Austerity, Women and Right-Wing Populism the Case of Monroe Vs Hopkins

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Austerity, Women and Right-Wing Populism the Case of Monroe Vs Hopkins Austerity, Women and Right-wing Populism The Case of Monroe vs Hopkins Kirsten Forkert (Birmingham School of Media) Austerity politics in the UK 2015 General Election, a Conservative government continued the austerity n the aftermath of the financial programme. Cuts were applied to a great Icrisis of 2008 and the 2010 General number of welfare benefits such as Child Election, which ended 13 years of rule Benefit, Employment and Housing by the Labour Party, the Conservative Support Allowance, Universal Credit, Liberal-Democrat Coalition government but also to the salaries of public sector undertook a programme of drastic cuts to employees and to the budgets of local public spending. This was justified by the authorities, who in their turn were forced argument that the previous government to close hundreds of libraries and youth had irresponsibly overspent and that the clubs as well as reduce support for creative public must now ‘live within their means’ activities. All these measures together – essentially a revival of the economy- had the combined effect of entrenching as-household metaphor used by former social and economic inequality. Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher many years earlier. Like in Thatcher’s time, Women hit hardest this was an argument which was mostly accepted by the public, who – as intended t a closer look the brunt of austerity - made the common-sense intuitive link Awas mostly borne by women, thus between household finances and macro- reversing gains made on gender quality. economics. Although there were vibrant Although women were already at a protests and anti-austerity campaigns, disadvantage because of the gender pay these did not involve a majority of gap - they earn 82 p for every pound the population and did not force the earned by a man - and were more likely government to change course. After the to live in poverty, at the time of writing £22 billion of the £26 billion of ‘savings’ Page 66 Hard Times 102 (2/2018) Kirsten Forkert since 2010 have come from women The role of right-wing media and (MacDonald 2018). This was partly popular responses due to tax and benefit changes which reward traditional single-earner families he tabloid press (with a conservative with a male ‘breadwinner’ and penalise Tor right-wing bias) have successfully the ‘second earner’ (most likely to be a supported austerity propaganda by woman) in dual-income households. vilifying certain social groups such as Furthermore, according to the Women’s the unemployed and immigrants as Budget Group, public sector job cuts scroungers and burdens on the taxpayer. have affected women in particular, as Positioning these people as objects of 73% of the work-force is female. Cuts to resentment has caused a hardening of benefits for low-paid part-time workers public attitudes towards them, which have also disproportionately affected then has made further cuts affecting women, notably mothers who find it these groups more socially acceptable. difficult to work full-time because of ro-austerity arguments are often based inadequate childcare support. By 2020, in old prejudices such as the lingering women will have borne 86% of the P Victorian fears of the ‘residuum’: the burden of welfare cuts. (Stewart 2017). lazy, feckless and dangerous underclass, ome groups of women are hit especially who were seen as a demographic threat Shard. Among them are lone mothers, to other social classes. A large number who represent 92% of single parents and of the stories proliferating in the tabloid are 50% more likely than the average press along these lines additionally draw citizen to be living in poverty (ibid). on ideologies concerning traditional Black and Ethnic Minority women are views of social reproduction and family also particularly vulnerable, as, due to care, putting most of the blame on workplace discrimination, they are more women: single mothers, unemployed likely to be unemployed than white and migrant women with large families women. These groups depend more than - not coincidentally the groups which others on the benefits system and are are also the most vulnerable to austerity therefore more vulnerable to the cuts, cuts - have served as favourite targets which increases their risk of falling into for scorn. They are blamed for being deeper poverty and deprivation (Women’s irresponsible parents who had too many Budget Group/Runnymede Trust 2017). children. Such accusations tend to play on moral panics about public health. n particular, food has become a Ipoliticised issue within the austerity Page 67 Hard Times 102 (2/2018) Austerity, Women and Right-wing Populism context, as the increasing reliance on there is the fact that the past few years foodbanks and reports about children have seen a renewed activity in feminist going to school hungry have alarmed and LGBT+ campaigning, from #MeToo the public. Commentators in the media, to women’s marches to the increased arguing from a mixture of old and new visibility of trans rights campaigns. The prejudices, have especially singled out UK voted for gay marriage in 2013, and working class mothers, blaming them there are currently plans to update the for rising childhood obesity and the Gender Recognition Act to define gender poor diets of children. For example, in terms of self-identification rather than in 2013 celebrity chef Jamie Oliver’s biology. Therefore, an austerity discourse bemoaned “the mum and the kid eating which draws on traditional gender and chips and cheese out of Styrofoam sexual norms is no longer uncontested. containers, and behind them is a massive f*cking TV” (Deans 2013). Note that further form of othering within in Oliver’s comment mothers, and not A austerity discourses is the framing fathers, are assumed to be responsible of people as unpatriotic subjects. I for cooking and preparing meals. Food have mentioned immigrants as key is thus mobilised within discourses and targets for public resentment and have processes of othering. The reference written about this elsewhere (Forkert to televisions and other gadgets in the 2017). However, unlike immigrants - quote further suggest en passant that the whose very right to be in the country is poverty experienced by working-class disputed - British citizens can be vilified mothers is not real, and that unhealthy as traitorous, often through accusations food is an irresponsible lifestyle choice of lacking respect for the military. These and an example of bad parenting. accusations are routinely employed to discriminate those on the Left, as for part from traditional gender roles, instance the frequent attacks by the Aheteronormativity and cis-gender tabloid press on Labour Party leader normativity are brought into play to Jeremy Corbyn for his anti-imperialist underpin austerity rhetoric. For example, politics show. Conversely, to assert the former Prime Minister David Cameron’s importance of respect for the military is “hardworking families” rhetoric to make a claim for the authority and combines ‘hardworking’ and ‘family’, moral superiority of traditional values which suggests that the hard work of such as the discipline associated with the individuals who are not in families or British national character - symbolised might have other living arrangements in the stereotype of the ‘stiff upper does not matter. On the other hand, lip’ -, adherence to social norms, etc.. Page 68 Hard Times 102 (2/2018) Kirsten Forkert Disrespect for the military is also proxy for or Britain First – has created pressures other controversial issues. Thus it is used on mainstream politics to embrace as an argument in an intergenerational compulsory patriotism in the form of conflict: the younger generations are English nationalism, lest this be ceded accused of lacking gratitude towards to the far right. Conversely, those who the bravery and sacrifices of older do not embrace patriotism are dismissed generations, particularly those who had as an out-of-touch metropolitan served in the Second World War, which elite (ironically a right-wing version still is a powerful symbol of British of Stalin’s “rootless cosmopolitan”, identity. At this point in history there are a discriminatory term for Jews). few people still alive who served in the Second World War, so that it has become Jack Monroe and Katie Hopkins as less of a living memory and more of a paradigmatic figures of Austerity generalised and simulacral association Britain with older generations. Memories of the hese three themes underpinning backlash in the 1970s against anti-war austerity discourses – responsibility protestors and stereotypes about scruffy, T for providing healthy food, the undisciplined hippies are also deliberately traditional role of women and respect exploited – the tabloids’ obsession with for the military – became issues in the the clothes Corbyn wears during official controversy around a dispute between memorial events is a good example. two public figures: the food blogger and ccusations of disrespect for the anti-poverty campaigner Jack Monroe Amilitary have become further and the right-wing columnist Katie politically loaded in the context Hopkins. In different ways they are of discussions about ‘compulsory paradigmatic figures of Austerity Britain. patriotism’, originally an American ack Monroe first came to prominence concept much employed after the 9/11 through a food blog entitled A Girl attacks and in the war on terror debates. J Called Jack (now renamed as Cooking Whilst the 9/11 attacks have, however, on a Bootstrap), on which she shared not mobilised the same strong support cheap recipes which could feed a of ‘compulsory patriotism’ in the UK family under £10/week. Formerly a as in the US, the recent rise of the call handler for the Essex County Fire populist right and far right - represented and Rescue Service, Monroe became by the UK Independence Party, the unemployed after having given birth Brexiteers and street protest groups and being unable to negotiate changes such as the English Defence League to her work schedule to accommodate Page 69 Hard Times 102 (2/2018) Austerity, Women and Right-wing Populism childcare.
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