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NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Research Article Explaining Protectionism Support: the Role of Economic Factors
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Crossref Hindawi Publishing Corporation ISRN Economics Volume 2013, Article ID 954071, 14 pages http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/954071 Research Article Explaining Protectionism Support: The Role of Economic Factors Natalia Melgar,1 Juliette Milgram-Baleix,2 and Máximo Rossi1 1 Department of Economics, University of the Republic, Constituyente 1502, 11200 Montevideo, Uruguay 2 Department of Economic eory and History, University of Granada, Campus Cartuja, 18071 Granada, Spain Correspondence should be addressed to Natalia Melgar; [email protected] Received 8 November 2012; Accepted 26 November 2012 Academic Editors: T. M. Dall and D. Mitra Copyright © 2013 Natalia Melgar et al. is is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. We �nd that individuals’ opinions concerning protectionist policies match with how their revenue could be affected in the medium or long term by trade liberalisation in line with predictions of the comparative advantage models. An adverse macroeconomic context (large increase in the unemployment rate or in�ation rate) increases protectionist attitudes, thus re�ecting that people do not trust that free trade will lead to lower prices or create jobs despite trade theory optimism. People share a mercantilist view of trade since more imports increase protectionism support, while people positively value exports, especially in small countries. Regarding policy measures, while protectionist measures do not in�uence protectionism support in general, easy access to exports reduces people’s support for protectionism. -
Gross Domestic Product (GDP)
1 SECTION Gross Domestic Product ross domestic product (GDP) is a measure of a country’s economic output. GDP per capita and GDP Gper employed person are related indicators that provide a general picture of a country’s well-being. GDP per capita is an indicator of overall wealth in a country, and GDP per employed person is a general indicator of productivity. 8 CHARTING INTERNATIONAL LABOR COMPARISONS | SEPTEMBER 2012 U.S. BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS | www.bls.gov Gross domestic product, selected countries, in U.S. dollars, 2010 United States China Japan CHART India 1.1 Germany Gross domestic United Kingdom France product (GDP) Brazil was more Italy than 14 trillion Mexico dollars in the Spain South Korea United States Canada and exceeded Australia 4 trillion Poland dollars in only Netherlands Argentina three other Belgium countries: Sweden China, Japan, Philippines and India. Switzerland Austria In addition to China Greece Singapore and India, other large Czech Republic emerging economies, Norway such as Brazil and Portugal Mexico, were among the Israel 10 largest countries in Denmark terms of GDP. Hungary Finland The GDP of the United Ireland States was roughly 5 New Zealand times larger than that of Slovakia Germany, 10 times larger Estonia than that of South Korea, 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Trillions of 2010 U.S. dollars and 40 times larger than that of the Philippines. NOTE: GDP is converted to U.S. dollars using purchasing power parities (PPP). See section notes. SOURCES: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics and The World Bank. -
Economic Size and Debt Sustainability Against Piketty's
Economic Size and Debt Sustainability against Piketty’s Capital Inequality Hyejin Cho To cite this version: Hyejin Cho. Economic Size and Debt Sustainability against Piketty’s Capital Inequality. ACRN Journal of Finance and Risk Perspectives, ACRN Oxford Publishing House, 2015, 4 (2), pp.21-42. hal-01009465v2 HAL Id: hal-01009465 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01009465v2 Submitted on 24 May 2017 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. ACRN Journal of Finance and Risk Perspectives Vol. 4, Issue 2, March 2015, p. 21-42 ISSN 2305-7394 ECONOMIC SIZE AND DEBT SUSTAINABILITY AGAINST PIKETTY’S “CAPITAL INEQUALITY” Hye-jin Cho1 1Department of Economics, University of Paris 1, Pantheon-Sorbonne, PARIS, FRANCE Abstract. This article presents a methodology designed to facilitate alternative variables measuring economic growth. A capital-labor split of Cobb-Douglas function is adapted for use in the context of economic growth. A capital/income ratio and two fundamental laws of capitalism originated by Thomas Piketty illustrate capital inequality undervalued with respect to labor inequality. In addition, the article includes export and external debt as strong alternatives. Empirical data of the World Bank are analyzed to demonstrate broad differences in economic sizes. -
Capital Depreciation and Labor Shares Around the World: Measurement and Implications∗
Capital Depreciation and Labor Shares Around the World: Measurement and Implications∗ Loukas Karabarbounis Brent Neiman University of Chicago and NBER University of Chicago and NBER October 2014 Abstract The labor share is typically measured as compensation to labor relative to gross value added (\gross labor share"), in part because gross value added is more directly measured than net value added. Labor compensation relative to net value added (\net labor share") may be more important in some settings, however, because depreciation is not consumed. We document that both gross and net labor shares have declined around the world over the past four decades. Some countries, including the United States, experienced increases in the value of depreciation and therefore their net labor share declined by less than their gross labor share. The average economy, however, experienced a similarly sized decline in both measures. Using a simple model, we analyze the relationship between technology, depreciation, factor shares, and inequal- ity. Consistent with our empirical findings, we demonstrate that gross and net labor shares move together in response to changes in the price of investment goods but not necessarily in response to other shocks. We illustrate that both labor share measures can be jointly informative about the structure of production, realization of shocks, and transitional dynamics of consumption inequality. JEL-Codes: E21, E22, E23, E25. Keywords: Depreciation, Labor Share, Inequality. ∗We gratefully acknowledge the support of the National Science Foundation and Chicago Booth. The Online Appendix that accompanies this paper can be found on the authors' web pages. 1 Introduction A recent wave of empirical work has invigorated interest in theories of factor shares, capital accumulation, growth, and inequality. -
WT/GC/W/757 16 January 2019 (19-0259) Page
WT/GC/W/757 16 January 2019 (19-0259) Page: 1/45 General Council Original: English AN UNDIFFERENTIATED WTO: SELF-DECLARED DEVELOPMENT STATUS RISKS INSTITUTIONAL IRRELEVANCE COMMUNICATION FROM THE UNITED STATES The following communication, dated 15 January 2019, is being circulated at the request of the delegation of the United States. _______________ 1 INTRODUCTION 1.1. In the preamble to the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, the Parties recognized that "their relations in the field of trade and economic endeavor should be conducted with a view to raising standards of living, ensuring full employment and a large and steadily growing volume of real income and effective demand, and expanding the production of and trade in goods and services, while allowing for the optimal use of the world's resources in accordance with the objective of sustainable development…." 1.2. Since the WTO's inception in 1995, Members have made significant strides in pursuing these aims. Global Gross National Income (GNI) per capita on a purchasing-power-parity (PPP) basis, adjusted for inflation, surged by nearly two-thirds, from $9,116 in 1995 to $15,072 in 2016.1 The United Nations Development Program's (UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI) for the world increased from 0.598 to 0.728 between 1990 and 2017.2 According to the World Bank, between 1993 and 2015 — the most recent year for which comprehensive data on global poverty is available — the percentage of people around the world who live in extreme poverty fell from 33.5 percent to 10 percent, the lowest poverty rate in recorded history.3 Despite the world population increasing by more than two billion people between 1990 and 2015, the number of people living in extreme poverty fell by more than 1.1 billion during the same period, to about 736 million.4 1.3. -
History of Global Economy
HISTORY OF GLOBAL ECONOMY We begin our discussion of the history of the global economy with the following question. What has led to such strong differences across regions of the world? The quick and dirty answer is simply that the "West" developed first. Birth of Capitalism1 One can find examples of sustained economic growth throughout history, for example in the woolen industry in 13th century Flanders, and in 14th century Florence. Starting with the 11th century long distance trading flourished connecting thriving pockets of growth, between Venice and the Netherlands. However, by and large, living standards remained at subsistence levels for the majority of the world's population until the middle of the 18th century. Over the centuries as commerce grew, albeit slowly, the power of the vassals of the feudal system declined being replaced by merchants and incipient capitalists. Innovations in sailing led to long distance trading. The opportunities and challenges of sending a vessel abroad for years at a time brought about the institutions which facilitated the growth of the modern capitalist system. Institutions which spurred the growth of capitalism Principle of Private Property Joint Stock Companies Deposit Banking Insurance Formal Contracts International Financial Markets Craft Guilds Government Support of Opening Markets Merchant Associations At the same time burgeoning industrialization and urbanization further weakened the feudal economy changing both the political as well as the economic structure of Europe. The question remains why in the “west”? Some of the factors contributing to these changes were: 1) The Protestant Reformation - note that industrialization began in northern Europe. Protestant work ethic - fostered hard work, frugality, sobriety and efficiency, virtues which facilitated capitalism. -
How Did the First World War Start?
How Did the First World War Start? The First World War, often called The Great War, was an enormous and devastating event in the early 1900s. Over 17 million people were killed and it had a massive effect on politics and countries all over the world. But why did the First World War happen and what caused it? The major catalyst for the start of the First World War was the assassination of a man named Archduke Franz Picture associated with the arrest of Gavrilo Princip Ferdinand. However, there were other events which led to the start of the war. The start of the 1900s in Europe was a time of peace for many. In most places, wealth was growing and people were comfortable and countries were thriving. At this time, some European countries, mainly France and Britain, owned and controlled countries in Asia and Africa, as well as some areas of other continents. This was because these countries helped to improve the wealth of Europe. Before the First World War, many countries were allies with one another and they had defence treaties. This meant that if war was declared on one of the countries, the other members of the alliance had to go to war to help them. There were two main alliances, one between Britain, France and Russia called ‘The Triple Entente’ and one between Germany and Austria-Hungary called ‘The Central Powers’. One of the reasons for these treaties was that, during the early 1900s, each country wanted to be the most powerful. Germany in particular, who did not control many territories, began building warships as they wished to become the most powerful country. -
The Optimal Size of Government in Australia
THE OPTIMAL SIZE OF GOVERNMENT IN AUSTRALIA Anthony J Makin Griffith Business School Griffith University Gold Coast 4222 [email protected] Julian Pearce Economics and Finance School Advisory Committee QUT Brisbane 4000 [email protected] Shyama Ratnasiri Griffith Business School Griffith University Gold Coast 4222 [email protected] Paper presented at 2018 Australian Conference of Economists, Canberra, 10-13 July. 1 THE OPTIMAL SIZE OF GOVERNMENT IN AUSTRALIA Abstract In the extensive literature on the role of government in the economy scant attention has been paid to the influence of the relative size of government on an economy’s rate of growth. This paper canvasses perspectives on why the size of government has grown, how this affects the wider economy, and why a trade-off exists between increased government size and economic growth beyond some optimal level, as conveyed by the so-called BARS curve. The paper next examines in-depth trends in government spending in Australia which has grown to a historically high level of 37 per cent of national income post GFC before econometrically estimating the optimal size of government on Australia’s BARS curve using the ARMAX approach. The results suggest the share of government spending in Australia consistent with maximising economic growth is 31 per cent of national income, significantly below the current level of 37 per cent. JEL: H6 E62 Contents 1. Introduction 2. Perspectives on Government Size and Growth 3. The Growth of Government in Australia 4. Estimating Optimal Government Size for Australia 5. Conclusion 2 THE OPTIMAL SIZE OF GOVERNMENT IN AUSTRALIA 1. -
A Better Measure of Economic Growth: Gross Domestic Output (Gdo)
COUNCIL OF ECONOMIC ADVISERS ISSUE BRIEF JULY 2015 A BETTER MEASURE OF ECONOMIC GROWTH: GROSS DOMESTIC OUTPUT (GDO) The growth of total economic output affects our assessment of current well-being as well as decisions about the future. Measuring the strength of the economy, however, can be difficult as it depends on surveys and administrative source data that are necessarily imperfect and incomplete. The total output of the economy can be measured in two distinct ways—Gross Domestic Product (GDP), which adds consumption, investment, government spending, and net exports; and Gross Domestic Income (GDI), which adds labor compensation, business profits, and other sources of income. In theory these two measures of output should be identical; however, they differ in practice because of measurement error. With today’s annual revision, the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) began publishing a new measure of U.S. output—the “average of GDP and GDI”—which the Council of Economic Advisers (CEA) will refer to as Gross Domestic Output (GDO).1 This issue brief describes GDO, reviews its recent trends, and explains why it can be a more accurate measure of current economic growth and a better predictor of future economic growth than either GDP or GDI alone. What is Gross Domestic Output (GDO)? The first estimate of quarterly GDP is released nearly a month after each quarter’s end. Owing to data lags, GDI What we are calling “GDO” is the average of two existing is generally first released nearly two months after series, the headline Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and quarter’s end, along with the second estimate of GDP.2 its lesser-known counterpart, Gross Domestic Income As a result, with today’s advance GDP release, GDI and (GDI). -
World Employment and Social Outlook Trends 2020 World Employment and Social Outlook
ILO Flagship Report World Employment and Social Outlook Outlook and Social Employment World – Trends 2020 Trends X World Employment and Social Outlook Trends 2020 World Employment and Social Outlook Trends 2020 International Labour Office • Geneva Copyright © International Labour Organization 2020 First published 2020 Publications of the International Labour Office enjoy copyright under Protocol 2 of the Universal Copyright Convention. Nevertheless, short excerpts from them may be reproduced without authorization, on condition that the source is indicated. For rights of reproduction or translation, application should be made to ILO Publications (Rights and Licensing), International Labour Office, CH-1211 Geneva 22, Switzerland, or by email: [email protected]. The International Labour Office welcomes such applications. Libraries, institutions and other users registered with a reproduction rights organization may make copies in accordance with the licences issued to them for this purpose. Visit www.ifrro.org to find the reproduction rights organization in your country. World Employment and Social Outlook: Trends 2020 International Labour Office – Geneva: ILO, 2020 ISBN 978-92-2-031408-1 (print) ISBN 978-92-2-031407-4 (web pdf) employment / unemployment / labour policy / labour market analysis / economic and social development / regional development / Africa / Asia / Caribbean / Europe / EU countries / Latin America / Middle East / North America / Pacific 13.01.3 ILO Cataloguing in Publication Data The designations employed in ILO publications, which are in conformity with United Nations practice, and the presentation of material therein do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the International Labour Office concerning the legal status of any country, area or territory or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers. -
What Do Global Metrics Tell Us About the World?
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article What Do Global Metrics Tell Us about the World? John Rennie Short 1,* , Justin Vélez-Hagan 1,2 and Leah Dubots 1 1 School of Public Policy, University of Maryland Baltimore County, Baltimore, MD 21250, USA; [email protected] (J.V.-H.); [email protected] (L.D.) 2 National Puerto Rican Chamber of Commerce, 629 K St NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20006, USA * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 17 April 2019; Accepted: 26 April 2019; Published: 1 May 2019 Abstract: There are now a wide variety of global indicators that measure different economic, political and social attributes of countries in the world. This paper seeks to answer two questions. First, what is the degree of overlap between these different measures? Are they, in fact, measuring the same underlying dimension? To answer this question, we employ a principal component analysis (PCA) to 15 indices across 145 countries. The results demonstrate that there is one underlying dimension that combines economic development and social progress with state stability. Second, how do countries score on this dimension? The results of the PCA allow us to produce categorical divisions of the world. The threefold division identifies a world composed of what we describe and map as rich, poor and middle countries. A five-group classification provided a more nuanced categorization described as: The very rich, free and stable; affluent and free; upper middle; lower middle; poor and not free. Keywords: global indices; global metrics; global society; new global geographies; principal components analysis 1. Introduction Part of the proliferation of performance measures (Van Noorden 2010) is the growing range and number of what we may term global indices, which are used to compare the socio-economic-political characteristics of countries.