Behind the Inscrutable Wonder: The Dramaturgy of the Mask Performance in Traditional African Author(s): Chinyere Grace Okafor Source: Research in African Literatures, Vol. 22, No. 4 (Winter, 1991), pp. 39-52 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3820356 Accessed: 28/03/2009 23:13

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http://www.jstor.org Behind the Inscrutable Wonder: The Dramaturgy of the Mask Performance in Traditional African Society

ChinyereGrace Okafor

Onye Nwe ani. [Ownerof land. Onye nga-nga. The proudone. Agu Qcha! White leopard! Ngbada! Ngbada!! Deer! Deer!!]

These are some of the praise names used to greet the mask-performer among the Igbo of southeasternNigeria. Similar praisesare used for the same purposein other African . Joel Adedeji talks about the "pledge"and "salute"in the Egungunperformance among the Yorubain southwesternNige- ria (45), and A. P. Bourgeoisrefers to the anticipatoryverses that herald the entry of the Mbala mask-performeramong the Yaka of southeastern Zaire (47-50). In each case, the object of these glowing praise names is the mask- performer- a performancewhich constitutes the inscrutablewonder of the festival theater in traditionalAfrican society. My paperexamines the aesthetics that informthis "wonder."G. T. Bas- den sees the mask-performanceas a quaintapparition (124), and L. Havemeyer describes it as an undeveloped dramaticphenomenon (111). In reality, it is neither quaint nor undeveloped. When viewed from its social context, it is full-fledgeddrama. Misunderstandingsabout the nature of traditionaldrama arise when it is evaluated on the basis of Western critical criteria, as K. Uka 40 I Researchin AfricanLiteratures does in faulting it for including elements that lie outside the realistic mode (179) or as Ruth Finnegandoes in suggestingthat it has "little or no linguistic content" (509). Such notions are inappropriatein this context because they are basedon a considerationof technique (e.g., a demandfor realisticelements and a preconceivedstandard of linguisticcontent) ratherthan on an examina- tion of the core of dramaticaction. The core of drama has three basic elements: performersengaged in mimetic action, spectators, and place of representation(which can be either indoorsor outdoors). All other elements-costume, scenery, dialogue, mime, and special effects-might aid the performer'simitative action, but they are extrinsic characteristicsthat determine the peculiarityof different dramatic traditions.The JapaneseNoh performeruses mime, music, and stylizedmove- ment as techniques of representation.The performerof the Indian Kathakali dramauses esoteric gesturesand surrealisticcostumes and make-upto simulate action that is being narrated in song, and Chinese shadow players imitate action by the use of "movingfigures made of animalskins or cardboard"(China 131). Different traditions obviously utilize different techniques to imitate action. It would thereforebe misleadingto review African mask-performance in termsof the dramatictechniques of anotherculture. In traditionalAfrican society, the techniques, the extrinsic characteris- tics that combine to depict the form and mystical auraof the drama, include music, mask, costume, dance, movement, gestures, and metaphysical ele- ments. In orderto understandthe aesthetics of the inscrutablewonder implicit in mask performance,one must regardit as a phenomenon that exists on four levels. In Figure 1, the outermost circle representsthe social context of the drama(i.e., the society in which it occurs). The following circle representsthe performancearena (the theater). The third circle representsthe supernatural quality, and the fourthstands for the specifictechniques employed. The inner- most level embracesthe performanceitself. Factsabout traditionalAfrican societies are more readilyaccessible than informationabout African performance,but it is evident that African theater derives its natureand credibilityfrom the world-viewof the society in which it is performed.This world-view is invariablybased on a spiritualpattern that is reflectedin the social organization.It recognizessix basiccategories: gods, spir- its, humans, animals, plants, and inanimate objects (Imasogie 16). All these categories share the same universe with human beings, and all are linked by their relationship with people, who are ontologically viewed as the center of existence. In attempting to maintain cosmic balance, humans become impli- cated with the other categories. For example, they invoke gods and spiritsby means of , myths, and performativeenactments, all of which reflect humanity'sdependence on the other categoriesand the possibilitythat people can harnessother forces in the cosmos. The centrality of the human is demonstratedin the masking theater. Although elements of this theater seem inexplicable, the performanceitself ChinyereGrace Okafor 1 41

Fig. 1: The outermost circle representsthe social context of the drama (i.e., the society in which it occurs). The following circle representsthe performancearena (the theater). The third circle representsthe super- naturalquality, and the fourthstands for the specifictechniques employed. The innermostlevel embracesthe performanceitself. remains the handiwork of human beings and reflects their mastery over their environment. The Anakpe play of the Gbari of northern Nigeria illustrates this point. Anakpe is a performance that involves type characters such as hunters, animals, and hunters' wives (Zhiri 11). Hunters are distinguished by their cos- tume of animal skin as well as by their hunting bags, bows, and arrows. The ani- mal characters wear masks depicting animals. Through mime, dance, and 42 I Researchin AfricanLiteratures stylized movement, the charactersportray the conflict between hunters and animals for the possessionof the land. During the dramaticaction, the chief hunter wounds an animal and is about to take possessionof it when it injures him. Other hunters quickly run to his rescue. They kill the antagonist and throughthe use of incantations and herbalmedicine restorethe chief hunter's health. At this point the chorus of hunters'wives enters the arena to sing and celebratethe victory. The hunters'play dramatizesthe mythicalstory of the originof the Gbini people. It symbolizes man's victory over the forces of the environment. Becausethe protagonistsneed animalsfor food and clothing, they must neces- sarilysubdue them. The theatricalportrayal of the subjugationof the animals thus becomes a symbolfor the people'smastery of nature. It restoresthe confi- dence of the hunting community in its ability to control its affairsnot just on the basisof its own strengthbut also thanksto the co-operationof other catego- ries. Spirits are involved as the result of incantations, and the use of plants is suggestedby the use of medicinalherbs. Yet the humanremains at the center of the presentation. Everycategory in the African ontology is invested with two sides-two aspects of the same being and two kinds of the same category. This idea is informedby the society's notion of spirit and matter, destructive and useful, good and bad (Kalu 42). Such dualities exist side-by-sidein life and also com- bine within a single object. Like classicalGreek society, which accommodates the realityof Zeusand the transmigrationof spiritsfrom the ElysianFields to the human world, traditionalAfrican society admits of a free movement of spirits and humansbetween their respectiverealms. For example, the pantheon of the Yorubaof Nigeria clearly illustratesthe movement of the gods to and from the chthonic realm. Sango descended to earth and became a king in Oyo. In his moment of weakness,piqued by humanfrailty, he slew both friendand foe. He later transmigratedto the chthonic realm (Roscoe 185 and Beier 188). The transcendentalview of life also extends to human affairs,for people too can transcendthe barriersof their own world and move into another one. Death, for example, constitutes a transitionalphase in one form of this move- ment. Soyinka even refersto it as the "gulfof transition"(48). He contends that, accordingto the Yorubaworld-view, this gulfexists between three areasof existence: past, present, and future. A link between the three areasexists in other African societies as well. This is the reasonfor rites of passagethat sepa- rate the dead from the present and usherthem into the worldof spirits.At the same time, it is assumedthat the deadcan be reincarnatedin humanform, born again into the worldof the living, the present. This idea aboutthe cyclic natureof life extends to other spheresof experi- ence as well. The naturalrhythm of the seasons-dryness and wetness, scarcity and abundance,planting and harvesting-also reflectsthe cyclic natureof life. ChinyereGrace Okafor 1 43

Although the year growsold and dies, it continually renews itself by shedding its old skin and taking on a new life. This conception lies behind the annual communal festivals that signal the rebirthof society. On a symbolic level, it reflects a never-ending conflict between the principles of goodness and evil. Through ritualsand sacrifices,the ancestorsand friendlyspirits are invoked to ensurethe successfultransition from one yearto the next. The spiritsmay returnto sojournamong people and to performa in the transition before returningto the spirit world. Ogun in the Yoruba (Babalola8-18), Ntoa in the Yamfestival of the Aburi in Ghana (Opoku 28- 32), and Obot Owo in the New Yearfestival of the Annang of Nigeria (Etim 5- 6) illustratethis sort of divine intervention in human festivals. An ancestor can play a similarrole, as shown by the example of Gbini duringthe festival of the Mende people of Liberiaand SierraLeone (Siegmann and Perani 43) or returningheroes such as Okotorojoduring Epa festival of Iloro-Ekitiin Yoruba- land (Heyden 20) and Nw'ekpe duringthe Ikejifestival of Arochukwuin Igbo- land. The myth of returncan be performedas a festival without any drama,as in the case of Ntoa duringthe Yamfestival of Aburi. Ntoa returnsand ritualisti- cally partakesof the new yam by means of the festival events, which include libations, sacrifices,feasting, songs, and dance. There is no dramaticrepresen- tation of Ntoa. However, many Africanfestivals (such as those that take place duringthe Nnang, Mende, Ilori-Ekitiand Arochukwufestivals) include drama in the programof events. Traditional drama is, therefore, often part of a festival. Such festivals often embodysacrifices of propitiation,cleansing rituals, dances, and wrestling matches as well as drama.A dramaticrepresentation might well echo the idea of the whole festival, but it remainsan item in the whole festival, an event dur- ing which performersemploy specific techniques that have particularrelevance within the society where the performanceis taking place. The dramaticrepre- sentations might appearto be unrelatedto each other, but they are generally connected in the sense that they may illustratethe theme of the festival. Such dramasoften take place in an open-airarena which therebybecomes a place of interaction between humans, spirits, and other categories of being such as animals, which can be represented, and plants, which are in the costumes and masks. The African arena theater is thereforea theater that houses and repre- sents the various categories of existence in a spatial environment. It can be regardedas a microcosmof the cosmic ontology, what Soyinka calls a "cosmic envelope"that illustrates"man's adventure into his metaphysicalself' (40-41). Thus, the traditionaltheater does not referonly to the physicalarena in which the simulatedaction takes place but also to the cosmic dimension of the envi- ronment. The theater is thereforea center where the metaphysicalaction of spirits can be representedthrough masking. Against this multi-dimensional 44 I Researchin AfricanLiteratures background,the entire village becomes the acting terrainwhere playersas well as spectatorsdefine their spaces. In fact, once playersencounter a willing audi- ence, a performancecan take place anywhere within the village. The com- monest places for such encounters are the foot-paths, motor-roads, compounds, village squares,and town centers--spaces that are also used for other cultural purposes. Because they too become invested with the multi- dimensionalreality, they aresuitable sites for a dramathat aimsat the depiction of the interactionbetween humansand spirits. The implication of spiritsin the dramanecessitates the existence of the supernaturalquality representedin the third level of Figure1. This important element widens the imageryof the play and endows it with mythic dimensions. As an instrumentof disguise, the mask serves as the principaldevice for the invocation of the supernatural.Spirits are believed to residein masks,and spe- cial sacrificesare made to them, as can be seen among the Dan of Liberiaand the IvoryCoast (Fischer19), the Ejaghamof Cameroon (Nichlin 22), and the Kalabariof southeasternNigeria (Horton 179). As soon as an actor dons a mask, he is transformedon physicaland spiri- tual levels. On the physicallevel, the maskconceals the identity of the wearer. The audience may guessor know the actor but such knowledgeis not discussed in public (Amankulor54). A taboo protectsthe actorand aids the depiction of the supernaturalquality with which the mask invests the character. In Nmonwu theater among the Igbo, for example, the mask signals the "mystic emanation of the spirit"(Ugonna 34). Among the Dan, spiritsare believed to reside in the mask so that the performerswho wear the masksactually become the spirits, "not merely their impersonators"(Fischer 18). The mask is neces- saryfor such role-changessince it imbuesthe wearerwith a supernaturalqual- ity. For example, the legendary personage depicted in the Arochukwu ensemble'sNw'ekpe is alreadyinvested with a mythical grandeur.Nw'ekpe is the returningspirit of a warriorhero who had sacrificedhimself for the continu- ity of the community (Okafor 126-31). There is a spontaneousjubilation on the part of the community when Nw'ekpe returns. Shouts, gun shots, and chants in praiseof the hero are heard in all partsof the town. This jubilation resultspartly from the people's knowledge of the stories about the character. These storiesrefer to his natureas a benevolent spiritand to the heroic qualities that place him above the level of ordinarymen. Similarstories are told about the Okotorojomask-character, who repre- sents a returningwarrior hero among the Ekiti (Heyden 14-21), and the Gbini mask-characteramong the Mende (Siegman and Perani 42-47). Such stories include myths, histories, and poems, all of which enhance the supernatural aura of the mask-character.The representationof mythical and legendary charactersis also an aspect of traditionaltheater in non-African cultures.One example is the Calako "Comingof the Gods"festival among the Zuni in New Mexico. Duringthis festival, the deadsymbolically visit the living in what Paul ChinyereGrace Okafor 1 45

Radindescribes as "aseries of dramaticepisodes combined with a numberof rit- ualistic pageants"(292). The fourth level in Figure 1 representsthe techniques. They include mask, costume, gestures, movement, dance, music, metaphysics, and the interaction of characters. Character delineation on this level can clearly be seen in the female-spiritmask-character which exists in many traditionalAfri- can theater representations. This character can be a maiden, such as the agbogho-mmonwuamong the Igbo (Cole and Aniakor 121) and the Dona in Malawi (Blackman and Schoffeleers38-39), or she can be a wife, such as the Idan Iyawoamong the Yoruba(Drewal and Drewal35). She can even be por- trayednegatively, as she is in the Akparafigure represented by the Eka Ekong ensemble of the Annang in Nigeria (Etim 3). The excitement generated by the female mask-characterresults largely from her sublime beauty and sacredaura. These qualities are suggestedby the dramaticdesign of the mask'sphysical featuresas well as by the actions of the characterherself. Forexample, the facial masksof the Igboagbogho-mmonwu is usuallywhite, pink, or yellow. It is also static. The light color and the immo- bility of the face reflecther other-worldly,awe-inspiring nature. Yet she is rec- ognizablebecause her beautiful,stately figurereflects the model of an ideal Igbo maiden. An elaboratehairstyle is depicted by a crest, which compels her neck to be straightlike a maiden carryinga water pot on her head. This position in turn contributes to the figure'selegance and to her steady, unnaturalpoise. This elegance and poise are also emphasizedby her tight-fittingapplique cos- tume, the natureof which has been derivedin partfrom uli (indigo) designsand mgbaji(waist beads) used by women for body decoration. This costume accen- tuates the curves of her body, making her look like what the Igbo would call agbalanwanyi, connoting a stately, strong, and agile woman. Although she is recognizableas female, she seems mysterious because these various devices have been carefullymanipulated to make her so. Gesturesare also importanttechniques for depicting the enigmatic qual- ity of the mask-performerin traditionalAfrican societies. Like costume, they are drawnfrom the conventions of the society in which the performanceis tak- ing place. For example, the socio-philosophical assumptionsabout positive and negative forces influence the way many performersstand. Male bravadois suggestedby an uprightbody position with hands akimboand legs spreadapart like those of a soldier at ease. Such a stance connotes vigilance, because it is associated with a positive force. According to Mali oral tradition, a similar stance restoredpower to the limbs of Sundiata (Thompson 49). Some mask- characters,by virtue of their dignifiedposition and countenance, refrainfrom making quick and vigorousgestures. For example, slight shifts of the head by Obot Owo, the creator mask-characteramong the Annang of Nigeria, are enough to suggest that he is surveyingthe arena. His exalted position in the hierarchyof the maskswould not allow him to engage in vigorousmovements. 46 I Researchin AfricanLiteratures

Spectatorswho understandthe of such subtle gesturesby importantand dignifiedpersons have no difficultyin understandingtheir use as techniques in the drama. The movement and dance of a characterare also importantconventions of performancebecause they suggestideas about the natureof the characterand help to define his role in space. Forexample, the agbogho-mmonwuwalks slowly and gently, swayingher buttocks and swinging her armsto the rhythm of her body in a characteristicallyfemale manner. When dancing, she also simulates the real-lifedances of women. However, the constraintsand advantagesof her mask and costume give her dance a quality that is differentfrom the dance of real-life women. Like her personality, her dance is majestic, mysterious,and gentle. In contrast, most of the youthful male-spiritcharacters make vigorous movements and daringcharges which suggesttheir vigorousnature. Like their movements, their dances reflecttheir vigor and their mysticnature. The dance of the Ojionu maskamong the Ajalli (Igbo) depicts a vibratingbody. With feet astrideand torsopushed forward, the mask-characterembarks on a rapidvibra- tion of his waist. The huge snake-likembu n'ukwu (a python-likestructure that curlsaround the performer'swaist and is believed to be the storehouseof its mys- tic powers) vibrateswith the colorful cloth panels hanging on the waist, pro- ducing an awe-inspiringspectacle of vibratingcolors. Movements and other actions enhance the supernaturalquality of the performer,especially when they seem inexplicable. The staging of the meta- physical essence of performance,therefore, is an importantconcern in tradi- tional African theater. The Igbo call it ikpa ike, the conscious display of superhumanpower. Toughness is the special prerogativeof some performance groups,such as the Jobaiamong the Mende and Sherbro(Sierra Leone) and the Abbaamong the Arochukwu.The Abbais basedon a mystic show of power. In the 1981 Ikejifestival, for example, one performercarried water in a basketand another passed a metal spike through his lips without drawingblood (Okafor 172). Siegman and Perani record the spectacularactions of the Jobai mask- character,who lies flattenedon the groundwhile his attendantsdance on top of his costume. He then magicallyarises out of the flattenedcostume (46). Some- times the display of superhumanpower is demonstratedby the spectacular encounter of two or morecharacters or groups.Setting a tree ablazeby gazingat it or producinga swarmof bees with the wave of an armare often the preludeto an actual encounter in which the charactersfight with potent charms.The vic- tors usuallyconclude the performancewith a victorydance. The techniques used in achieving the superhumanactions that occur in traditional African theaters often seem incomprehensible to the ordinary observer. It is usually believed to derive from the meta-science of the tradi- tional society. However, my research among the Aro-Isiokpo (Igbo) shows that it can also be the productof a complex stage design. The abilityof the man who performs the Eru-wa-Mgbedemask-character among the Aro-Isiokpo ChinyereGrace Okafor 1 47 reflectsthe fact that a talented acrobathas been chosen to performthe role. This actor undergoesweeks of physical discipline before the performance.He abstainsfrom sexual intercourseand eats only light meals of foods such as plan- tain. Justbefore the performancehe chews an herb which energizeshim. Dur- ing the dramaticaction, he performsseemingly supernatural "flying feats" such as dashing from the ground to a roof-top and skippingfrom tree to tree. The spectatorsoverlook his physicalpreparations for the performanceand sincerely believe that his flying feats result from the meta-science of the performerand his group. Whether the exhibition of superhumanaction is the productof theatrical design or partof the traditionalmeta-science, its purposeis theatricaland mys- tical. It aims to induce the awe and wonder that are essential to a theater that depicts the supernaturaland emphasizesvisual satisfaction or what the Igbo would call Ihenkiri (a thing to behold, a spectacle). The technique is similarto the Zuludisplay known as Ukugiya(Larlham 6). Ukugiyais a spectacularperfor- mance in which young men, though unmasked,demonstrate their valor and skill as warriorsarmed with sticks and shields. The purposeis theatrical, and its effect is awe-inspiring.However, the spectaculardisplay of traditionalAfrican dramais not ritualin the sense of being efficacious.If it has any efficacyat all, it resides in imparting the aesthetic, educational, and emotional values that underlie the society's understandingof the cosmos. The creation of the spec- tacular and seemingly inexplicable action functions primarilyas entertain- ment, although it does have the added value of reinforcing the idea of the supernaturalin traditionalontology. Anthony Graham-White'scriticism of an American avant-gardetheater groupfor adaptingtheir playsto the ritualisticwhile ignoringthe efficacyasso- ciated with performancesin Africa ("Ritual"318-24) thus reveals a profound misconceptionof the connection between ritualand dramain traditionalAfri- can society. The performanceof a traditionaldrama is not a sacred ritual. It does not have the efficacy of ritual simply because it has ritual context and supernaturalqualities. These qualities reflect a dimension of the performance that has been achieved by means of techniques aimed at entertainment, although they have other addedvalues as well. Music is another dramatic technique that derives from the society in which the performanceis taking place. It too aids in the depiction of inscruta- ble wonder. Music creates mood, communicatesinformation, and directs the action of the performance.In the Ekweperformance of Uvuru-Nsukka,which I recordedin 1985, the mask-character,Ekwe, who representsthe traditional cosmos, seems largerthan life. The music that accompaniesher appearancesis producedby an orchestraand accompaniedby the choral song and dance of women. This music explicates the mystery of her mask and emphasizesher importancein society. It also evokes the collective spiritof the people and their anticipation of the communal mask-performer'sappearance. Ekwe'smask is 48 I Researchin AfricanLiteratures showeredwith praisesby the flutistand by the chorus.They alludeto its beauty, its mystery,and its supernaturalqualities. The following phraseis repeatedsev- eral times as a tributeto the inscrutablenature of the mask: Anuka udene [Theanimal that is greaterthan the vulture, Biakpa igwe aka Comeand touch the sky.] In Igbofolklore, the vulturebelongs to the worldof humansas well as to that of the spirits. Its relation to the spirit world places it in a special position and marksits greatnessas a symbolic animal. It is thereforea fitting metaphor for the statusof Ekwe, who is portrayedas elusive and enigmatic. Although the appearanceof the maskis brief, its mysticquality continues to growas the music is carriedaround the village and eventually concludes the performance.The special sound effects (e.g., gun shots and ululation) that herald the entrance and exit of a performeralso emphasizethe grandeurof the performanceand cre- ate the theatricalatmosphere necessary for the understandingof a greatmask. Music can also be used for mysticalcommunication when membersof a performinggroup use it to pass informationamong themselves. The following musical interchange was recordedin the Ikeji festival theater of Arondizogu (Igbo) and it illustratesthe role of music in this respect: Voice:Lotekwa [Remember, Onyegbuka ute ya, He whotears his mat O dinaran'ala nkiti Sleepson the bare ground Flutist:Anu were okpa Whenthe animalthat walks taaji na ubieatsyams eatsyams in thefarm I gbachiemgbana Youfence it. Anuna efeefe bia Whenthe animalthat flies comes I gaeme gini? Whatwill you do?] The context of this exchange is a dramaticconflict involving two mask-char- acters, one of whom, Akataka, is being warnedagainst prematurely attacking his opponent, Ojionu. Through a special mechanicaldevice, the voice sounds eerie and fills listenerswith dread,suggesting the uncannynature of the perfor- mance. Although the exchange appearsobscure to the uninitiated, the musi- cians are actually engaged in a meaningful communication that is clearly understoodby adepts of the maskingsociety. Their understandingof the eso- teric musicalcommunication indicates their extraordinarynature. In the inevitable climax of the action, the musiciansshow their support for Ojionu throughmusic: Drum:Q gaekwe kwe ntake? [Canit be cracked? Nwoketeghete? Manwho is aspowerful as ninemen? ChinyereGrace Okafor 1 49

Flute:Eji mu ogu na ofo I haveogu and ofo. Eji muogu na ofo I haveogu and ofo. ]I

The rhythmof the music is fast, and the sound is heavy. Its beat contrastswith the one that accompaniesslow movements such as those of the Thanu-thanu mask-performerwho representsthe drunk in the Maravi society of Malawi (Blackman and Schoffeleers 41). As the Thanu-thanumimes his condition throughslow and uneven movement, the slow beat of the drumaccentuates his effortto control his legs. The Igboand Maraviexamples demonstrate the inevi- table link between musicand mysticalaction of dramaticcharacters. The use of music in this way clearly reflects the place of music in traditional life, for as EmmanuelObiechina points out, music is used "to forge a social aesthetic or mysticallink" among members of the society and "to unite emotional responses arounddefinite rhythmicwaves and melodies"(58). There is no doubt that music, whether instrumentalor vocal or a combi- nation of the two, is significantin the portrayalof the inscrutable.It directs, supports,controls, and accompaniesthe mysticalaction. The combination of sound and visual techniques to convey meaningreveals how traditionalperfor- mances rely mostlyon para-linguisticfeatures of languagefor dramaticcommu- nication. Their languageconventions are syncretisticand aim at appealingto all the senses-sight, smell, feeling, and hearing. These conventions arefamil- iar to the theatrical sensibilities of the spectators, who understandthe use of techniquesdrawn from their own societal conventions. The innermostcircle of the model in Figure1 is the performer-spectator interaction. The spectators contribute significantly in the portrayalof the extraordinaryaura of the mask-performance.They are often specially dressed for the performance.Their various attires and their cheerful faces reflect the mood and color of the festivity. Framedagainst a backgroundof colorfulspecta- tors, houses, and trees, the mask-characterlooks like a deity. The spectators also contribute to the action through their active participation(see Graham- White, Drama36). Membersof the audience do not react uniformlyto the experience, for there are divisions among them accordingto age, status, and relationshipwith the maskinggroup. The reaction and participationof a per- formerdepends on the degreeof rapportaccorded him in the theater as a result of his position and status. This division helps create a sense of aesthetic awe becauseit not only signalsthe specialplace of the performeras the object of the division but also because it emphasizeshis exalted status. The initiated mem- bersof the maskinggroup enjoy a degreeof familiaritythat is denied the uniniti- ated. They have the privilege of saluting the performerin the acceptable manner-a mannerthat is only known to them. Nevertheless, the uninitiated also dance and join the singing in accordancewith the conventions of the par- ticularmask. The spectators' presence, interjections, shouts, choruses, and mood heighten the importanceof the performerand influence him in a way that is 50 I Researchin AfricanLiteratures alien to the Western stage. WhereasEuro-American actors might be disturbed by slight noises made by the audience, traditionalperformers welcome ulula- tions, clapping, singing, and other signs of appreciationand encouragement. Impressedby the closeness of the traditional performerwith his spectators, R. Schechner tried to makehis Western-orientedactors interact with the audi- ence, but his experiment was not well received because some membersof the audience felt affronted(vii). The idea that actors could legitimately interact with the audience had not yet become an acceptableconvention of American theater. The core of African drama is the performer-spectatorinteraction. The influenceof the culturalenvironment on this interactioncan be observedin the dramatictechniques that have been derivedfrom the society in which the per- formanceoccurs. In mask performances,each contributesto the evocation of the aesthetic awe that is inspiredby the totality of the performanceas perceived by traditionalspectators. They do not appreciateit in segments, and my own dissection of the whole performanceinto levels was undertakenmerely as a means of enabling us to appreciatethe variousitems that combine to create the sense of wonder that fascinates tradition-orientedpeoples. Within the tra- ditional setting of the village arena peopled by humans and spirits, the per- formers'synthesis of these techniques gives rise to the totality of an inscrutable dramaticexperience.

NOTE Oguand Qfo are wooden staffs which symbolize "justice" in Igboreligion and eth- ics. The expression"I have ogu and ofo" therefore means "I am justified."

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