DOCSLIB.ORG

Social and Political Attitudes of People on Low Incomes

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Social and Political Attitudes of People on Low Incomes Social and political attitudes of people on low incomes Authors: Allison Dunatchik, Malen Davies, Julia Griggs, Fatima Husain, Curtis Jessop, Nancy Kelley, Hannah Morgan, Nilufer Rahim, Eleanor Taylor, Martin Wood Date: 30.08.2016 Prepared for: The Joseph Rowntree Foundation Contents Executive Summary 1 Introduction 2 Politics 3 Welfare and Worklessness 4 Key Concerns and Front of Mind Issues 5 Feeling in Control 6 Taking Action 7 Conclusions Appendix A Method Appendix B Panel sample profile Appendix C Case study sample profile Appendix D Variables included in the cross sectional analysis Executive Summary People living on low incomes have historically been excluded from politics and policy debates, even when the question at hand is how poverty can be reduced or its impacts mitigated.1 The aim of this research was to explore how people on low incomes perceive politics, understand how far they feel they can control or influence the impact of politics and policy on their lives, and provide a platform for them to speak out on the issues that most concern them. This report draws on three complementary projects: secondary analysis of Understanding Society and NatCen’s British Social Attitudes survey uncovering the social and political attitudes of people on low incomes, findings from a new high quality random web probability panel, and a deep dive case study with people living on low incomes in an Outer London borough. Politics Despite experiencing significant and persistent inequalities in living conditions and life-chances2, people living on low incomes have social and political attitudes that are broadly similar to their higher income peers. Over time, as attitudes change, the pattern of that change is also similar, suggesting that the same factors are influencing both groups. There are, however, some key differences in the political and social attitudes of people living on lower incomes. People on low incomes are significantly less likely to describe themselves as interested in politics. In 2015, only 25% of people in the low income group said they had ‘a great deal’ or ‘quite a lot’ of interest in politics, compared to 40% of people in the higher income group. However, the percentage of people on low income who are interested in politics is rising slowly but steadily: from 20% in 2000 to 25% last year. People living on low incomes also appear to have less trust in their political representatives. The most recent data shows that 61% of the lower income group don’t trust politicians to tell the truth (compared to 50% of the higher income group). Political party affiliation remains closely coupled to income, with people on low incomes less likely to support the Conservative Party, more likely to support the Labour Party, and more likely to not identify with any party than their higher income peers. Results also suggest that people on lower incomes are less likely to see voting as a civic norm or duty, a finding that reflects data on voting in general elections, where turnout is consistently lower among people from lower socio- economic classes. The UK and Europe Over the last decade and a half, attitudes to membership of the European Union have been relatively stable. Although no difference was found in 2015, in 7 years between 2001 and 2015, people on lower incomes were significantly more likely to believe that Britain should leave the EU, more likely to be undecided and less likely to believe that Britain should remain in the EU, but reduce its powers. 1 Elitist Britain? Report of the Commission on Social Mobility and Child Poverty, London 2014. 2 See for instance McInnes et al (2015) Monitoring of Poverty and Social Exclusion 2015, JRF, York and Wickham et al (2016) Poverty and Child Health in the UK: using evidence for action, Disease in Childhood. Figure 1 Proportion of respondents who say ‘Britain should leave the EU’ by income group Interestingly, people on low incomes are also less happy with the way in which England is governed. While the most recent data showed no difference in views about the best way for England to be governed, time series analysis suggests lower income groups have both a higher level of dissatisfaction with the current system, and a slightly higher level of support for establishing an English parliament (22% compared with 20%). Welfare and Worklessness As with attitudes to politics and the political sphere, there are similarities in the pattern of attitudes to welfare and worklessness across lower and higher income groups, which show a long term decline in support for the welfare state, and high levels of concern about income inequality. However, of the 14 questions asked, 11 were significantly related to a household’s income level, and just 4 showed no significant difference. This said, people on low incomes are more likely to see spending on benefits as a priority for government (11% compared to 4% among higher income groups), and to support increased public spending even when it requires increased taxation (45% compared to 37%). In the area of unemployment and benefits for working age adults, people on low incomes are consistently more sympathetic to unemployed people. They are significantly more likely to think that unemployment benefits are too low, empathise with jobseekers and oppose requiring people to take minimum wage jobs while they search for something better (only 50% support agreed that someone should ‘definitely’ take a minimum wage job, as opposed to 62% of the higher income group). They are also more likely to see welfare cuts as damaging (65% compared to 42%) and to oppose the benefit cap (31% compared to 22%). Perhaps unsurprisingly, 71% of people on low incomes feel that it is ‘mainly the government that is responsible for supporting people who become unemployed’ compared to only 56% of the higher income group. Overall, this paints a picture of attitudes to welfare and worklessness that are out of step with the long term direction of government policy which has increased transfers to pensioners at the expense of working age adults, and focused on labour market activation and conditionality. Key concerns and front of mind issues The single most important concern identified by panelists was health and disability, followed by personal finances, crime, migrants or immigration, and housing. Although the priorities were the same across lower and higher income groups, people on lower incomes were slightly more concerned about crime and housing than their higher income peers. Figure 2 Proportion selecting issues by whether or not living on low income In contrast to this picture, participants in the depth research were extremely concerned about immigration and its impact on public services. Participants were opposed to increased migration to the UK, and felt immigration was ‘out of control’. They believed that immigration had increased pressure on public services, making it harder for them and their family to access services or make choices about the kinds of services they wanted. Some participants believed that migrants had unlimited access to public services and more preferential treatment than UK citizens. Immigration was closely coupled in their minds with concerns about health, education and housing. Feeling in Control Overall, across both high and low income groups, people felt able to exercise some control over the issues they care most about. Figure 3 Level of control over issue Bases: All participants selecting issue, Providing or requiring care (204); Education (386); Personal finances (615); Work or finding employment (319); Migrants or immigration (517); Housing or your home (453); Health, including disability (853); Crime (423) Again, immigration stands out as the exception, with 71% of people on higher incomes and 76% of people on lower incomes saying they ‘can make no difference’ to the impact immigration has on their lives. This research was carried out in 2015, before the EU Referendum campaign had fully begun. For most issues of concern, where people on low incomes appeared to feel a much lower level of control, this was in fact being driven by demographic factors such as age, or health status. However, living on a low income was associated with feeling much less in control of housing, something that is unsurprising given the affordability problems that are endemic in the UK market. When asked about how far they felt they had overall control over their lives, those on higher incomes felt significantly more in control (even when age and other characteristics were taken into account). This also came across powerfully in the depth research. ‘I might have a nice council place, you can be given – there are nice council places. I might be put in a nice area but you just – it’s the unknown. It’s the – that it is out of your hands when they – when you’re given a council property that you are being told where you’ve got to go and that being out of your hands, you cant choose and that, that worries me, yeah’ For some of these participants, their family was the only thing they felt they could exercise real control and influence over. Conclusions This research set out to explore how people on low incomes perceive politics, and how much they feel they can influence the things they care most about. It is clear that people on low incomes have attitudes to politics and public policy that are broadly in line with the wider population, a finding that may be surprising given how entrenched inequality is in our society, and how much the impact of political decisions can vary for higher and lower income communities. Trust in politicians and the political system is low and falling, but interest in politics is rising slowly.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
    harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY.
    [Show full text]
  • Class and Ocupation
    Theory and Society, vol. 9, núm. 1, 1980, pp. 177-214. Class and Ocupation. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (1980). Class and Ocupation. Theory and Society, 9 (1) 177-214. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/53 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. 177 CLASS AND OCCUPATION ERIK OLIN WRIGHT Sociologists have generally regarded "class" and "occupation" as occupy- ing essentially the same theoretical terrain. Indeed, the most common operationalization of class is explicitly in terms of a typology of occupa- tions: professional and technical occupations constitute the upper-middle class, other white collar occupations comprise the middle class proper, and manual occupations make up the working class. Even when classes are not seen as defined simply by a typology of occupations, classes are generally viewed as largely determined by occupations. Frank Parkin expresses this view when he writes: "The backbone of the class structure, and indeed of the entire reward system of modern Western society, is the occupational order. Other sources of economic and symbolic advantage do coexist alongside the occupational order, but for the vast majority of the population these tend, at best, to be secondary to those deriving from the division of labor."' While the expression "backbone" is rather vague, nevertheless the basic proposition is clear: the occupational structure fundamentally determines the class structure.
    [Show full text]
  • The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: from the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, Vol
    Papel Político ISSN: 0122-4409 [email protected] Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Colombia Herrera-Zgaib, Miguel Ángel The public intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect Papel Político, vol. 14, núm. 1, enero-junio, 2009, pp. 143-164 Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=77720764007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative The Public Intellectual in Critical Marxism: From the Organic Intellectual to the General Intellect* El intelectual público en el marxismo crítico: del intelectual orgánico al intelecto general Miguel Ángel Herrera-Zgaib** Recibido: 28/02/09 Aprobado evaluador interno: 31/03/09 Aprobado evaluador externo: 24/03/09 Abstract Resumen The key issue of this essay is to look at Antonio El asunto clave de este artículo es examinar los Gramsci’s writings as centered on the theme escritos de Antonio Gramsci como centrados en of public intellectual within the Communist el tema del intelectual público, de acuerdo con la experience in the years 1920s and 1930s. The experiencia comunista de los años 20 y 30 del si- essay also deals with the present significance of glo XX. El artículo también trata la significación what Gramsci said about the organic intellectual presente de aquello que Gramsci dijo acerca del regarding the existence of the general intellect intelectual orgánico, considerando la existencia in the current capitalist relations of production del intelecto general en las presentes relaciones de and reproduction of society.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of Middle Class Politics?
    The End of Middle Class Politics? The End of Middle Class Politics? By Sotiris Rizas The End of Middle Class Politics? By Sotiris Rizas This book first published 2018 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2018 by Sotiris Rizas All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-0654-1 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-0654-1 CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 What makes the middle classes? ............................................................ 8 The middle classes in mass politics: the lower middle classes as a bone of contention ................................................................... 10 Chapter One ............................................................................................... 23 Emergence of the Middle Classes and Middle Class Politics in America and Europe, 1890–1914 The middle classes and the Progressive Movement in America, 1900–14 .......................................................................................... 28 The public policies of Progressivism ................................................... 29 Middle-class
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Class and Redistributive Policies
    The political class and redistributive policies Alejandro Corvalan - Universidad Diego Portales Pablo Querubin - New York University Sergio Vicente - Universidad Carlos III de Madrid LSE-Stanford-Universidad de los Andes Conference on Long-Run Development in Latin America, London School of Economics and Political Science, 16-17 May 2018 The political class and redistributive policies⇤ Alejandro Corvalan† Pablo Querubin‡ Sergio Vicente§ June 16, 2017 Abstract We study the relationship between the composition of the political class and the size of government. First, we use a citizen-candidate model to show that the extension of su↵rage is inconsequential for government spending when stricter eligibility requirements are in place. The removal of eligibility requirements, on the other hand, leads to the election of less wealthy politicians and the enactment of more redistributive policies. We test these predictions empir- ically using data from the 13 U.S. original states. We find no robust correlation between the extension of the franchise and government spending or the composition of the political class. However, the subsequent elimination of eligibility restrictions is associated with an increase in government spending and the election of state senators with a less elite background. ⇤We thank Felipe Balcazar, Antonella Bandiera, Pedro Rodriguez, Mateo Uribe, Alessandro Vecchiato, Waldo Vila and Richell Wee for outstanding research assistance. Scott Ashworth (discussant), Filipe Campante (dis- cussant), Pedro Dal Bo (discussant), Emilio Depetris-Chauvin (discussant), Elena Esposito (discussant), Garance Genicot (discussant), Bill Easterly, Je↵Frieden, Sebastian Lavezzolo, Antoine Loeper, Suresh Naidu, Ken Shepsle, David Stasavage and Stephane Wolton provided very valuable feedback. Joe Ferrie kindly gave us access to the full count file of the 1850 Population Census.
    [Show full text]
  • The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society Melvyn L
    Kennesaw State University DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University KSU Press Legacy Project 1-2006 The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society Melvyn L. Fein Kennesaw State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ksupresslegacy Part of the Social Psychology and Interaction Commons, and the Work, Economy and Organizations Commons Recommended Citation Fein, Melvyn L., "The Great Middle Class Revolution: Our Long March Toward a Professionalized Society" (2006). KSU Press Legacy Project. 5. http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/ksupresslegacy/5 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in KSU Press Legacy Project by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Kennesaw State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE GREAT MIDDLE-CLASS REVOLUTION Our Long March Toward A Professionalized Society THE GREAT MIDDLE-CLASS REVOLUTION Our Long March Toward A Professionalized Society Melvyn L. Fein 2005 Copyright © 2005 Kennesaw State University Press All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner without prior written consent of the publisher. Kennesaw State University Press Kennesaw State University Bldg. 27, Ste. 220, MB# 2701 1000 Chastain Road Kennesaw, GA 30144 Betty L. Seigel, President of the University Lendley Black, Vice President for Academic Affairs Laura Dabundo, Editor & Director of the Press Shirley Parker-Cordell, Sr. Administrative Specialist Holly S. Miller, Cover Design Mark Anthony, Editorial & Production Assistant Jeremiah Byars, Michelle Hinson, Margo Lakin-Lapage, and Brenda Wilson, Editorial Assistants Back cover photo by Jim Bolt Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Fein, Melvyn L.
    [Show full text]
  • SOCI 101 Introduction to Sociology
    SOCI 101 Introduction to Sociology Professor Kurt Reymers, Ph.D. (DR. K) WWW.morrisville.edu/SOCIOLOGY STRATIFICATION = LAYERING G. Social Stratification 1.a. Social Stratification is the categorization of people into a social hierarchy. b. Stratification is defined materially by access to resources that relate to standard of living and social position (status). c. Stratification is represented symbolically through socially constructed rankings of social status (for example, by “occupational prestige”) d. Stratification is culturally universal. All human societies develop stratification systems, although they don’t always look the same. 1 G. Social Stratification 2. The Structure of Stratification a. How is it Measured? “SES” = Socio-Economic Status The idea behind SES comes from Max Weber’s famous essay on Class, Status and Party (1893). || || || (Property, Prestige, Potential) ~ or ~ (Money, Respect, Power) G. Social Stratification 2. Structure: Measuring Stratification a. SES = Socio-Economic Status: Money, Power, Respect i. Income and wealth (Money) • Income: occupational wages and earnings from investments • Wealth: the total value of money and other assets, minus any debt ii. Political position of authority (Power) • Power is “the ability to control your fate and the fate of others, even in the face of resistance.” (Weber, 1893) • Examples: - Parents have authority over children; - Police officers have authority to use force when necessary; - A Supreme Court Justice has authority to interpret the law. iii. Social prestige (Respect) • Educational level – PhD, JD, MD, MBA, MA, BS, BA, AA, GED • Job-related status – “occupational prestige” • Honor; fame; celebrity – “positive sanctions” G. Social Stratification 2.b. Different Structures of Social Stratification i. Caste System A system based on ascribed status: birth determines social position.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Slavery Caribbean Plantation Complex∗
    Franchise Extension and Elite Persistence: The Post-Slavery Caribbean Plantation Complex∗ Christian Dippely July 20th 2011 Preliminary - Comments Welcome Abstract What determines the extension of the franchise to the poor? This paper studies the 19th century development of parliamentary institutions in the 17 British Caribbean slave colonies. After abolition, freed slaves began to obtain the franchise as small- holders. I document that the elite’s response was a series of constitutional changes in which local parliaments voted to restrict their own powers or abolish themselves altogether in favor of direct colonial rule. This “defensive franchise contraction” hap- pened later or not at all where the franchise expanded less and political turnover re- mained lower, suggesting it was aimed at excluding the new smallholder class from the political process. Against its stated aim, direct colonial rule led to increases in coercive expenditure and decreases in public good provision, suggesting it did not reduce planter elites’ insider access to the colonial administration. A new data-set on the identity of all elected and nominated politicians in the colonies from 1838 to 1900 confirms that planter interests continued to dominate the reformed legislatures under direct colonial rule. Keywords: Economic Development, Elite Persistence, Political Inequality, Institutions, Fran- chise Extension. ∗I thank Toke Aidt, Dwayne Benjamin, Loren Brandt, Mauricio Drelichman, Gilles Duranton, Peter Morrow and Dan Trefler and participants of the 2011 CEGE conference for valuable discussions and insightful comments yDepartment of Economics, University of Toronto (email: [email protected]) 1 Introduction The 19th century is generally viewed as the century in which the franchise was for the first time extended to broad segments of society.
    [Show full text]
  • Features of the Political Class, Transition, Elite Status and Parliament
    ISSN 2039-2117 (online) Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol 8 No 1 ISSN 2039-9340 (print) MCSER Publishing, Rome-Italy January 2017 Features of the Political Class, Transition, Elite Status and Parliament Luljeta Hasani Ph.D Candidate Doi:10.5901/mjss.2017.v8n1p494 Abstract As a result of this political mentality of the Albanian political class in the first decade of the council, unfortunately, and today, this feature of the Albanian political and political class continues to be used by the government as a revolt against the political opponent. This mentality of the political class has undermined the morality of politics, as the level of political reasoning is revenge and hatred for the other who has fallen out of power through the vote, considering the removal of power as an injustice that has been done, this situation has Coupled with the Albanian political class all the time, slowing democratic processes in the country. The functioning of the parliament is a direct expression of the political class level, and it is a guarantee that the political system will function. Through it, society sees how to examine ways of gaining power and its functioning and control, but the political class that has emerged on the political scene following the collapse of the communist system has failed to give this institution a normal function within the standards Of a Western parliament Keywords: Albanian political class, This exercise of power, Albanians a normal parliament after the collapse of the communist system, functioning of the parliament is a direct expression of the political class level During the two decades of transition, there is a very important feature of the behavior of the Albanian political elite, which is the exercise of power on its own.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of the Middle Class in the Emergence and Consolidation of a Democratic Civil Society
    Ankara Law Review Vol.2 No.2 (Winter 2005), pp.95-107 The Role of the Middle Class in the Emergence and Consolidation of a Democratic Civil Society Prof. Dr. Ergun Özbudun* ABSTRACT Emphasizing the importance of the middle classes in the emergence and consolidation of democratic societies may well be regarded as an overall tendency in modern social sciences. This affirmative approach to the middle class dynamics primarily rests on the assumptions that a highly developed middle class would temper conflicts in a pluralistic society by rewarding moderate and democratic choices, and that a highly developed middle class would contribute to the endeavors for transition to democracy. Nevertheless, despite the considerable weight of these interpretations in contemporary political thinking, one should also pay attention to several examples, in which the middle classes did not take active part in the democratization processes or even actively supported authoritarian rule under certain circumstances. Therefore, it seems vital to ask what types of middle classes under what kind of circumstances prefer to play an active role in the transition to and the consolidation of democracy. Consequently, this article aims to provide an answer to these questions by distinguishing certain paths of socioeconomic developments and pointing out the fact that it would be misleading to accept middle classes as apriori democratic forces under all circumstances. ÖZET Demokrasilerin ortaya çıkışında ve pekişmesinde orta sınıfların rolüne vurgu yapılması, günümüz sosyal bilimlerse hâkim bir eğilim olarak belirmektedir. Orta sınıf dinamiklerine bu olumlu yaklaşım, orta sınıfların ılımlı ve demokratik politikaları ' Bilkent University, Professor of Constitutional Law. 96 Ankara Law Review Vol.2 No.2 desteklemek suretiyle toplumsal gerilimleri azalttıkları ve demokrasiye geçiş sürecini yaşayan toplumlarda bu yöndeki çabalara destek verdikleri yönündeki görüşlere dayanmaktadır.
    [Show full text]
  • The Emerging Latino Middle Class Explanation of Findings
    Pepperdine University Institute for Public Policy and AT&T with support from the Catellus Development Corporation present The Emerging Latino Middle Class by Gregory Rodriguez October 1996 Acknowledgments Edited by Joel Kotkin John M. Olin Fellow Pepperdine University Institute for Public Policy Pepperdine University's Institute for Public Policy wishes to thank the following corporate sponsors of the research report: Catellus Development Corporation Pepperdine University's Institute for Public Policy wishes to thank the following individuals and corporate sponsors for their support of the research: Mary Salinas Durón First Interstate Bank/Wells Fargo Bank David Friedman Linda Griego Hispanic Advisory Council Pepperdine University La Opinión José de Jesús Legaspi The Legaspi Company McDonald’s Corporation Steve Moya Moya, Villanueva & Associates Parking Company of America Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Danny Villanueva Morley Winograd The Emerging Latino Middle Class Explanation of Findings T his report examines the extent to which Latinos in Southern California have begun creating a stable middle class. It reevaluates the social mobility of a group that has been, more often than not, defined by its deficits or dysfunctions. The statistics herein provide the first portrait of this dynamic but still largely unrecognized sector of Southern California society. The data, derived primarily from the 1980 and 1990 U.S. Census Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS), reveal the existence of a substantial and steadily growing Latino middle class in the five-county Southern California region. 1 Viewed as a group, the Latino middle class constitutes a largely young, hard-working, family- oriented population, increasingly adaptive to the changing economic conditions of Southern California.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Inequality Why British Democracy Must Be Reformed and Revitalised
    REPORT POLITICAL INEQUALITY WHY BRITISH DEMOCRACY MUST BE REFORMED AND REVITALISED Mathew Lawrence April 2014 © IPPR 2014 Institute for Public Policy Research ABOUT IPPR IPPR, the Institute for Public Policy Research, is the UK’s leading progressive thinktank. We are an independent charitable organisation with more than 40 staff members, paid interns and visiting fellows. Our main office is in London, with IPPR North, IPPR’s dedicated thinktank for the North of England, operating out of offices in Newcastle and Manchester. The purpose of our work is to conduct and publish the results of research into and promote public education in the economic, social and political sciences, and in science and technology, including the effect of moral, social, political and scientific factors on public policy and on the living standards of all sections of the community. IPPR 4th Floor 14 Buckingham Street London WC2N 6DF T: +44 (0)20 7470 6100 E: [email protected] www.ippr.org Registered charity no. 800065 This paper was first published in April 2015. © 2015 The contents and opinions in this paper are the author’s only. BOLD IDEAS for CHANGE CONTENTS Summary ............................................................................................................3 Introduction ........................................................................................................5 1. Political inequality in the UK: Causes, symptoms and routes to renewal ......7 1.1 The first-past-the-post electoral system ..........................................................
    [Show full text]