, esp. R.b.20 and C.b.4. 14. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pp.108-116, figs. 5 and 6, pls. 29, 77. Anne Prache worked out the very precise dating for the building construction, from docu­ ments and observations of the masonry: Anne Prache, Saint-Remi de Reims: NOTES TO CHAPTER SIX 229

L'Oeuvre de Pierre de Celle et sa place daus !'architecture gothique (Geneva: Societe fran<;aise d'archeologie, 1978). 15. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, fig. 6 "F'', col. pl. 4, pis. 77, 129, 175, 179. 16. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pis. 167-71, 174. 17. Caviness, Sumpluous Arls, figs. 6-7. 18. Caviness, Early Stained Glass, Appendix fig. 5, figs. 151-52; see also Caviness, The Windows ofChrist Church Cathedral, Canterbury, pp. 36-37, figs. 52-56. This window was to the east of the screen that closed off the part still under construction from the presbytery to the west, where the high altar was put into use in 1181. The date of1190-1200 depends on other circumstantial and stylistic evidence. 19. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pp. 339-47. 20. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, p. 83, pis. 78 and 79. 21. Anne Prache, "Saint-Yved de Braine," Congres Archeologique de France: Aisne Meridionale (Paris: Societe Archeologique de France, 1994), 1:105-18. 22. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pp. 125-26, pis. 258-65 (270 and 271 are identical). 23. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pp. 25-26, 124, 129. 24. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pl. 80. 25. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, p. 100. 26. Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, col. pis. 10 and 11. 27. Abiud is now in New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Medieval Department accession# 14.47. The figure was acquired from the dealer Bacri in Paris in 1914: Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, p. 341 no. 5. 28. This was not a case of reversing the pattern tor Ezechiel, the figure that is paired with Micheas in the third lancet, because the outline of his forehead and beard is quite different; see: Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pl. 77. The lower panel of Micheas is however modern, but it replicates the authentic lower half of Ezechiel. 29. Caviness, The Windows of Christ Church Cathedral, Canterbur)l fig. 2b. 30. Another such case is the adaptation ofthe pattern for Jesse in Canterbury for King Chilperic in the nave of Saint-Remi: Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, figs. 265, 266; Caviness, "Les Patrons pour le vitrail," figs. 11 a and b. 31. Amminadab in Canterbury is also closely related to a figure labeled 'MELBA' that comes from Braine, though they do not appear to be directly related (Caviness, "Les Patrons pour levitrail," figs. 13 a and b). Most probably both derive from a lost figure from the choir of Saint-Remi. 32. Clearly visible in Caviness, Sumptuous Arts, pis. 98 and 268. 33. Desiree Koslin, "Turning Time in the Bayeux Embroidery," Textile & Text 13 (1990): 34-37. 34. David O'Connor and Jeremy Haselock, "The Stained and Painted Glass," in A History ofYork Miuster, ed. G. E. Aylmer and Reginald Cant (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), pp. 318-19. They interpret this oiled cloth as a temporary weather­ proof and translucent window filling, replaced by glass in 670, but perhaps it was the pattern. 35. Linen is mentioned by Scheller, Exemplum, pp. 72-73, who observes that the same fabric was used tor both architectural templates and for patterns tor glass. For templates drawn on wood or fabric, see also: L. F. Salzman, Building in England Down to 1540 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), pp. 21-22, and Lon R. Shelby, "Medieval Masons' Templates," journal of the Society ofArchitectural Historians 30 (1971): 143.Janet Snyder considers the impact of imported silks on the represen­ tation of sculpted drapery in mid-twelfth-century France in this volume. 36. Hermann Roth, "Der Maler Henritz Hey! und die spatgotischen Glasmalereien in der Pfarrkirche zu Friedberg I Hessen in urkundlichen N achrichten," in Festgabe fiir Christian Rauch, Mitteilungen des Oberhessischen Geschichtsvereins, n. F. 44 (Giessen, Germany: Wilhelm Schmitz Verlag, 1960), pp. 86, 97. 2 2 0 NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN

Notes to Chapter Seven

1. Francisque Xavier Michel, Recherches sur le commerce, la fabrication, et l'usage des etoffis de soie, d'oret d'argent, 2 vols. (Paris: Crapelet, 1852-54); E. M. Carus-Wilson, 'The Woolen Industry," in Cambridge Economic History of Europe, ed. M. Postan and E. E. Rich (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 614- 92; John H. Munro, "The Medieval Scarlet and the Economics of Sartorial Splendor," in Cloth and Clothing in Medieval Europe, ed. N. B. Harte and K. G. Pouting (London: Heineman, 1983), 13-70. 2. Dominique Cardon, La Draperie au Moyen Age: Essor d'une grande industrie eu­ ropeenne (Paris: CNRS, 1999); Kathryn Reyerson, "Medieval Silks in Montpellier: The Silk Market ca. 1250-1350," journal of European Economic History 11 (1982): 117-40. 3. Ernst Robert Curtius, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, trans. Willard R. Trask (New York: Pantheon, 1953), pp. 30-34; on Occitan parodies, Caroline A. ]ewers, Chivalric Fiction and the History of the Novel (Gainesville: Univ. Press of Florida, 2000), esp. pp. 54-129. 4. Kevin Brownlee, "The Practice of Cultural Authority: Italian Responses to French Cultural Dominance in Il Tesoretto, Il Fiore and the Commedia, .. Forum for Modern Language Studies 33. 3 (1997): 258-69. 5. Francis]. Carmody, ed., Li Livres dou Tresor de Brunetto Latini, vol. 22, Publications in Modern Philology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1948), p. 18. Transla­ tions are mine throughout. 6. Most influential is Henri Baudrillart, Histoire du luxe prive et public depuis l' antiquite jusqu'a nos jours, 2nd ed. (Paris: Hachette, 1881). See also L'abbe de Vertot, Memoire sur l'etablissement des lois somptuaires (Paris: Academie des inscriptions, 1766); Marcel Gatineau, Le luxe et les lois somptuaires (Caen: E. Lanier, 1900); Etienne Giraudias, Etude historique sur les lois somptuaires (Poitiers: Societe fran<;:aise d'imprimerie et de librairie, 1910); Marthe Leriget, Des lois et impots somptuaires (Montpellier: L' Abeille, 1919); Pierre Kraemer-Raine, Le luxe et les lois somptuaires au moyen dge (Paris: Ernest Sagot, 1920), and others below. 7. Alan Hunt, Governance ofthe Consuming Passions: A History ofSumptuary Law (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996). Also Claire Sponsler, Drama and Resistance: Bodies, Goods, and Theatricality in Late Medieval England (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997) and "Narrating the Social Order: Medieval Clothing Laws," CLIO 21.3 (1992): 265-82; and Neithard Bulst, "La legislation somptuaire d'Amadee VIII," in Amadee VIII-Felix V, premier due de Savoie et pape, 1383-1451 (Lausanne: Bibliotheque historique vaudoise, 1992), pp. 191-200. 8. Diane Owen Hughes, "Sumptuary Laws and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy," in Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West, ed. John Bossy (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 69-100, and "Regulating Women's Fashion," in A History ofWomen: Silences of the Middle Ages, ed. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992), pp. 136-58; Ronald E. Rainey, "Dressing Down the Dressed Up: Reproving Feminine Attire in Renaissance Florence," in Renaissance Society and Culture: Essays in Honor of Eugene F. Rice, Jr., ed. John Monfasani and Ronald G. Musto (New York: Italica Press, 1991), pp. 217-37, and his dissertation, "Sumptuary Legislation in Renaissance Florence" (Columbia University, 1985); James Brund­ age, "Sumptuary Laws and Prostitution in Late Medieval Italy," journal ofMedieval History 13 (1987): 343-55; Stanley Chojnacki, "The Power of Love: Wives and Husbands in Late Medieval Venice," in Women and Power in the Middle Ages, ed. NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN 281

Mary C. Erler and Maryanne Kowaleski (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1988), pp. 126-48. 9. Besides many of the studies cited above, Frances Elizabeth Baldwin, Sumptuary Legislation and Personal Regulation in England, vol. 44, Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Po!Hical Science (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1926); Kent Roberts Greenfield, "Sumptuary Law in Ntirnberg: A Study in Paternal Government," Johns Hopkins Studies in Historical and Political Sciences 36.2 (1918): 1-139; John Martin Vincent, Costume and Conduct in Laws of Basel, Bern and Zurich, 1370-1800 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1935);Johanna B. Moyer, "Sumptuary Law in Ancien Regime France, 1229-1806" (Ph.D. thesis, Syracuse University, 1996). 10. As Catherine Kovesi Killerby and Ronald Rainey note, Sumptuary Law in Italy 1200-1500 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 3-5, and Rainey, "Sumptu­ ary Legislation in Renaissance Florence," p. 16. 11. For an overview, Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, pp. 9-21; see also note 6 above. 12. Kovesi Killlerby, Sumptuary Law, pp. 21-22; Baudrillart, Histoire du luxe, vol. 1, pp. 66-69; Michel, Recherches sur le commerce, vol. 2, p. 158. 13. The Second Council of Nicaea, 787, exhorted clerics to dress modestly and to avoid showy apparel embroidered with silk. At the Second Lateran Council in 1139, bishops and clerics were told to avoid styles and colors which might interfere with their role as spiritual examples, H.]. Schroeder, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (St. Louis, MO: B. Herder, 1937), pp. 151, 199-200. Pope Innocent III's legate to Paris in 1203 prohibited sleeved cloaks, silk in colors other than blue or black, and other "inordinate" garments, Odette Pontal, ed. and trans., Les Statuts de Paris et le synodal de !'ouest (XIIIe siecle) (Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale, 1971), pp. 74, 82, 84. Lateran IV continued this trend; see esp. canon 16, Raymonde Foreville, Latran I, II, III et IV (Paris: Editions de l'Orante, 1965), pp. 290, 355-56. 14. Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 21. 15. H. Platelle, "Le Probleme du scandale: Les Nouvelles Modes masculines aux XIe et Xlle siecles," Revue beige de philologie et d'histoire 53.4 (1975): 1071-96. 16. Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 24; F. Niccolai, Contributo allo studio dei piu antichi brevi della campagna genovese (Milan: A. Guiffre, 1939), pp. 125-26. 17. Alexander Cartellieri, Philipp II. August. Konig von Frankreich, band II. Der Kreuzzug (1187-1191) (Leipzig: Dyksche Buchandlung, 1906), p. 57; Hans Claude Hamilton, ed., Historia rerum anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh, in agro eboracensi, 2 vols. (London: English Historical Society, 1856), vol. 1, p. 276. 18. H. Leclercq, ed., Histoire des conciles, vol. 5 (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1913), pp. 1171-72; Giovan Domenico Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collec­ tio, (Florence/Venice: 1759-1790), vol. 22, col. 667-71. 19. Ariodante Fabretti, "Statuti e ordinamenti suntuarii intorno a! vestire degli uomini e delle donne in Perugia dall'anno 1266 a! 1536," Memorie della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, serie scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 38 (1888): 153-54. Fabretti also credits the growth to reawakened interest in Roman law. 20. I have traced this back to Baudrillart, who refers to two "lois de Louis VIII" (Histoiredu luxe, vol. 3, pp. 168-71), which forbade counts and barons to give more than two robes to knights of their suites. Sons of counts, barons and bannerets should not wear fabric costing less than 16 sous per aune. It was permitted to give companions fabrics costing up to 18 so us per aune. This reads like a paraphrase of Philippe IV's 1294 statutes, items 5, 10, and 17, except that the known statutes give no minimum price. Another of the supposed statutes proscribed "collet renverse, queue trainante, ceinture doree" (turned-down collars, long trains, gold belts) tor courtisans, which would be highly exceptional since no other French 222 NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVEN

laws of the time regulate either courtisans or any specific garment styles. Vertot mentions an "arret de Parlement" with similar wording, but dated 1420 and renewed in 1446. "Memoire sur l'etablissement des lois somptuaires," pp. 462- 463. 21. Besides Fabretti, some scholars who have emphasized the French "law" of 1229 as a key starting point in the history of sumptuary legislation include Rainey, "Sumptuary Legislation in Renaissance Florence," p. 42; Kovesi K.illerby, Sumptu­ ary Law, p. 24; Hughes, "Sumptuary Law and Social Relations," p. 73; as well as the often franco-centric histories of luxury such as Baudrillart, Histoire du luxe, vol. 3, p. 168; Kraemer-Raine, Le luxe et les lois somptuaires au moyen-age, pp. 33-34; Giraudias, Etude historique sur les lois somptuaires, p. 52. 22. H. Duples-Augier, "Ordonnance somptuaire inedite de Philippe le Hardi," Bibliotheque de !'Ecole des Chartes 3.5 (1854): 176-81; Jourdan, Decrusy, and !sam­ bert, Recueil general des anciennes lois fran~aises, depuis l' an 420 jusqu'a la revolution de 1789, 29 vols. (Paris: Belin-le-Prieur, 1821-1823), vol. 2, p. 669 (noting a 1283 "ordonnance sur le luxe," whose text was apparently lost); and pp. 697-700. 23. 'A Thirteenth-Century Castilian Sumptuary Law," Business History Review 37.1-2 (1963): 98-100. 24. Gustavo de Matos Sequeira, "Le costume defendu," in Actes du ler Congres international d'histoire de costume, 1952 (Venice: 1955), pp. 64-68. 25. Kovesi K.illerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 24; G. Del Giudice, "Una legge suntuaria inedita del 1290: Commento storico-critico," Atti dell'accademia pontaniana 16.2 (1886): 84-86. 26. Rainey, "Sumptuary Legislation in Renaissance Florence," pp. 44-46. 27. Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, pp. 24-40, and passim; see her bibliography. 28. Fore;ille, Latran I, II, III et IV, p. 243. 29. Eugene Marrin-Chabot, ed., La Chanson de la croisade albigeoise (Paris: Librairie Generale Fran~aise, 1989). 30. La Societe archeologique de Montpellier, Thalamus Parvus, Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier (Montpellier:Jean Martel Aine, 1840), pp. 144-46. See also Reyerson, "Medieval Silks in Montpellier," pp. 117-18, n. 2. 31. Mentioned in Fran~ois Boucher, 20,000 Years ofFashion (New York: Abrams, 1987), p. 179, who dates them at 1274 and 1291, without citation. Annie Latlorgue, ed., Inventaire des titres et documens de !'Hostel de Ville de la cite royale de Montauban (Montauban: Les Amis des Archives de Tarn-et-Garonne, 1983) lists "reglementz sur les habits des hommes et des femmes" for 1275 in the book of "Sermens," p. 44. The document has apparently not been published. 32. Charles Giraud, Essai sur l'histoire de droit fran~ais, (Paris: Videcoq, 1846), pp. 205- 6; Leah Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 16, 67. 33. Fran<;:ois Bousgarbies, Du luxe ftminin: de quelques uns de ses probli:mes et quelques uns de ses consequences en droit (Toulouse: G. Mollat, 1914), p. 140. 34. Jules Quicherat, Histoire de costume en France (Paris: Hachette, 1877), pp. 186-87. 35. Linda M. Paterson, The World of the Troubadours: Medieval Occitan Society, c. 1100- c. 1300 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 1-8. 36. Jacqueline Caille, "Urban Expansion in Languedoc from the Eleventh to the Fourteenth Century: The Example of Narbonne and Montpellier," in Urban and Rural Communities in Medieval France: Provence and Languedoc, 1000-1500, ed. Kathryn Reyerson and John Drendel (Leiden: Brill, 1998), pp. 67-68. 37. Michel Roquebert, L'Epopee cathare (vols. 1-4, Toulouse: Privat, 1970-89; vol. 5, Paris: Perrin, 1998). 38. La Societe archeologique de Montpellier, Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, p. 146. NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT 288

39. La Societe archeologique de Montpellier, Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, pp. 144- 45. 40. Curzio Mazzi, '1\.lcune leggi suntuarie senesi," Archivio storico italiano ser. 4.5 (1880): 134-36. 41. Duples-Augier, "Ordonnance somptuaire inedite," pp. 176-81. 42. Mazzi, '1\.lcune leggi suntuarie senesi," 139. 43. For example Kraemer-Raine, Le luxe et les lois somptuaires, pp. 31-34. 44. Hughes, "Sumptuary Law and Social Relations," p. 73, and passim; Fabretti, "Vestire degli uomini e delle donne," pp. 151-54; Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, pp. 24-25. 45. Kovesi Killerby Sumptuary Law, pp. 61-110, esp. 62. 46. Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 41. 47. Chojnacki, "The Power of Love: Wives and Husbands in Late Medieval Venice," p. 131; Hughes, "Regulating Women's Fashion," pp. 140-44; Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law, pp. 54-60. 48. Hughes, "Regulating Women's Fashion," p. 140. 49. Angelica Rieger, Trobairitz: Der Beitrag der Frau in der altokzitanischen ItO.fisc hen Lyrik. Edition des Gesamtkorpus (Ttibingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1991), pp. 691- 95. 50. Paterson, World of the Troubadours, p. 264; E. Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), pp. 59-62, 75-77. 51. Felix Lecoy, ed., Le Roman de Ia Rose, 3 vols. (Paris: H. Champion, 1965-70). For readings of the poem with regard to sumptuary laws, see Sarah-Grace Heller, "Fashioning a Woman: The Vernacular Pygmalion in the Roman de la Rose," Medievalia et Humanistica 27 (2000): 1-18, and "Light as Glamour: The Lumines­ cent Ideal of Beauty in the Roman de laRose," Speculum 76 (2001): 934-59; Burns, Courtly Love Undressed, pp. 44-51. 52. Suzanne Mejean-Thiolier and Marie-Fran~oise Notz-Grob, eds., Nouvelles cour­ toises occitanes et fran~aises (Paris: Libraire Generale Fran~aise, 1997), pp. 354-83. 53. Richard Pogue Harrison, "The Bare Essential: The Landscape of Il Fiore," in Rethinking the Romance of the Rose, ed. Kevin Brownlee and Sylvia Huot (Philadel­ phia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992), pp. 289-303. 54. See above, pp. [8-9]; Mazzi, '1\.lcune leggi suntuarie senesi," pp. 134-36. 55. Gerard Genot and Paul Larivaille, eds. and trans., Novellino (Paris: 10/18, 1988), pp. 56-57.

Notes to Chapter Eight

1. Jules David Prawn, "The Truth of Material Culture: History or Fiction" from History from Things: Essays on Material Culture, ed. Steven Lubar and W David Kingery (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1993), p. 1. 2. Por a useful overview of theories of clothing as social practice, see Le Vi'tement: Histoire, archeologie et symbolique vestimentaires au Moyen Age, ed. Michel Pas­ toureau (Paris: Cahiers du Leopard d'Or, 1989), especially the introductory essay, "Historiographie du vetement: Un bilan," by Odile Blanc (pp. 7-33). See also the collection, The Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment, ed. Justine M. Cardwell and Ronald A. Schwarz (The Hague: Mouton, 1979), especially the introductory survey, 'The Language of Personal Adornment," by Mary Ellen Roach and joanne Bubolz Eicher, pp. 7-21. A number of recent works 224 NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT

have focused on representations of courtly clothing in literary texts. See, for example, E. Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002); Susan Crane, The Performance of Self: Ritual, Clothing, and Identity During the Hundred Years War (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002). For a historical approach, see Kay Staniland, "The Great Wardrobe Accounts as a Source for Historians of Fourteenth-Century Clothing and Textiles," Textile History 20 (1989): 275-81. Clothing was a favorite gift in courtly culture. Brigitte Buettner, "Past Presents: New Year's Gifts at the Valois Courts, c. 1400," Art Bulletin 83.4 (2001), argues that seasonal courtly gifts, etrennes, performed a kind of'symbolic alchemy' whereby a ritual is produced in order to suppress the reality of economic exchanges, a 'sincere fiction of a disinterested exchange' that wove people into a complex web of prestation and counterprestation allowing social cohesion and competition to be expressed and perpetuated," (618). The key to this kind of gift-giving, she points out, is that it was done in semipublic rituals instead ofprivately; she quotes from the Welsche Gast, a manual of good behavior tor nobles written about 1215 by Thomasin von Zerclaere, in which the open chivalric gift is contrasted to "hidden monetary transactions." 3. The Social Lift of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 5. See also the overview by Christopher Tilley, "Ethnography and Material Culture," in Hand­ book of Ethnography, ed. Paul Atkinson eta!. (London: Sage, 2001), pp. 258-72. 4. Subject and Object in Renaissance Culture, ed. Margreta de Grazia, Maureen Quilligan, and Peter Stallybrass (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 8. 5. Lincoln Wills, 1532-1534, ed. David Hickman (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2001). 6. These are drawn from Wills from Doctors' Commons. A Selection from the Wills of Eminent Persons Proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 1495-1695, ed. John Gough Nichols and John Bruce (Westminster, England: Camden Society, 1863); Wills and Inventories from the Registers of the Commissary ofBury St. Edmunds and the Archdeacon of Sudbury, ed. Samuel Tymms (Westminster, England: Camden Society, 1850). 7. All these wills have been collected in the archives at Macon, Beaune, Chalon and Dijon; they are unpublished. 8. Mauss's work was translated as The Gift: Forms and Functions ofExchange in Archaic Societies, trans. Ian Cunnison. Introduction by E. E. Evans-Pritchard (Glencoe, IL.: The Free Press, 1954). 9. Marshall Sahlins, "The Spirit of the Gift," in The Logic of the Gift: Toward an Ethic of Generosity, ed. Alan D. Schrift (New York: Routledge, 1997), p. 95. 10. Chris A. Gregory, Gifts and Commodities (London: Academic Press, 1982), p. 41. 11. Arjun Appadurai argues that any distinction between the two is meaningless, in The Social Lift ofThings, pp. 11-13. Annette Weiner has proposed that the concept of "inalienable possession" replace that of reciprocity; see her Inalienable Posses­ sions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992). She argues that, "What motivates reciprocity is its reverse-the desire to keep something back from the pressures of give and take. This something is a possession that speaks to and tor an individual's or a group's social identity and, in so doing, affirms the difference between one person or group and another" (p. 43). The "inalienable value" added to objects might be seen as an updating of Mauss's concept of hau, the power/ spirit in the gift (pp. 8-9). 12. Yunxiang Yan, The Flow of Gifts: Reciprocity and Social Networks in a Chinese Village (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), p. 44. NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT 285

13. Another forthcoming essay will analyze the way "Wills Write Lives: Burgundian Testators as Autobiographers"-that is, their more narrowly autobiographical or idiosyncratic dimensions. Here I focus on social identities. 14. It is true that the majority of wills by women are those of widows, who had relative freedom to dispose of their property. However, the Burgundian examples include a fair number of testaments by married women as well. Marilyn Strathern, The Gender of the Gift: Problems with Women and Problems with Society in Melanesia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), says that "to ask about the gender of the gift ... is to ask about the situation of gift exchange in relation to the form that domination takes in these societies" (p. xii). She argues that "ceremonial exchange, with its myth that gifts create gifts," tends to hide the "fact that such exchange is the means by which wealth is appropriated" (p. 151 ). In Melanesia, she suggests, men use the ceremonial exchange system to suppress the fact of inequality of access to resources and to ensure their own domination. Men, she argues, are able to use the system to transform wealth into a "singular identity" for themselves-their prestige (p. 159). She posits two types of sociality: collective and singular. As this essay will suggest, wealthy women in early modern western culture often make the same attempt to create a "singular identity" for themselves through their gift-giving. In her study of aristocratic women, Barbara]. Harris draws on wills to analyze female control over property, noting that women "'ith no children distributed their goods to "a relatively narrow group of their natal kin-their siblings and siblings' children." She remarks on the "dense, enduring female networks" of childless aristocratic wives and vvidows, and the "phenomenon of movable goods, especially jewelry, plate, and clothes, passing from one woman to another over a number of generations," English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550: Marriage and Family, Property and Careers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 172. 15. C. Willett and Phillis Cunnington, Handbook of English Costume in the Sixteenth Century (London: Faber and Faber, 1962), p. 202. Lincoln wills mentioning gifts of russet coats, gowns, hose, hats, caps, 'kyrtells,' or other garments include# 3, 8, 39, 44, 62, 105, llO, ll6, 122, 138, 146, 158, 161, 184, 230, 332, 348, 353, 383, 397, 435, 516, 568. 16. Cunnington, p. 205. 17. Karen Casselman, a specialist on early dyes, notes that dyes ofpurple hues can be produced from a variety of sources (lichen, folium, cochineal, lac, murex, and madder), and that "dyers have a fondness tor purple because it shows a high level of technical skill" (personal communication). She suspects that the violet color in the Lincolnshire clothing comes from folium but it might also come from a lichen dye, both ofwhich could be referred to by the common name 'turnsole.' See also her Craft ofthe Dyer (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), and Lichen Dyes: The New Source Book (Dover, NY: Dover Press, 2001). 18. "Clothing as Language: An Object Lesson in the Study of the Expressive Properties of Material Culture," in Material Anthropology: Approaches to Material Culture, ed. Barrie Reynolds and Margaret A. Stott (Lanham, MD: University Press ofAmerica, 1987), pp. 103-33. 19. On items of men's costume, including chausses or tights, the pourpoint, and the manteau or mantle, see Joan Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1952), pp. 29-33, 44. My sample of wills does not bear out an association between women and clothing gifts; however, Natalie Zemon Davis, writing on The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000), briefly mentions gifts given in testaments, and singles out special gifts of personal property given by women. She says that most often "it was the women who turned their belongings into signifying gifts, and not just rosaries, rings, 226 NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT

jewelry, and clocks, but intimate items of apparel. ... These gifts introduce a highly individual element into an event where much property was passing according to the concern of family strategy or prescription. One's clothes continued one's person" (p. 31). Davis calls women, "specialists in this kind of gift" that represents intimate relationships. 20. Lincoln Wills, p. 197. 21. See the discussion of processions, including funeral processions, in my Introduc­ tion, 'The Moving Subjects of Processional Performance" in Moving Subjects: Processional PeJformance in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Kathleen Ashley and Wim Husken (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2001), pp. 7-34, especially pp. 11-12. On the black garb of those accompanying the body in procession, see Phillis Cunnington and Catherine Lucas, Costume for Births, Marriages and Deaths (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1972), pp. 182-92. 22. Wills from Bury St. Edmunds, pp. 16-18,42; see also the analysis of Baret and his will by Gail Gibson, The Theater of Devotion: East Anglian Drama and Society in the Late Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 72-79. 23. Wills from Doctors' Commons, p. 58. 24. Cunnington, p. 26, describes an early sixteenth-century male"s "'gown" as "worn over the doublet or jerkin," 'broad-shouldered and loose, made with ample folds falling from a fitting yoke. It was open down the front." Gowns were usually '"lined and faced with rich materials or fur" (p. 30). 25. See, ±or example, Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods (New York: Basic Books, 1979). Consumption is defined as "a use of material posses­ sions that is beyond commerce and free within the law." Thus, "consumption is the very arena in which culture is fought over and licked into shape" (p. 57). '"Goods ... are ritual adjuncts; consumption is a ritual process whose primary function is to make sense of the inchoate flux of events" (p. 65). 26. On English sumptuary law, see Frances E. Baldwin, Sumptuary Legislation and Personal Regulation in England (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1926). 27. Wills from Doctors' Commons, pp. 6-7. On the vogue for luxury furs, see Fran<;:oise Piponnier and Perrine Mane, Dress in the Middle Ages, trans. Caroline Beamish (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 73-74. They note that a taste ±or dark furs, especially sable and black lamb, arrived in Europe at the end of the fourteenth century. 'Awndelettes" of precious metal may be aiguillettes, which were ornamental shoulder knots. 28. The chappe was a mantle with a long train used for ceremonial occasions, according to Joan Evans, Dress in Mediaeval France, p. 44. 29. Wills from Doctors' Commons, p. 17. Felicity Heal and Clive Holmes, in fact, note that be±ore the Reformation it was "clothing to be made into vestments that predominated in physical bequests to churches-velvet gowns from gentry wardrobes were constantly being reworked for the benefit oflocal priests." After the Reformation, clothing gifts declined; now "plate was one of the few meaning­ ful donations from the gentry to the church fabric." The Gentry in England and Wales 1500-1700 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994), p. 341. 30. Clive Burgess notes that perpetual chantries of the very rich have been well scrutinized, but the foundations by the commercial classes of the fifteenth century have been less studied, "Strategies for Eternity: Perpetual Chantry Foundation in Late Medieval Bristol," in Religious Beliefand Ecclesiastical Careers in Late Medieval England, ed. Christopher Harper-Bill (Woodbridge, England: Boy­ dell Press, 1991), pp.1-32. 31. Michael M. Sheehan, C.S.B., "English Wills and the Records of Ecclesiastical and Civil Jurisdictions," journal ofMedievalHistory 14 (1988): 3. NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE 287

Notes to Chapter Nine

The preparation of this essay was supported in part through a West Virginia Humanities Council Fellowship, 2002. 1. Gesta Francorum etAliorum Hierosolimitanorum: The Deeds oftlte Franks and the Other Pilgrims to jerusalem, ed. R. Hill (London: Thomas Nelson and Sons, Ltd., 1962), pp. iiii, 7. 2. Paula Sanders, "Robes of Honor in Fatimid Egypt," in Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture, ed. Stewart Gordon (New York: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 225-26. During the Abbasid period (750-1258) Egyptian chroniclers used a term referring to the robe of honor bestowed by the calit; khil'a, as a shorthand tor the appointment to office. 3. The Fustat Geniza includes records ofjewish international traders from the ninth to fifteenth centuries. In medieval Hebrew, geniza designates "a repository of discarded writings ... writings bearing the name of God, after having served their purpose, should not be destroyed ... but should be put aside in a special room." S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society; The jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza. 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of California, 1967-1993), 1:1. 4. The hub of the Mediterranean was the Islamic principality which comprised Tunisia and Sicily; it is represented in the Geniza documents mainly, but not exclusively, by (a!-) Qayrawan, the inland capital of Tunisia, and its seaport al­ Mahdiyya, and by Palermo, the capital and northern seaport of Sicily, and other ports of that island. The backbone of the India trade was formed by three centers: Qus and other towns in Upper Egypt, to which one traveled from Cairo on the Nile; 'Aydhab and other ports on the Sudanese coast, which were reached from Qus by crossing the desert; and, above all, Aden in South Arabia. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 1:32. 5. M. Lombard, Etudes d'economie medievale, III, Les textiles dans le monde musulman du VIle au XIIe siecle. (Paris: Mouton, 1978), p. 55. 6. The word tiraz may indicate embroidery, woven cloth, arm bands, or the textile workshop. "During the first centuries of Islam it was Egypt that was most renowned for its textiles, its tiraz, and for several centuries it continued to supply the caliphate with the cloth for the so-called robes of honor. By extension, the word tiraz was applied also to the arm bands or brassards of gold thread decorated with calligraphy that are seen in many Arabic miniatures and that were conferred on worthy individuals along with the robes of honor. Brocades were abundantly used for garments, curtains, hangings, and cushions" Alexandre Papadopoulo, Islam and Muslim Art (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1979), p. 190. Archaeological excavations of Egyptian graves, undertaken in response to widespread grave-robbing in the 1930s, noted underneath linen tiraz there were at times layers of silk funerary wrappings which disintegrated when hanclled by the excavators. "While tiraz textiles as we know them are characterized by linen or cotton fabrics with woven or embroidered inscriptions and/ or decorative bands, the court registers of the Fatimids tor example tell us about sumptuous and colorful silk garments, gold-woven turbans and jeweled dresses, none of which seem to have survived or have just not been identified." Jochen A. Sokoly "Between Life and Death: The Funerary Context of Tiraz Textiles," Islamische Textilkunst des Mittelalters: Aktuelle Probleme. (Riggisberg, Switzerland: Abegg­ Stiftung, 1997), p. 71. 7. For example, a fundamental distinction was drawn between European cloth and goods from the Mediterranean basin as in the mention of a royal garment made 228 NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE

of cendal d'Andre in the twelfth-century Roman de Thebes. See Eunice R. Goddard, Women's Costume in French Texts of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. (Baltimore, MD: The johns Hopkins Press, 1927). 8. Sharb is a fine grade of Egyptian linen. 9. Fine linens were produced at Alexandria, Tinnis, Damietta and in Lower Egypt. See Thelma Thomas, Textiles from Medieval Egypt A.D. 300-1300 (Pittsburgh, PA: The Carnegie Museum of Natural History, 1990), p. 29. See also E. Sabbe, "L'importation des tissus orientaux en Europe occidentale du haut Moyen Age IX-X siecles," in Revue belge dephilologie et d'histoire 14 (July-December 1935): 1276. "The mixture of silk with a less expensive yarn enabled the production of refined textiles which, though still fairly expensive, were affordable to a larger clientele unable or unwilling to pay the high prices required for pure silk textile. Fabrics with silk warp and linen weft are documented as tramoserica in the Roman Empire since the second century A.D. Half-silks from the Byzantine period have been found in Egypt and were produced in the period examined here in Muslim silk centers: kandji with silk warp and cotton weft and the highly prized mulham with silk warp and a weft of another yarn." Lombard, Etudes, pp. 69-70. 'According to the oft-quoted words of the Arab chronicler al-Tha' albi (d. 1037-1038): 'People knew that cotton belongs to Khurasan and linen to Egypt."' Lisa Golombek and Veronika Gervers, "Tiraz Fabrics in the Royal Ontario Museum" Studies in Textile History, ed. Veronika Gervers (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1977), p. 83. In the thirteenth century and later, extremely fine linen was produced in France, most notably in Reims. See Jules Quicherat, Histoire du costume en France depuis les temps les plus recules jusqu'a la fin du XVIIIe siecle (Paris: Librairie Hachette, 1875, 1877), p. 188. 10. For example, the Fustat Geniza documents include records from around 1100 from Nahray b. Nissim, a wholesale merchant of high standing, whose greatest volume of business was first in tlax, exported from Egypt to Tunisia and Sicily, and secondly silk (from Spain and Sicily) and other fabrics, from Syrian or European (Rum) cotton toN orth African felt, and textiles of all descriptions, from robes to bedcovers. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 1:153. 11. Fustian is a term used to describe 'A wide range of fabrics .... The earliest fustians probably made partly of wool; after the 17th century, increasingly of cotton. They were made ofplain or with a raised nap or pile .. ."Fairchild's Dictionary ofTextiles, 7th ed. (New York: Fairchild Publications, 1996). 12. S. D. Goitein discusses the Geniza in detail. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 1:2- 14. 13. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, 1:223. 14. See T. E. A. Dale, "The Power of the Anointed: The Life of David on Two Coptic Textiles in the Walters Art Gallery" The journal ofthe Walters Art Gallery 51 (1993): 32-35. 15. Hilary Granger-Taylor, 'The Construction of Tunics," in Early Islamic Textiles, ed. Clive Rogers (Brighton: Rogers and Podmore, 1983), pp. 10-12. See also Patricia L. Baker, Islamic Textiles (London: British Museum Press, 1995), pp. 36-37. 16. These squares, "so-called factory-marks" are evident, for example, in "Listening to the Theologian,"Maqamat al- Hariri, 1237, probably Iraq. (Paris, Arabe 5847, f 58v) Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 50. The arm bands also decorate sleeves in ceramic decorations like the Bowl in figure 9.2: Bowl, late twelfth- to early thirteenth century; Seljuq Iranian; attributed to Central or northern Iran Mina'i ware, composite body, opaque white glaze with gilding, overglaze painting; H. 3 3 I 4 in. (9.5 em), Diam. 7 3/8 in. (18.7 em). Purchase, Rogers Fund, and Gift of The Schiff Foundation, 1957 (57.36.4). NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE 289

17. Sokoly, "Between Life and Death," p. 72. 18. Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 57. See Figure 2. 19. See, for example, the Tiraz fragment, tenth century, attributed to Yemen: Cotton, ink, gold leaf; plain weave with painted decoration; 23 x 16 in. (58.4 x 40.6 ern). Gift of George D. Pratt, 1929 (29.179.9) The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 20. This study comprises about 150 column-figures, addorsed along the jambs of major churches that were constructed during the mid-twelfth century in north­ ern France. For identification purposes, the column-figures have been identified by city and labeled according to location on the portal jambs, as if reading left to right. This makes the third column-figure from the left on the left jamb of the left portal of the west fa<;ade at Chartres Cathedral Chartres "LL3" and the third column-figure from the !eli: on the left jamb of the single decorated portal at Angers Cathedral "L3." 21. The dimensions of this rectangle of fine linen gauze with tapestry woven of silk bands and roundels, 3 rn. 10 ern. long, would classify it as a pallium rather than a veil. Originally, it may have been sewn along the shoulder as an open tunic or coat. H. A. Elsberg and R. Guest "The Veil of Saint Anne" Burlington Magazine 68 (1936): pp. 149-54; G. Weit and G. Marcais "Le Voile de Sainte Anne d'Apt," Monuments et memoires public's par l'academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 34 (Fondation Eugene Piot, 1934): pp. 177-94, plate 10; Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 57. 22. Fatirnid Caliph of Egypt El Musta'l, who reigned 1094 -1101. 23. The inscription names the C6rdoban ruler Hisharn II (r. 976-1009; 1010-13); Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 61. 24. Texts in which these fabrics are mentioned deal exclusively with the nobility, the higher clergy and monks. Gifts of liturgical ornaments to churches come from the same social class. Sabbe, ''L'irnportation," p. 1284. 25. Archives nationales, Le Sacre a propos d'un millenaire 987-1987 (Paris: Archives nationales, Musce de l'Histoire de France, 1987): no. 36, Mars 25- rnai 26, 1106, Chartres. For a document relating to the marriage, see Constance, jille de Philippe I, marriage with Bohemond ofAntioche, in Achille Luchaire, Louis VI, le Gras, Annales de sa vie et son regne (1081-1137) (1890 repr. Brussels: Culture et Civilisation, 1964). Also in attendance at the nuptials were many archbishops, bishops, and barons, the papal legate, and Philippe I. See Suger. La Geste de Louis VIet autres ceuvres, ed. Michel Bur (Paris: Irnprirnerie Nationale, 1994) 10:66-67. "Only with the Latin occupation of Antioch (1098-1268) and the king­ doms of Acre and jerusalem (1098-1187), were Italian merchants able to import Syrian textiles in quantity." Xinru Liu, Silk and Religion, An Exploration of Material Lift and the Thought ofPeople, A.D. 600-1200 (New Delhi: Oxford University Press: 1996), p. 176. 26. Wolfenbtittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. Guel[ 105 Noviss. 2° and Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliotheck, Clrn. 3055, tol.20r. While later in date, illuminated at Helrnarshausen Abbey, ca. 1185-88, for Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony 1142- 95, this manuscript illustrates textiles in color that appear to be very similar to contemporary tiraz silks (see note 40). 27. See Annernarie Stauffer, Textiles d'Egypte de la collection Bouvier; Antiquite tardive, periode copte, premiers temps de l'Islam. Musee d'Art et d'Histoire, Fribourg (Bern: Benteli Verlag, 1991). 28. Working with geologists of the C.N.R.S., the Limestone Sculpture Provenance Project has identified this limestone as liais de Paris. Access to the database and information about the analysis of stone are available at http:/ /www/rnediev­ alart.org/lirnestone 29. Figure 9.4, Tapestry woven in colored silks. Egypto-Arabic. Mid-XI century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Hewitt Fund, 1911. (11.138.1). Figure 9.5, Portion 240 NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE

ofa garment. Blue linen with tapestry bands in tan and black silk. Egypto-Arabic. XII century The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Rogers Fund, 1927. (27.170.64). 30. Lombard, Etudes, p. 96. "Spain was another point of contact between the Muslims and Christians. In addition to regular trade, regional politics encouraged the exchange of gilts among Islamic rulers and Christian princes. In A.D. 9971387 A.H., after a military victory, the Muslim minister, Mansur, rewarded Christian princes and the Muslims who supported him with 2285 pieces of various kinds of tiraz silk, 21 pieces of sea wool, 2 robes perfumed with ambergris, 11 pieces of scarlet cloth, 15 of striped stuff, 7 carpets of brocade, 2 garments of Roman (Rumi) brocade and 2 marten furs. These items remind us of the Islamic silks tound in Christian Spain, like the figured silk with Arabic inscriptions found in the tomb of Bishop Gurb of Barcelona and the Islamic silks used tor Christian liturgy" Xinru Liu, Silk and Religion, p. 176. 31. The Burgo de Osma silk is also known as "the Baghdad silk." Andalusia, ca. 1100, silk and gilt membrane threads, 17 3 I 4 x 19 5 I 8 in. (45 x 50 em), now in The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston (33.371). Daniel Walker, "Fragment of a Textile," The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200 (New York, NY: Metropol­ itan Museum of Art, 1993), pp.lOS-9. 32. Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 61. 33. For mulham, silk-cotton compound textiles, see jean-Michel Tuchscherer, "Woven Textiles," in M. Calano and L. Salmon, eds., French Textiles from the Middle Ages Through the Second Empire (Hartford, CT: Wadsworth Antheneum, 1985), p. 17. 34. An eleventh-century fragment from Central Asia now in the Cleveland Museum of Art (1993.139) has ecru silk warps and cotton foundation wefts laid beside silver supplementary wefts. James C. Y. Watt and Anne E. Wardwell, When Silk Was Gold: Central Asian and Chinese Textiles (New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc.), pp. 50-51. 35. Goitcin, A Mediterranean Society, 1:102. 36. Roger II was the Norman King of the Two Sicilies. See Marielle Martiniani-Reber, Lyon, musee historique des tissus. Soieries sassanides, coptes et byzantines Ve -XI e siecles (Paris: Ministere de la Culture et de la Communication, 1986), p. 371. 37. Dressed like a Byzantine emperor, Roger II is pictured in a mosaic at The Church of the Martorana in Palermo while similar mosaics of William II are on the crossing piers ofMonreale Cathedral. 38. William Tronzo, "The Mantle of Roger II of Sicily," in Robes and Honor, pp. 241-53. Part of the coronation regalia of the Holy Roman Emperor, the Mantle of Roger II is now in the Treasury of the Kunsthistoriisches Museum in Vienna. See the Insignia of the Holy Roman Empire, in Marie Schuette and Sigrid Muller-Christens­ en, A Pictorial History of Embroidery, trans. Donald King (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), illus. 60-62 (coronation manteau); illus. 65-66 (dalmatic); illus. 67, 69, 71 (alb); illus. 68, 70 (gloves). 39. See especially "Rampant dragons and lions" ca. 1207, in Bruno Santi, San Miniato al Monte (Florence: Becocci, 1999), p. 21. 40. Woven silk, with addorsed and regardant griffins in roundels, Western Mediterranean (Spanish?) or East Iranian (?), late thirteenth- through early fourteenth century, Lampas weave, silk, and gilt parchment over cotton yarn: 69 1 I 4" x 3 8 1 I 4 in. (175.9 x 97.2 em), The Cloisters Collection, 1984 (1984.344) in Mirror of the Medieval World, ed. William D. Wixom (New York, NY: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1999), pp. 112-14. 41. Figure, ca. 1200; Seljuq, Iranian; Attributed to Iran. Painted stucco; H. 57 in. (144.8 em), Max. W 19 112 in. (49.5 em), Max. Diam. 9 112 in. (24.1 em) Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Lester Wolte, 1967 (67.119) The Metropolitan Museum of Art, (also 57.51.18) (figure 9.6). See also Figure in stucco from Rhages, Abbasid period (Persia), NOTES TO CHAPTER NINE 241

twelfth-thirteenth centuries. The Louvre, pictured in R. Huyghe, Larousse Ency­ clopedia ofByzantine and Medieval Art (New York: Larousse, 1958), illus. 232, 288. 42. See figure 9.2. For other examples seeM. Yoshida, In Search ofPersian Pottery (New York: Weatherhill, 1972), fig. 7; J. Allan and C. Roberts, eds., Syria and Iran: Three Studies in Medieval Ceramics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), figures A1, A2,A3. 43. See also, for example, in the British Museum, the patterned band decorating the upper-sleeve of Cadmus on the Bronze ["Hansa"] bowl engraved with mythological scenes. Probably German. Twelfth century. Found in June 1824 in the River Severn between Tewkesbury and Gloucester. In the center, King Cadmus of Thebes, inventor of the Greek alphabet; medallions show the birth and Labors of Hercules. M&LA 1921,3-25, 1. 44. For the drawing of Saint-Denis RL3, see Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, MS Fr 15634, fol. 76. 45. For Saint-Benigne, see Dom Urbain Plancher, Histoire generale et particuliere de Bourgogne (Dijon: 1739, repr., Paris: Editions du Palais Royal, 1974), p. 503. Patterns appear on all column-figure sculpture at Etampes, at Saint Germain-des­ Pres: L3 (see Johannes Mabillon, Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti, [Paris 1703-39] 2: 169), at Notre-Dame, Paris: L1 (see Dom Bernard de Montfaucon, Les Monuments de Monarchic Fran{oise, qui comprennent l'Histoire de France [Paris, 1729], 1: Plate 7), Chartres: LLl, LLZ, RR1, Angers: LZ, Vermenton: R, Saint Denis: RL3. See the so-called oriental silk colobium in a pattern similar to the Burgo de Osma silk (as inn. 31) Janice Mann, "Majestat Batll6," The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), pp. 322-23. 46. Four historiated capitals in the church at Saujon (southwest of Saintes, France), twelfth century. 47. Fountainhead in Griffin Form, Egypt, eleventh century, Cast bronze with incised decoration, ca. 39" h., Camposanto Museum, Pisa. Marilyn Jenkins, '1\.1-Andalus: Crucible of the Mediterranean," The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), p. 81. My thanks to C. T. Little for this observation. See also Reliefwith the Adoration ofthe Magi. Northern Spain, first half oftwelfth century, Whalebone, The Victoria and Albert Museum, London (142- 1866), in Charles T. Little, "Relief with the Adoration of the Magi," The Art of Medieval Spain, p. 287. In addition to the decorative bands bordering all of her garments, there are pearled stripes in the skirt of the enthroned Virgin similar to the tiraz fabrics offigures 9.4 and 9.5. 48. 'The so-called Marwan silk with its aligned rows of 'Sasanian pearl' roundels is indeed a tiraz. Its embroidered Kufic legend in split-stem-stitch names the place of production as Ifriqiya, a region outside Umayyad control during the caliphate of Marwan I (684-85), so the Marwan given as Commander of the Faithful (a caliphal title) in the inscription was presumably Marwan II (744-50). The second fragment in the Textile Museum, Washington, D.C. (inv.no. 73.524), also refers to Marwan but this has a very different structure, of wool worked in a fine-toothed tapestry weave with z-spun weft and z-plied warp. These weave details suggest it was made in the eastern Islamic lands (Kuhne! and Bellinger, 1952)," Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 57. 49. For a discussion of carving methods, see Vibeke Olson, "Oh Master, You are Wonderful! The Problem ofLabor in the Ornamental Sculpture of the Chartres Royal Portal," AVISTA Forum journal 13.1 (2003): 6-13; and Janet Snyder, "Written in Stone: The Impact of the Properties of Quarried Stone on the Design of Medieval Sculpture," A VISTA Forum]ournal13.1 (2003): 1-5. 242 NOTES TO CHAPTER TEN

50. For a concise discussion of the cloth trade at the Fairs of Champagne, see E. Jane Burns, Courtly Lave Undressed, Reading through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2002), pp. 190-91.

Notes to Chapter Ten

A grant from the Institute for Humanities Research at UC Santa Cruz aided in the preparation of this paper. My thanks to Brian Catlos, Will Crooke, Carla Freccero, Virginia Jansen, and Karen Mathews for advice of various kinds. 1. This passage occurs in an interpolation unique to BN 794, attributed to the scribe Guiot of Provins. Chretien de Troyes, Erec et En ide, ed. Mario Roques (Paris: Champion, 1976), p. xlix. 2. La Prise de Cordres et de Sebille: Chanson de geste du XIIe siecle, ed. Ovide Densusianu (Paris: Firmin Didot, 1896), 1. 732; Raoul de Cambrai, ed. and trans. Sarah Kay (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), 11. 7998, 8003; Le Siege de Barbastre, ed. Bernard Guidot (Paris: Champion, 2000), 11. 1368, 4297-4300. The Old French term "paile," frequently used to designate silk, derives from the Latin "pallium"-an ecclesias­ tical mantle worn by archbishops and, by extension, the precious material out of which it is made. 3. Anna Muthesius, Studies in Byzantine and Islamic Silk Weaving (London: Pindar Press, 1995) p. 142. On silk chasubles, seep. 122. 4. E. Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia: University ofPennsylvania Press, 2002), chapter 6. My tocus on silks from Islamic Almeria complements Burns' study of eastern, Islamic and particularly Byzantine, silks, pp. 182-97. 5. "Imaginary" here and in my title translates the French imaginaire, the term used by Jacques Le Goff in his study of medieval mentalities, L'Imaginaire medievale (Paris: Gallimard, 1985). See also Evelyne Patlagean, "L'Histoire de l'imaginaire" in La Nouvelle Histoire, ed. Jacques Le Goff (Paris: Retz CEPL, 1978; repr. Editions Complexe, 1988), pp. 307-34. 6. Edward W Said, Orienta/ism (New York: Random House, 1978). In Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), John V. Tolan traces permutations in the medieval textual tradition. 7. See Robert Bartlett, "Medieval and Modern Concepts of Race and Ethnicity," journal ofMedieval and Early Modern Studies 31:1 (2001): 39-56. 8. R. B. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles: Material for a History up to the Mongol Conquest (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1972), p. 165. 9. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles, p. 170, quoting tram the Book of Roger, written by the Muslim geographer al-Idrisi for King Roger II of Sicily (of whom more below) in the mid-twelfth century. 10. May, Silk Textiles of Spain: Eighth to Fifteenth Century (New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1957), p. 12; Aye d'Avignon: chanson de geste anonyme, ed. S.]. Borg, Textes Litteraires Fran<;:ais (Geneva: Droz, 1967), I. 916; and Le Roman d'Eneas, ed. and trans. Aime Petit (Paris: Livre de Poche, 1997), 1. 4099. 11. On the shroud of Saint Lazarus, the falconer roundels alternate with roundels containing a sphinx. Les Andalousies: de Damas a Cordoue (Paris: Institut du Monde Arabe, 2000), pp. 136-37. The inscription "al-Muzaffar" on the falconer's belt, an honorific title granted to the C6rdoban vizier 1\.bd al-Malik, dates the silk to 1007- 1008. Eva Baer, "The Suaire de St. Lazare: An Early Datable Hispano-Islamic Embroidery," Oriental Art 13 (1967): 36-37 [36-48]. An inscription on the Becket 'JOTES TO CHAPTER TEN 242

chasuble says it was made in Almeria in A.H. 510 (1116). Annabelle Simon-Cahn, "The Permo Chasuble of St. Thomas Becket and Hispano-Mauresque Cosmolog­ ical Silks: Some Speculations on the Adaptive Reuse of Textiles," Muqarnas 10 (1993), 1 [1-5]. 12. For the Durham silk, see Muthesius, Byzanline and Islamic Silk Weaving, pp. 89-93. The other examples are from Cristina Partearroyo, '1\Jmoravid and Almohad Textiles," inAl-Andalus: The Art ofislamic Spain, ed.Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), pp. 106-7 [105-13]. 13. Partearroyo, "Textiles," pp. 105-6. This list exemplifies the heterogeneity of modern nomenclature, which might identifY a silk by the saint or prelate \vith whom it has been associated, the site where it was uncovered, or a distinctive motif or design. 14. Provins was the site of one ofthe great trade fairs of Champagne, as well as the home of Guiot de Provins, presumed author of the interpolation recounting Enide's donation. The chasuble's association with the abbey of Saint Jacques suggests a possible link to the Santiago pilgrimage 15. Though Edmund Rich, archbishop of Canterbury, died in 1241, the silk is dated to the twelfth century on stylistic grounds. Dame! Walker, "Chasuble of Saint Edmund," in The Art of Medieval Spain, A.D. 500-1200 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), p. 107. For a technical description oflampas weave, see Scott, Book ofSilk (London: Thames and Hudson, 1933), pp. 101, 238. 16. RobertS. Lopez, "Mohammed and Charlemagne: A Revision," Speculum 18:1 (1943): 37 [14-38]. 17. According to tradition, the two pieces found wrapping the relics of Santa Librada in Siguenza were taken during Alfonso VII of Castile's conquest of Almeria (of which more below). Similarly, the "Lion Stranger," part of the dalmatic of San Bernardo Calvo, bishop of Vich (in Catalonia), is thought to have been taken during James I of Aragon's conquest of Valencia (1238). Partcarroyo, '1\lmoravid and Almohad Textiles," in Al-Andalus, p. 107. 18. R. A. Fletcher, "Reconquest and Crusade in Spain c. 1050-1150," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fifth Series, 37 (1987): 35-36. 19. For a literary representation of such an alliance, see Sharon Kinoshita, "Fraterniz­ ing with the Enemy: The Crusader Imaginary in Raoul de Cambrai," In L'Epopee mfdievale: Actes du XVe Congres International de Ia Societe Rencesvals. Vol. 2 (Poitiers: Centre d'Etudes Superieures de Civilisation Medievale, 2002), pp. 695-703. For an inverse example, see Brian A. Catlos, '"Mahomet Abenadalill': A Muslim Merce­ nary in the Service of the Kings of Aragon (1290-1291)," in In and Around the Medieval Crown of Aragon: Studies in Honor of Proftssor Elena Lourie, ed. Harvey Hames (Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, forthcoming). 20. Joseph F. O'Callaghan, A History ofMedieval Spain (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1975), p. 127; R. B. Serjeant, Islamic Textiles, p. 169. 21. On the marginalization of the Iberian peninsula in "postcolonial medievalism," see Kathleen Biddick, "Coming Out of Exile: Dante on the Orient Express" in The Postcolonial Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (New York: Palgrave, 2000), p. 16, n49 [35-52], and Bruce Holsinger, "Medieval Studies, Postcolonial Studies, and the Genealogies of Critique," Speculum 77 (2002): 1202-03 [1195-1227]. 22. Ebles was a Champenois noble who took part in the campaign Pope Gregory VII called against Spanish Muslims. His sister Felicie married King Sancho (1063- 1094) ofAragon, making him the maternal uncle of kings Peter I and Alfonso the Battler. Rotrou of Perche (in Normandy), who served in Alfonso's Ebro valley campaigns, was another nephew, son ofEbles's sister Beatrice. Marcelin Defour­ neaux, Les Franrais en Espagne aux XIe et XIIe siecles (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1949). 244 NOTES TO CHAPTER TEN

23. Dodds, Art ofIslamic Spain, p. 33. 24. Alice E. Lasater, Spain to England: A Comparative Study of Arabic, European, and English Literature ofthe Middle Ages (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 197 4), 3; Muthesius, Byzantine and Islamic Silk Weaving, pp. 77-104. 25. Contrast the notorious Pesme Avanture episode of Chn§tien de Troyes's Le Chevalier au Lion, in which the manufacture of silk is shown to be the work of three hundred exploited captive maidens. Le Chevalier au Lion, ed. Mario Roques (Paris: Champion, 1978), II. 5182-5340. 26. La Prise d'Orange: chanson de geste de la fin du XIIe siixle, 7th ed (Paris: Klincksieck, 1986). In laisse 42, Aumarie is described as "Ia cite d' Aufrique," capital of the pagan king Tiebaut d'Esclavonie. 27. Chretien de Troyes, Cliges, ed. Alexandre Micha (Paris: Champion, 1978), 11. 6248- 51 (emphasis added). Tudela, in the Ebro valley, had been conquered by Alfonso I of Aragon in 1119. 28. The Geniza was a tower, once common in medieval synagogues, used to store unwanted documents until they could be properly buried. (No writing bearing God's name could be destroyed.) In the late nineteenth century, the geniza in Old Cairo was found to contain, in addition to valuable manuscripts, a huge cache of letters, marriage contracts, bills of divorce, legal deeds, court records, business accounts, wills, inventories, horoscopes, and children's writing exercises, written mostly in Judeo-Arabic, dating from the eleventh and twelfth centuries. From these textual fragments, Goitein has pieced together a world in which Jewish merchants based in Fatimid Egypt maintained networks of trading partners and correspondents stretching from Almeria in the west to the Malabar coast oflndia in the east. SeeS. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society: The jewish Communities ofthe Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 5 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967-93), 1: 1-16. 29. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 1: 29, 42,44-45, 70. 30. Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 1: 104, 222-23; 4: 167. Silk was often the object of official trade embargoes, "calculated to inflict maximum economic damage." Patricia L. Baker, Islamic Textiles (London: British Museum Press, 1995), pp. 14-15. 31. Baker, Islamic Textiles, p. 15. On investiture as a "metalanguage" of power with a long genealogy, originating in Asia and widespread throughout the medieval Mediterranean, see the essays collected in Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture, ed. Stewart Gordon (New York: Palgrave, 2001). 32. Constantinople's strict control over the circulation and export of such silks enhanced their symbolic value. Lopez, "Mohammed and Charlemagne," 37. Compare Anna Muthesius's felicitous term, "silken diplomacy." See "Silken Diplomacy" in Byzantine Diplomacy: Papers from the Twentyfourth Spring Sympo­ sium of Byzantine Studies, Cambridge, March 1990, ed. Jonathan Shepard and Simon Franklin (Aldershot, England: Variorum, 1992), pp. 237-48. 33. Caliph al-Hakam II (961-76) bestowed silks on both Ordofio IV of Le6n and Count Borrell I of Barcelona during their respective visits to Cordoba. May, Silk Textiles, p. 9. 34. Alexandre de Paris, Le Roman d'Alexandre, ed. E. C. Armstrong, trans. Laurence Harf-Lancner, Lettres Gothiques (Paris: Livre de Poche, 1994), pp. 159-65. Antioch was known for its brocades with fantastic animals and birds, highlighted in gold. Philippa Scott, Book of Silk, p. 96. On the complicated history and etymology of"siglaton" (from the Arabic siqlatun), see Lombard, Textiles, pp. 242- 43 (but contrast Scott, Book of Silk, p. 99). According to Lombard, the siqlatun of Almeria, like that of Antioch, was red. 35. Oleg Grabar, "The Shared Culture of Objects," Byzantine Court Culture from 829 to 1204, ed. Henry Maguire (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1997), pp. 115-29. 'JOTES TO CHAPTER TEN 245

For examples, see The Art of Medieval Spain, pp. 80-81,94-96, 98-100, 103, 273-76 and Les Tresorsfatimides du Caire (Paris: Institut du Monde Arabe, 1998). 36. Eva R. Hoffman, "Pathways of Portability: Islamic and Christian Interchange from the Tenth to the Twelfth Century," Art History 24:1 (2001): 22 [17-50]. 37. May, Silk Textiles, 22; Baker, Islamic Textiles, 39. 38. On Gilgamesh, seeAl-Andalus, p. 320 n.2. 39. Oleg and Andre Grabar, "L'Essor des arts inspires par les cours princieres a Ia fin du premier millenaire: princes musulmans et princes chretiens," in L'Occidente e l'Islam nell'alto Medioevo (Spoleto: Presso Ia Sede del Centro, 1965), pp. 846, 882. 40. Their portability "destabilized and dislocated works from their original sites of production [and] re-mapped geographical and cultural boundaries." Eva Hoff­ man, "Pathways of Portability," 17. Medieval producers themselves were not above profiting from the ambiguities, as in the case of the "Burgo de Osma" silk, a twelfth-century knock-off which bears an inscription reading "made in Bagh­ dad," though technical features of its weave and orthography make Almeria its probable site of production. See Art ofMedieval Spain, pp. 108-9. 41. Grabar, "Shared Culture," pp. 608-9. On the importance of the so-called "minor arts" in the Islamic world, see Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair, Islamic Arts (London: Phaidon Press, 1997), p. 10. 42. The term muqarnas refers to the distinctive stalactite or honeycomb vaulting widespread in Islamic architecture between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. For their development and symbolic associations, see Yasser Tabbaa, The Trans­ formation ofIslamic Art during the Sunni Revival (Seattle: University ofWashington Press, 2001), chapter 5. William Tronzo, The Cultures of His Kingdom: Roger II and the Cappella Palatina in Palermo (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp. 142-43, Tresors fatimides du Caire, pp. 220-21; Ereditti dell'Islam: arte islamica in Italia, ed. Giovanni Curatola and Bianca Maria Alfieri (Venice: Silvana, 1993), pp. 205-7. Specific borrowings from Fatimid Egypt included Roger's royal titulature, palace design, chancery script, and iconographic programs and inscriptions. Long recognized as Arabic, they were assumed to be survivals of earlier Sicilian practices. However, in "The Norman Kings of Sicily and the Fatimid Caliphate," Anglo-Norman Studies 15 (1992): 133-59, Jeremy Johns demonstrates their direct links to contemporary Fatimid forms. 43. On the conflicting interpretations given the lion/camel motit; see William Tronzo, 'The Mantle of Roger II of Sicily" in Robes ofHonOJ; pp. 241-53. 44. For example, Western Societies: A Documentary History, ed. Brian Tierney and Joan Scott (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), whose chapter on "Medieval Monar­ chies" is divided into sections on England (four entries), France, and the Empire (one each). In RobertS. Lopez, The Birth of Europe (New York: M. Evans, 1967), Sicily is listed among the "Smaller Powers," even though, at the beginning of the twelfth century, "the Norman state was unusually prosperous and Palermo, its capital, surpassed all other Catholic cities in population, size, and magnificence. Nowhere else could one have found an administration as complex and polyglot yet so capable of unifying the motley components of the population under its control" (p. 244). 45. Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization and Cultural Change 950-1350 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993). 46. See Samir Amin, Eurocentrism, trans. Russell Moore (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989), pp. 8, 10-11. 47. Beyond its political and linguistic ties to Anglo-Norman England, Sicily was linked to northern France by the dynastic marriages Roger II arranged for his children. His son Roger, who predeceased him (1149), was married to Elizabeth of Champagne, sister of the future Count Henry the Liberal; his eventual 246 NOTES TO CHAPTER ELEVEN

successor, William I, was married to Margaret of Navarre-cousin of the counts ofPerche and Roucy who played so prominent a role in Aragonese politics. 48. S. D. Goitein, "The Unity of the Mediterranan World in the 'Middle' Middle Ages," Studies in Islamic History & Institutions (Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, 1966). 49. An early twelfth-century Latin lite of Saint Gilles represents a Genoese merchant ship caught in a storm while sailing horne from Almeria. Olivia Rernie Constable, "Genoa and Spain in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries: Notarial Evidence for a Shift in Patterns of Trade," journal ofEuropean Economic History 19.3 (1990): 637 [635-56]. In 1143, the archbishop of Genoa established a standard tithe levied on ships arriving from Almeria. Steven Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese, 958-1528 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), p. 26. 50. The year before, the Genoese had seized Almeria for themselves. However, the exorbitant tribute they imposed had proved uncollectible. Epstein, Genoa, pp. 31- 32, 49-51. 51. On the difference the regime change made in Iberian silk production, see Partearroyo, "Textiles," pp. 109-10. 52. See Epstein, Genoa, pp. 25-6, and Constable, "Genoa and Spain," pp. 635-36, 650. 53. Sharon Kinoshita, "In the Beginning was the Road: Floire et Blancheflor and the Politics of Translatio," Medieval Translator 8 (forthcoming). 54. Compare La Prise de Cordres et de Sebille, which shows an Anglo-Norman fleet docking at Cordoba to stock up on "les chiers dras d' Aurnarie" and Syrian horses (I. 2185). 55. Edward W. Said, Orienta/ism (New York: Random House, 1978), p. 6; Edmund Burke, III, "Towards a Comparative History of the Modern Mediterranean," paper presented at the International Conference on Cosmopolitanism, Human Rights, and Sovereignty in the new Europe," Center for European Studies, University of California, Berkeley, May 4-5, 2001.

Notes to Chapter Eleven

My gratitude to the American Association of University Women and the Wood­ row Wilson National Fellowship Foundation for their generous support of this research. 1. Boethius, In Porphyrium dialogus primus, PL 64:2A [1-70]. 2. Boethius, In Porphyrium, PL 64:2A [1-70]. 3. Dante, Convivio III.6, trans. Richard Lansing, Digital Dante, available at http:// dante.ilt.colurnbia.edu/books/ convivi/ index.htrnl (27 December 2002). 4. Pierre Courcelle, La Consolation de philosophie dans Ia tradition litteraire: Antecedents et postmte de Boece (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1967), p. 22. 5. James J. Paxson, The Poetics of Personification (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 98. 6. Boethius, Consolation, 5 .pr.4. Unless otherwise noted, English translations of Boethius are from The Consolation of Philosophy, trans. V E. Watts (New York: Penguin, 1969). All Latin quotations ofBoethius are from Consolatio Philosophiae, ed. James O'Donnell (Bryn Mawr, PA: Bryn Mawr Latin Commentaries, 1990). 7. Seth Lerer, "The Search for Voice," in Boethius and Dialogue (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 102. 8. On the Lacanian feminine as the signifier of the Symbolic, see Judith Butler, "Subjects of Sex/ Gender /Desire," in Gender Trouble (New York: Routledge, 1990), NOTES TO CHAPTER ELEVEN 247

p. 27. On woman as the "metaphor of alterity" see Susan Crane, 'Adventure," in Gender and Romance in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (Princeton, N]: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 171-72. See also R. Howard Bloch, "Early Christianity and the Estheticization of Gender," in Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 37-63. 9. See Anne Carson, "Dirt and Desire: The Phenomenology of Female Pollution in Antiquity," in Constructions of the Classical Body, ed. James I. Porter (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), pp. 77-100. Sarah Kay asks a similar ques­ tion-'How is this denigration of the body as feminine compatible with the deployment of a female agent of revelation?"-in "Women's Body ofKnowledge: Epistemology and Misogyny in the Romance of the Rose," in Framing Medieval Bodies, ed. Sarah Kay and Miri Rubin (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1994), p. 226. 10. By 'body' here, I refer to the material entity identified as Philosophy, understand­ ing that her allegorical status and her lack of fleshly form complicate the term. This is somewhat distinct from my subsequent discussions ofher "sartorial body," a phrase I borrow from E. Jane Burns to refer to the combined forces of clothing and body in the construction of identity. My gratitude to Jane Burns for her guidance in refining my terminology. See Burns, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylva­ nia Press, 2002), pp. 12-13, 24-26. 11. On William's commentary see Courcelle, La Consolation, pp. 408-10. See also Nikolaus M. Haring, "Commentary and Hermeneutics," in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable, with Carol D. Lanham (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), p. 188. 12. MS London, B.L. Egerton 628, fol. 166r. Qtd. in Winthrop Wetherbee, Platonism and Poetry in the Twelfth Century: The Literary Influence of the School of Chartres (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1972), p. 93. 13. 'Purus,' in Charlton T. Lewis, Ph.D. and. Charles Short, LL.D, A Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879). 14. See Richard A. Dwyer's discussion of this addition in "The Tempting Integu­ ment," in Boethian Fictions (Cambridge, MA: Medieval Academy of America, 1976), pp. 54-55. 15. See above, p. 5 n.10. 16. See I .erer, "The Search tor Voice," in Boethius and Dialogue, especially pp. 96-11 o. 17. See Kay, "Women's Body," in Framing Medieval Bodies, p. 226. 18. Courcelle, La Consolation, pp. 90-99. My subsequent analysis of manuscripts relies on Courcelle's plates and figures. 19. Mary J. Carruthers, "Elementary Memory Design," and "The Arts of Memory," in The Book ofMemory (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 109, 142; and "Reading with Attitude," in The Book and the Body, ed. Dolores Warwick Frese and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997), pp. 2-3. 20. For example MS Paris, Bibliotheque de l'Institut de France, 264, tols. Ir and 54r; MS Oxford, Bodleian Douce 298 tols. 33r and 53v; Courcelle plates 32.1-2 and 33.1-2. 21. MS Oxford, Bodleian Douce 298, fol. 53v; Courcelle plate 33.2. 22. MS Besan<;:on, Bibliotheque Municipale 434, fols. 300v and 321r; and MS Macon, Bibliotheque Municipale 95, fols. 84r and 101v; Courcelle plates 31.1, 31.4, and 35.2-3. 23. MSS Paris B.N. fran~ais 1100, fol. 41v and B.N. fran~ais 1101, tol. 3v; Courcelle plates 39.1-2. 248 NOTES TO CHAPTER ELEVEN

24. I take the concept of the lady and magician from Amy Richlin, who uses the metaphor to discuss feminist studies regarding Ovid and rape. Richlin, "Reading Ovid's Rapes," in Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome, ed. Amy Richlin (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 158-79. 25. Boethius, Consouuion, l.pr.l. I alter Watts's translation in light of O'Donnell's interpretation of.firmosas imagines. 26. See for example Boethius, The Consolation ofPhilosophy, trans. P G. Walsh (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), p. 116 n3. See also Courcelle, La Consolation, pp.17-28, and Henry Chadwick, Boethius: The Consolations of Music, Logic, Theology, and Philoso­ phy (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), pp. 225-26. 27. According to the Carolingian philosopher Prudentius ofTroyes. See Chadwick, "Theta on Philosophy's Dress in Boethius," Medium Aevum 49.2 (1980):175-79; and Chadwick, Boethius, pp. 225-26. 28. O'Donnell's notes to Consolatio, l.pr.l. 29. Harriet I. Flower, Ancestor Masks and Aristocratic Power in Roman Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), esp. pp. 32-59. 30. Flower, Ancestor Masks, pp. 115-26. 31. As in Ovid's Amores 1.8.65-66. Qtd. in Flower, Ancestor Masks, p. 301. 32. See Cicero, In Pisonem I. Qtd. in Flower, Ancestor Masks, pp. 286-87. 33. Flower, Ancestor Masks, p. 119. On the lasting legislation associating women, ti.merals, and conspicuous consumption, see Alan Hunt, Governance ofthe Consum­ ing Passions (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), esp. pp. 18-19,393. 34. See Margaret Alexiou, The Ritual of Lament in Greek Tradition (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1974), esp. p. 21. 35. Boethius, Consolation, l.pr.l. 36. Boethius, Consolation, l.pr.3. 37. 'Raptus,' in Jan Frederik Niermeyer, Mediae Latinitatis lexicon minus (New York: E. ]. Brill, 1993), and R.E. Latham, Revised Medieval Latin Wordlist from British and Irish Sources (London: Oxford University Press, 1965). 38. See, for example, MS New York, Pierpont Morgan Library 222, to!. Ir, fol.4r; and MSS Paris, B.N. fran~ais 1098, fol.2v, and B.N. lat. 6643, fol.24r. Courcelle, La Consolation, pp. 90-99, esp. plates 52-58. In the sixteenth century, however, representations of Philosophy revert back to eleventh-century iconography Courcelle, La Consolation, p. 96. 39. See above n38. Courcelle, La Consolation, pp. 92-3. 40. Judith Butler, "Introduction," in Bodies that Matter (New York: Routledge, 1993), p. 15. 41. Paxson, Poetics, pp. 173-4. 42. "Boeces establist et represente soi en partie de homme trouble et tourmente et demene par passions sensibles et establist Philosophie en partie de homme eleve et ensuivant les biens entendibles." V. L. Dedeck-H§ry, "Boethius' De Consolatione by Jean de Meun," in Medieval Studies 14 (1952):171 [165-275]. 'Homme' in this passage can obviously be read as a gender biased form of 'human'; since Philosophy is presented here as a distinct part ofBoethius, however, I believe that her masculine identification suggests connotations beyond grammatical gender. 43. Kay, "Women's Body," in Framing Medieval Bodies, p. 226. 44. Boethius, Consolation, l.pr.l. 45. Unfortunately, the significance of this "imperishable material" is too complex to treat properly within the confines of this article. On the tradition see Boethius, Consolation, trans. Walsh, p. 116 n.3. See n.26 above. 46. 'Materia,' in Lewis and Short. 47. See Elizabeth Spelman, "Woman as Body: Ancient and Contemporary Views," Feminist Studies 8.1 (1982):109-31. NOTES TO CHAPTER TWELVE 249

48. On the unchangeable chora, see Plato's Timaeus in Plato: The Collected Dialogues, ed. Edith Hamilton and Huntington Cairns (Princeton, N]: Princeton University Press, 1961), esp. paragraph 50c. See also Butler, "Bodies that Matter," in Bodies, pp. 27-55. 49. Butler, "Bodies that Matter," in Bodies, pp. 49, 50. 50. Luce Irigaray, "La Mysterique," Speculum ofthe Other Woman, trans. Gillian C. Gill (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985), p. 192. 51. Macrobius, Commentary on the Dream of Scipio, trans. William Harris Stahl (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990), pp. 86-87. 52. For example, in l.m.Z and l.pr.4. 53. As in Cicero's De NaturaDeorum 3, 22, 55. 'Natura,' in Lewis and Short. 54. Macrobius, Commentary, pp. 86-87. 55. Karma Lochrie, "Don't Ask, Don't Tell: Murderous Plots and Medieval Secrets," in Premodern Sexualities, ed. Louise Fradenburg and Carla Freccero (New York: Routledge, 1996), p. 143. See also Lochrie, "Men's Ways of Knowing: The Secret of Secrets and the Secrets of Women," in Covert Operations: The Medieval Uses of Secrecy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), pp. 93-134. 56. Hunt, Governance, pp. 246-48. The stripping of prostitutes was also a common punishment, a type of literal enactment of her performance of the state of undress (Hunt, pp. 243-45). See also Leah Lydia Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 21, 67. In addition, in the late Middle Ages, the terms 'public women' and 'lost girls' further underscored the association of prostitutes with openness and loss. See Otis, Prostitution, p. 50. 57. Thomas A. McGinn. Prostitution, Sexnality, and the Law in Ancient Rome (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 156-71,208-11. See also Jane F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Roman Society (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 129, 251-52. The cross-dressed prostitute reappears in medieval sump­ tuary laws. See Otis, Prostitution, p. 80. 58. Lochrie, 'Don't Ask," Premodern Sexnalities, p. 143. 59. See Danielle Jacquart and Claude Thomasset, Sexuality and Medicine in the Middle Ages, trans. Matthew Adamson (Princeton, N]: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 23-24.

Notes to Chapter Twelve

1. See most importantly E. Jane Burns, Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (Philadelphia: University of Penn Press, 2002). A fine study which writers on mainstream literature might overlook is Jean-Charles Huchet, "Le Roman mis a nu:]aufre," Litterature 74 (1989): 91-99. 2. The theme of flaying remains relatively unstudied in medieval literature, but see W R. ]. Barron, 'The Penalties tor Treason in Medieval Life and Literature," journal ofMedieval History 7 (1981 ): 187-202 and, on the iconography of Cambyses, Hugo van der Velden, "Cambyses tor Example: The Origins and Function of an exemplum iustitiae in Netherlandish Art of the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seven­ teenth Centuries," Simiolus 23 (1995): 5-39. I intend to pursue research in this area. 3. ]. ]. Sttirzinger, ed., Le Pi:lerinage de vie humaine de Guillaume de Deguileville, (London: Nichols, 1893). All quotations and references are from this edition. The subsequent volumes in the trilogy are Le Nlerinage de I'a me and Le Pi:lerinage ]esu Christ. Deguileville's name is spelled in a variety of ways and I follow the editor's usage. 250 NOTES TO CHAPTER TWELVE

4. The second version remains unpublished, but was translated/ adapted by Lyd­ gate. Deguileville's other best-known reader is Chaucer, whose ABC poem to the Virgin is imitated from the Pderinage de vie humaine. On the manuscripts, see Michael Camille, The Illustrated Manuscripts of Guillaume de Deguileville's "Nleri­ nages," 1330-1426, Ph.D. thesis (Cambridge University, 1985) and Master of Death: the Lifeless Art of Pierre Remiet, Illuminator (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996 ). On Chaucer as reader of Deguileville, see Helen Phillips, "Chaucer and Degui­ leville: The ABC in context," Medium Aevum 62.1(1993 ): 1-19. 5. Jacques Lacan, The Seminar ofjacques Lacan, ed. Jacques-Alain Miller, Book VII, The Ethics of Psychoanalysis 1959-60, trans. Dennis Porter (London: Routledge, 1992), p. 83. 6. Phillips, "Chaucer and Deguileville," pp. 2, 10. 7. See C. de Hamel, Scribes and Illuminators (London: British Museum Press, 1992), pp. 13-15; Gerhard Moog, "Haute und Pelle zur Pergamentherstellung. Eine Betrachtung histologische Merkmale ," in Pergament. Geschichte, Struktur, Restauri­ erung, Herstellung, ed. Peter Ruck (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1991), pp. 171-81. 8. The Illustrated Manuscripts, p. 192. Analogously, BNF fr. 12465 has a "muddy colour and bare vellum backgrounds still showing the ruling beneath," indicating that its owner "sought instruction rather than delight" (The Illustrated Manu­ scripts, p. 119). 9. Master of Death, p. 91. 10. Master of Death, p. 135 11. The concept of suture, developed in film studies, designates a short circuiting between levels in such a way as to expose the artificiality of their separation in the first place. In this way, it points towards a previously occluded universality. See Slavoj Zizek, "Da Capo Senza Fine," in Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau, and Slavoj Zizek, ContingenC)\ Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left (London: Verso, 2000), pp. 237-38 [pp. 213-62]. 12. The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-analysis, trans. Alan Sheridan, Introduc­ tion by David Macey (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1994), p. 103. 13. Courtly Love Undressed, for example pp. 12, 14, 22,24-26. 14. Jean Pepin, "Saint Augustin et le symbolisme neoplatonicien de Ia veture," in Augustinus Magister. Congres international augustinien, Paris, 21-24 septembre 1954 (Paris: Etudes Augsutiniennes, 1955), 1:293-306, shows that this process of regress is already present in Augustine's conception of the body as the clothing of the soul, since that clothing is always already double. 15. Didier Anzieu, The Skin Ego, trans. Chris Turner (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), p. 40. Previously, Anzieu has explained that "[t]he development of a Skin Ego is a response to the need tor a narcissistic envelope and guarantees the psychical apparatus a sure and continuous sense of basic well-being" (p. 39). Anzieu, initially a student of Lacan, dissociated himself from him and attached himself instead to the English school of post-Kleinian object-relations theorists. 16. The Skin Ego, p. 63. 17. The Skin Ego, p. 9. 18. Courtly Love Undressed, p. 13. 19. "Philology and its Discontents," in The Future ofthe Middle Ages: Medieval Literature in the 1990s, ed. William D. Paden (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994), p.117[pp.113-41]. 20. Keith Busby, Codex and Context: Reading Old French Verse Narrative in Manuscript (Amsterdam & New York: Rodopi, 2002). 21. For this discussion of the commodity in the first chapter of Marx's Capital, see Slavoj ZiZek, The Sublime Object of Ideology (London: Verso, 1989), pp. 11-28. NOTES TO CHAPTER TWELVE 251

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Madeline Harrison Caviness is Mary Richardson Professor and Professor of Art History at Tufts University. Among her numerous books and articles are: Medieval Art in the West and its Audience (Aldershot, England: Variorum reprints, 2001); Visualizing Women in the Middle Ages: Sight, Spectacle and Scopic Economy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), and Reconfiguring Medieval Art: Diffrrence, Margins, Boundaries (Medford, MA: Tufts University electronic book, 2001: http: I I nils.lib.tufts.edul Caviness).

Andrea Denny-Brown is Assistant Professor of English at the University of California, Riverside. Her dissertation examines medieval discourses of sexuality, consumption, and the clothed subject. Her forthcoming articles include work on fashion and the medieval self

E. Jane Burns is L. M. Slifkin Distinguished Term Professor of Women's Studies and Adjunct Professor of Comparative Literature at the University ofNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill. She has written Courtly Love Undressed: Reading Through Clothes in Medieval French Culture (2002), Bodytalk: When Women Speak in Old French Literature (1993), Arthurian Fictions: Rereading the Vulgate Cycle (1985), and has translated The Quest for the Holy Grail (1995).

Dyan Elliott is Professor ofHistory and Adjunct Professor ofReligious Studies at Indiana University. She is the author of Spiritual Marriage: Sexual Abstinence in Medieval Wedlock (1993), Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (1999), and Proving Woman: Female Spirituality and Inquisitional Culture in the Late Middle Ages (2004).

Sarah-Grace Heller is an Assistant Professor of French at Ohio State University. Her research deals with sumptuary laws, material culture, and fashion theory with regard to medieval romance literature.

Ruth Mazo Karras is Professor of History at the University of Minnesota. She is the author of From Boys to Men: Formations of Masculinity in Late Medieval Europe; Common Women: Prostitution and Sexuality in Medieval England; and articles on medieval gender and sexuality. 2 7 4 AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES

Sarah Kay is Professor of French and Occitan Literature at the University of Cambridge, UK. Her most recent books are Courtly Contradictions: The Emergence of the Literary Object in the Twelfth Century (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001) and Ziiek: A Critical Introduction (Cambridge: Polity, 2003). She is currently working on late medieval didactic literature in French.

Sharon Kinoshita teaches medieval French and World Literature and Cultural Studies at the University of California, Santa Cruz. She is completing a book on French literary representations of cultural contact.

Roberta L. Krueger, Professor of French at Hamilton College, is editor of The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance and author of Women Readers and the Ideology ofGender in Old French Verse Romance, as well as numerous articles on medieval conduct literature.

Janet Snyder is Associate Professor in the Division of Art at West Virginia University and she lectures regularly at the Cloisters of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Her publica­ tions have addressed the limestone used for sculpture during the mid-twelfth century in north central France, and the representation of contemporary textiles and dress in that sculpture.

Claire Sponsler teaches in the English Department at the University oflowa. She is the author of Drama and Resistance (Minnesota) and editor of East of West: Crosscultural Peiformance and the Staging ofDifference (Palgrave).

Kathryn Starkey is Assistant Professor in the Department of Germanic Languages at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Her research interests include German courtly literature, word and image, performance, ritual, and visual culture. Her forth­ coming monograph is entitled Reading Lhe Medieval Book (Notre Dame). abuse, 15,63,64,72,73, 79,81,82, 83,84, brothel, 99, 189 85, 88, 185 Butler,Judith, 187, 188 Adam and Eve, 7, 8, 13, 45, 103 Byzantine, 2, 6, 156, 157, 167, 170, 171, Afghanistan, 150 172, 173, 174 Africa, 4, 151, 175 alb, 58, 59 Cairo, 149, 150, 151, 156, 171, 173 Alexandria, 134, 151, 171, 173, 174 caliph, 149, 153, 154, 168, 173 allegory, 14,46, 75, 76, 78, 79,80,82, 88, camel, 174 132,203 Canterbury, 32, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, Almoravid, 168, 175 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 138 altar, 58, 59, 61, 101, 165, 166 Capetian, 173 arnice,56,57,58 cathedral, 6, 8, 9, 16, 25,101, 105,106, 108, Andalusia, 156, 168, 169, 170 109, 115, 154, 155, 158, 160, 161, 162 Andros, 156 cendal, 126, 127, 130 Antioch, 155, 172 ceremonial, 23, 139, 145, 168, 169, 172, Arabic, 2, 155, 159, 168, 169, 170, 174 173 architecture, 4, 6, 105, 115, 170 ceremony, 14, 20, 21, 32, 42, 43, 53, 60, 61, aristocrat, 92, 138 63, 69, 135, 145 arm, 45, 57, 67, 110, 113, 117, 127, 147, Champagne, 155, 164, 175 158, 160 Chartres, 9, 154, 158, 160, 161, 162 Asia, 6, 102, 156 chasuble, 57, 58, 59, 61, 64, 66, 165, 166, Athens, 92, 157 168, 169, 176 Augustine, 7, 13,17,55 Chaucer, Geoftrey, 72, 73, 99, 103, 191 chemise, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 73, 74, 83, 126, badge, pilgrim's, 9, 11, 147, 148, 155 127, 132, Baghdad, 156, 168, 173 children,9, 33, 50, 72, 75, 76, 79, 84,100, bands, 59,111,127,185 101, 140, 142, 143, 175, 197 belt,59,155 China, 103, 150 bias, 162 Christian, 2, 9, 16, 65, 75, 76, 78, 93, 149, bird, 45, 170, 196 151, 162, 167, 169, 170, 174, 176 birth, 9, 26, 55, 131, 165 Christine de Pizan, 15, 72 black, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145 cincture, 57 blue, 12,107,111,113,114,168,195 class, 1, 3, 10, 13, 15, 17, 18, 31, 38, 39, 48, Boccaccio, Giovanni, 15, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 49,50,52,53,102,138, 139,140,141, 7~ 80,85, 86,88, 101,102 142, 171, 173 bourgeois, 18,24,47, 100,104,128,130, lower class, 139 135, 138, 143, 175 middle class, 15, 18, 48, 49, 50, 52, 53, 138, bride, 37, 42, 44, 71, 75, 78, 92 141, 142 Brie, 164 working class, 138, 140, 141, 142 2 76 INDEX clavi, 152 clergy, 15, 18, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, fair, 164, 175 67, 68, 69, 123, 143, 145, 164, 169 falcon, 45, 46, 47, 52 cloak, 126, 131, 147, 148, 155, 174 Fatimid, 152, 154, 155, 157, 162, 168, 172 commerce, 135, 149, 150, 151, 172, 176 feet, 14, 59, 62, 94, 109. See aLso foot, Constantinople, 173 footvvear cope, 58, 169 feminine, 2, 5, 17, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 99, Coptic, 151 100,101, 102,103, 104, 131,132, 177, Cordoba, 169 178,179,184,186, 18~ 188,189,190, Corinth, 157 191, 196 coronation, 25, 30, 174 feminist,Z, 3,4, 5, 14, 18, 72, 84, 87, 99,188 cotton, 141, 150, 156 feudal, 16, 167, 173 court, 6, 21, 36, 43, 45, 52, 75, 86, 123, 124, finger, 9, 62, 102 133, 135, 168, 172, 173 Flanders, 97, 175 courtly, 6, 10, 11, 14, 20, 37, 45, 46, 47, 48, flax, 149, 150, 151, 171

49, 52, 149, 158, 164, 173, 196, 19~ fleece, 100, 151 205 floral, 154, 158, 159 crimson, 144 foot, 41, 43. See aLso feet, footvvear crovvned, 30, 36, 75,108,157,158,203 footvvear, 36. See also feet, foot crusade, 2, 123, 125, 126, 132, 135, 154, Freud, Sigmund, 3 158, 164, 167, 170 funeral, 122, 124, 142, 143, 145, 183, 184 cuff, 151, 155, 158 fur, 104, 123, 126, 127, 128, 144, 172 curtain, 102 Fustat, 149, 150, 151 dalmatic, 57, 58, 66, 173 gauze, 150 Damascus, 150 Gaza, 150 damask, 150 gems, 77 darts, 15,113,117,118 gender, 1, 3, 10, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 50, 55, death, 17,25,62,63,67,68, 142,146,180, 89, 90, 94, 98, 103, 132, 139, 186, 187, 183,184,194,195,200,205 190, 197 diamonds, 155 Geniza, 149, 150, 151, 171, 174 diaper, 155 Genoa, 123, 175, 176 drapery, 105, 113, 151 German,36,42,43,44,45,99, 174 Durham, 168, 170 Germany, 2, 101, 133, 170 Dutch, 14, 37, 45, 48, 49, 52 gift, 14, 17, 18, 24, 37, 42, 76, 138, 139, 140, dye,93,95,96,97,98, 126,129,150,151, 141,142, 143,144, 146, 154,168, 170, 154 172, 187 gilt, 144. See also gold Egypt, 150, 151, 154, 155, 168, 171, 175 girdle, 57, 58, 59 elbovv, 158 gloves, 58 elite, 52, 93, 96, 138, 141, 142, 143, 149, gold,23,32,43,45,46,98, 121,127,128, 164, 167, 172, 189 132, 143, 153, 154, 165, 166, 168, 170, embroidery,5, 16,26,93, 100,126,127, 174, 175. See aLso gilt 132, 150, 153, 166, 169, 170, 174, 182 gores, 162 England, 2, 6, 15, 22, 31, 72, 90, 91, 94, 96, green, 166, 168, 169 97, 99, 106, 138, 170, 174, groom,37,42,44 English, 17, 20, 21, 28, 30, 93, 96, 103, 109, 126 hair, 12, 63, 123, 127, 142, 195 ermine, 144 hand, 61, 67, 109, 113, 114, 117, 118, 158, Eve, see Adam and Eve 194 INDEX 2 CC hat, 9, 181 Latin, 16, 17, 18, 19, 56, 75, 167, 168, 170, head, 36, 61, 101, 108, 111, 113, 152 171, 172, 174, 176 hem, 99, 113, 123, 152, 162, 182, 185 law, 50, 56, 64, 66, 68, 122, 123, 124, 125, hemp, 100 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, Herod, 59, 161 135, 136, 144, 183, 190 hip, 162 leather, 14, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 47, 52, holes, 35, 40, 152, 186, 190, 195 203 Holy Land, 149, 162, 163, 164 legal, 1, 6, 13, 16, 18, 42, 43, 122, 123, 142, honor,22,32,36,48,50,52,53,64,66,69, 146 legs, 9, 108, 110, 113, 116, 162 102, 13~ 143, 153, 16~ 174 horse, 122, 128, 132, 140, 158, 172 Leiden, 35, 39, 41, 45, 47 Hungarian, 172 Levant,Z, 134,149,154,156,171 linen, 8, 16, 79, 95, 107, 118, 149, 150, husband,27,36,44,48, 71, 72, 73, 76, 79, 5, 151, 154, 155, 163 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 99,100, 127,129, lion, 168, 169, 173, 174 131, 133, 135, 141, 145 London,25,26,30,31,32,95,99,138,143 loom, 94, 97, 101, 102, 103, 104, 151, 154 Iberia, 16, 168, 174, 156, 169, 170, 172, lord, 44, 78, 125, 154 174, 175 loros, 157 ikat, 154 love,6, 14,36,37,38,44,45,46,47,48,49, India, 150, 171 50, 51, 52, 53, 76, 77, 79, 80, 81, 84, indigo, 171 132, 134, 135, 177 Iran, 150, 173 Low Countries, 2, 14, 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 47, Iraq, 151 49,50,51,53 Irigaray, Luce, 5, 177, 188 Isfahan, 168 Maghreb, 175 Islamic, 2, 16, 148, 149, 150, 151, 153, 154, maniple, 57, 58, 59, 61 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 164, marriage, 14, 15, 18, 23, 37, 38, 42, ,43, 44, 167, 170, 172, 173, 175, 176 50,51,52,53,73,75,76,77,78,81,82, Italian,60,121,127,129,130,133,134,148 83,84,85,88,91,92,102,104,154,165 Italy, 2, 16, 97, 121,122,124,125, 126,127, Marseille, 126, 171, 175 131, 134, 135, 175 masculine, 103, 186, 188, 190, 191, 196 mask, 5, 182, 183 Jerusalem, 124, 154 Mediterranean, 6, 16, 18, 95, 125,149,150, jewelry, 10, 12, 71, 141, 142, 144, 149 151,157, 167,168, 170, 171,172, 173, Jewish, 10, 59, 94, 125, 149, 150, 167 174, 175, 176 journey, 164, 171, 175 merchant,31, 39,49,52,96,97, 121,134, Jurjan, 168 135, 149, 150, 167, 168, 169, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176 king, 8, 21, 32, 36, 42, 43, 51,101, 110,111, Mesopotamia, 173 113, 117, 123,124, 126,133, 134,166, metal, 9, 40, 127, 130, 141, 149, 162, 173 167, 169, 172, 173, 175 minister, 56, 154 knight, 65,135,143,147,202 monk, 20,63, 169,193 kufic, 159, 160, 162, 168 Montpellier, 124, 125, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 133 Lacan,Jacques, 194,196,199,200 moral, 33, 50, 51, 52, 68, 74, 75, 80, 86, 92, lady, 21, 24, 43, 46, 75, 77, 78, 82, 84, 86, 125,126,129,130,180,200,202,204 88, 100, 126, 131, 132, 133, 135, 143, Morocco, 150, 171 181 motit~38,42,43,44,46, 154,155,158,173, lampas, 168, 169 174 2 78 INDEX mulberry, 150 robe,6,59,78,113,128,135,142,145,168, Muslim, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 175, 176 172,17~ 182,18~ 185,186,187 Roman, 56, 79, 123, 127, 135, 152, 183 neck, 61, 62, 113, 127, 181 Rome,24,76,81,85,92,93,101,132, 183, Netherlands, the, 35 190 nobility, 10,23, 31,50,52, 71, 74, 82, 93, royal, 6, 23, 24, 29, 30, 32, 102, 122, 130, 124, 125, 130, 135, 144, 167 150, 155, 157, 160 Norman, 16, 148, 155, 158, 172, 173, 174, Russian, 58, 172 175 sable, 123,144,170 orange, 168 sacrament, 56, 58, 60 Ottonian, 173 samite, 172 Saracen, 10, 84, 124, 134, 166, 171, 175, 176 painting, 12, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, Saujon, 162 28,29,33,40,44,58,95,105,109,113, scarlet, 123, 128, 129, 135 117,118,154,159,160,174,196 seam, 127, 152, 153, 158 Palermo, 157, 174 serpent, 180 sex, 17, 95, 124, 197 Palestine, 150 sharb, 150 Paris, 8, 21, 23, 24, 25, 60, 73, 78, 80, 82, shawl, 184 95, 98, 128, 161 sheep,67, 151,203 pattern, 13, 15, 52, 58, 97,105, 106,107, shoes, 5, 14,37,38,39,40, 41,42,43,44, 108, 111, 117,118, 119,122, 151,154, 50, 51, 52, 53, 59, 145 155, 158, 160, 162, 168, 185 shoulder, 57, 58, 59, 61, 110, 111, 113, 117, peacock, 168 147, 152, 153, 158, 160 pearls, 77, 127, 149, 155, 174 Sicily, 16, 124, 150,151, 157, 158, 173,174 peasant, 71, 102, 104 silk, 5, 9, 16, 32, 58, 95, 96, 100, 103, 104, Persia, 6, 133, 173 118, 121, 126, 127, 129, 130, 132, 133, pilgrim, 9, 154, 158, 194, 195, 201,202, 144, 149, 150, 151, 154, 155, 156, 157, 203,204 158,163, 165,166, 167, 168,169, 170, Pisa, 124, 162 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176 pleat, 126, 149, 150, 151, 155 silver, 43, 127, 132, 135, 144, 165, 166 Portugal, 124 skirt, 148, 155, 162 priest, 15, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, slave, 44, 77, 84, 92, 93, 175, 176 67, 68,69, 110,145 sleeve, 8, 151, 153, 158, 160, 161 Provence, 121, 122, 125, 135 Spain, 124, 133, 150, 151, 155, 156, 157, purple, 59, 126, 144, 168, 170 172, 175 Pyrenees, 173 Islamic Spain, 155, 175 Muslim Spain, 2, 16, 18 queen,24,32,92, 168 spinning, 91, 92, 93, 95,96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 104, 151 Rahban, 150 spinster, 91, 99, 100 red, 107, 141, 168, 174, 195 stemma, 157 relic,9, 150,168,169,170 stole, 57, 58, 59, 61, 66 religion, 33, 146, 167, 176, 194,201 surplice, 57, 58, 68 religious, 1, 6, 8, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 21, Syria, 9, 150, 156,172 24, 123, 133, 145, 167, 169, 173, 193, 194, 198 tapestry, 14, 19,20,21, 22,23,24,25,26, ritual, 6, 15, 42, 56, 57, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 27,28,29,30,31,32,34,44, 102,103,

6~ 139,168,183,184,189 150, 153, 154, 155, 162 INDEX 2 79

Thebes, 156, 157 warp,57,94, 97,101,154 thigh, 155, 158, 162 weaving, 5, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, thread,35,98,99, 100,102,104,149,150, 57, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 151, 154, 182, 187 101, 102, 103, 104, 130, 150, 151, 153, tiraz, 16, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 158, 154, 158, 168, 182, 184, 187, 188 159, 160, 162, 169, 170 wedding,42,44, 76, 77, 82,122,124,155 trade, 1, 5, 13, 16, 39, 90, 95, 96, 97, 98, 100, white, 57, 58, 59, 107, 111, 132, 140, 141, 121, 134, 149,150, 156,171, 173,174, 143, 150, 195,201 175, 176 widow, 95, 96, 132, 138, 141, 142, 143, 145 tunic, 9, 57, 58, 92, 145, 151, 152, 158, 159 Tunisia, 150, 171 wite, 15, 26, 27, 44, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 79,80,81,82,83,84,85,86,87,88,92, Umayyad, 168, 172, 173 95,96,99,100,101,104,127,129,131, urban, 14,37,38,39,47,48,49,50,52,53, 135, 141, 145, 166 89, 100, 138, 143 wills, 17, 21, 95, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146 Valencia, 169 wool,5,58, 74,88,91,92,93,94,95, 100, velvet, 141, 144, 145 101, 103, 104, 121, 126, 129, 141, 149, Venice, 124, 131 155 vestments, 6, 12, 13, 15, 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, woolen,93,96,97,100,121,123,128,129, 63, 64,66,68,69,143 135, 140, 141, 149, 151, 163 violence, 62, 100, 101, 132, 182, 186, 190, wrist, 127, 158 194,199,203,204 violet, 141 yellow, 65 vrrgin,9,24,57, 101,102 Yemen, 150, 154 waist, 56, 113 Ypres, 99, 101 wall-hanging, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 32,33 Zizek, Slavoj, 17, 198, 199, 200