The Road to Equality for Women in the United States

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!"#$ %" &": The Road to Equality for Women in the United States

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!"#$ %" &": The Road to Equality for Women in the United States Copyright © 2013 by Ms. Foundation for Women All Rights Reserved. Printed in the United States of America. This March 2013 printing reﬂects updates made to the ﬁrst printing, released in January 2013. Table of Contents

Executive Summary 4 Introduction 6 Economic Justice 10 Reproductive Justice 20 Safety 30 Best & Worst States 42 Women in Politics 46 Conclusion 48 Endnotes 50 Acknowledgments & Credits 57 The Road to Equality !"!#$%&'! ($))*+,

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Executive Summary Despite the successes of the women’s movement over the last 40 years, significant barriers to full equality and inclusion remain, particularly for marginalized women. This report proposes a benchmark for the status of women today and a guide to critical policy changes that can help women overcome challenges in the areas of economic justice, reproductive justice and safety. Given the projected population growth of people of color and immigrants, this report gives particular attention to the specific concerns of women in these groups. Such women belong to the most marginalized communities in our nation, and the issues most relevant to their well-being are not often reflected in our national policy agenda. This report’s focus on economic justice, reproductive justice and safety reflects the Ms. Foundation for Women’s long-standing commitment to improving all aspects of women’s lives. Among the report’s central findings: Women are marginalized in the economy, consistently relegated to the lowest-pay- ing sectors, which are further stratified by race; Control over women’s bodies and access to health care, particularly for women of color and low-income women, is being legislated primarily by men, with a danger- ous narrowing of health options for all women; and Violence still tops the list of concerns for women at every age, with an increasingly evident pattern that begins with the sexual abuse of children. Many of the policy recommendations in the report either explicitly or implicitly call for an engaged and empathetic government that provides funding for vital services and recognizes the needs of its most marginalized communities. The report provides specific policy recommendations to address these vital concerns. Solutions include increased public funding for child care and early education, combined with an increased minimum wage. Such changes would benefit millions of women who remain concentrated in low-wage jobs and struggle against unaffordable child care and lack of other employment opportunities. The dramatic inequities in access to health care can be largely addressed through implementation of the Affordable Care Act, repeal of the Medicaid waiting period for immigrants and an end to the total exclusion from non-emergency health care for undocumented immigrants. Removal of legislative barriers to reproductive health care services, including abortion, remains a priority. To address violence against women, the report advocates such policy changes as the establishment of required national standards for child sexual abuse prevention for youth-serving organizations, increasing resources for female service members who experience military sexual trauma and reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act, including protections for immigrant, LGBT and Native American women. Urgent action and energetic leadership are needed to shi! the national policy debate away from approaches that exacerbate these inequalities and toward a government that recognizes the inequalities and injustices women endure and prioritizes policies that li! up low-income women and families.

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Introduction

A woman born in the United States 40 years ago inhabits a very different world today. She has likely heard a lot about “how far women have come” since 1973 — from her mother and grandmother, or from politicians and feminist leaders. However familiar, theirs is a story worth listening to, not merely as a lesson about the past, but for what it portends for our collective future, and what remains to be done to bring genuine, widespread equality. Before the women’s movement, every aspect of society, from the legal system to academia to the entertainment industry, reinforced women’s second-class status. Women lived under laws giving their husbands control of their property and earnings, and they needed a man’s endorsement to go into business or obtain a credit card. They were barred from serving on juries in some states and excluded from many universities, professional schools and fields of work. They were stereotyped in stage and film roles, and few were accepted as directors, producers or writers. So, what kind of world can a girl born in 2013 expect to see 40 years from now? What will the women of today tell their daughters in 2053? The answer depends very much on whether and how our society responds to the critical issues facing women today. We should feel grateful that women across the United States — many of them social justice trailblazers and leaders from marginalized communities — had the vision and drive to fight for women’s rights over the past 40 years. But we must also acknowledge that there is more — much more — work left to do before women achieve equity and justice in our society. Our mission is critical, not just for women, but for everyone with a stake in our nation’s future.

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By 2050, the Census Bureau predicts a U.S. population of 439 million, an increase of 55 percent since 2000.' Nearly all of that growth will be driven by communities of color, particularly Latinos. People of color, now roughly one-third of the U.S. population, are expected to make up 54 percent of the population by 2050. This change in the racial mix of the population will come even sooner for those under age 16: people of color will comprise more than half of this group by 2023. Similarly, people of color will make up more than half of the working-age population (ages 18 to 64) by 2039. By 2050, almost one in three Americans will be Latino. The Afri- can-American population will grow to 15 percent of the overall population, with Asians making up 9.2 percent. The non-Latino white population will actually decline as the United States approaches 2050: Whites will comprise 46 percent of the overall population, down from 66 percent in 2008. As we experience these profound demographic changes, the proportion of immigrants within the U.S. population will likewise grow. As of 2008, immigrants constituted 12.3 percent of all U.S. women, and immigrant women accounted for just under half of the total foreign-born population.( The Pew Research Center reports that, by 2025, the immigrant share of the population will surpass its peak during the last great wave of immigration in the early 20th century. By 2050, almost one in five Americans (19 percent) will be an immigrant, up from one in eight (12 percent) in 2005.) The age of the overall U.S. population will also increase over the coming decades. In 2030, nearly one in five U.S. residents is expected to be 65 and older. The female-dominated 85-and-older population will see particularly significant growth: It is expected to more than triple, from 5.4 million to 19 million between 2008 and 2050. Women aged 85 and over will make up 8.5 percent of all women in the United States.* This aging population will require significant care. The total number of Americans in need of long-term care is expected to more than double from 13 million in 2000 to 27 million in 2050. The Pew Research Center estimates that the nation’s rising “dependency ratio” — the number of children and elderly compared to the number of working-age Americans — will reach 72 dependents for every 100 adults of working age in 2050 + The New Demographics: (compared to 59 for every 100 people of working age in 2005). Factor in race, however, and the picture changes. In 2009, the Dramatic Population Changes median age for Latinos was 27.4 years, compared to 36.8 years Portend Challenges & Opportunities for the total population. More than one-third of the Latino The United States is a “woman’s nation.” " Of the current population was younger than 18, compared to approximately population of 311 million, 50.7 percent are women. In some one-fourth of the total population. In addition, approximately cohorts of the population, women further outnumber 5.6 percent of the Latino population in 2009 was 65 and older, ", men: This begins in the 25–29 age range and continues compared to 12.9 percent of the total population. # later in life. For example, the 22.7 million women aged 65 Given the projected population growth of people of color and and over significantly outnumber their 16.8 million male immigrants, wherever possible this report focuses on the $ peers. However, this dominant presence in society has not specific economic, safety and health concerns of women in often translated into women’s political or economic power. these groups. Such women o!en belong to the most margin- Significantly, race and ethnicity make a difference at the alized communities in our nation, and thus, the issues most most basic level of demographic data. For example, among relevant to their lives are o!en not reflected in our national Latinos in the United States, men slightly outnumber women; policy agenda and in our various movements. How we as a for African Americans, by contrast, 2002 data recorded only society choose to address the concerns of women of color 87 men for every 100 women, a gender disparity much greater and immigrant women today will affect a significant propor- than for other racial and ethnic populations.& tion of the population 40 years from now and will determine

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the success of various political movements and the extent to which we are able to construct the nation of equality we seek. We must seize the opportunity we have now to advance solutions for problems that loom tomorrow — not just for women, but for everyone in the United States. Organization & Methodology This report seeks to analyze women’s changing demographics, provide a broad overview that connects the dots among key areas of concern facing women today and provide policy recommendations that can signiﬁcantly improve the social and economic status of women in the United States.

In each section, the report ﬁrst examines overall trends for women, and then draws on disaggregated data to present a more nuanced picture. Wherever possible, we present data through the lens of race, ethnicity, immigrant status, age, disability and/or sexual orientation. However, this analysis is o!en limited by the lack of research and data that could shed more light on our nation’s rapidly shi!ing population. If we are to move forward toward a nation of equality for all women, investments in obtaining such information will be necessary so that we all have a be-er understanding of the challenges that such communities face.

At the end of each section, we provide policy recommendations focused on government actions of two kinds: raising standards and realizing rights. This structure acknowledges that rights must not only be established and elevated, but also protected and enforced by our government. Our recommendations are by no means comprehensive, but represent top-line thinking on a range of urgent issues that women in our nation face. Terminology Where possible, we consistently use the following terms when referring to race or ethnicity: African American, Lati- no/a, Asian and Native American. In instances in which we cite a study that employs specific terminology (e.g., “black,” “non-white Hispanic” or “Asian American/Pacific Islander”), we have le! the original language intact to avoid confusion about the data or conclusions. We also recognize that much more data needs to be gathered to shed light on the full extent of our diversity, since many of these racial categories describe a very diverse community. For example, the term “Latina/Latino” refers to people from many nations of origin, for many of whom Spanish may not be a uniting language. This is even truer of Asian American and Pacific Islanders, a community comprised of people from 36 nations and with an enormous range of languages.

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Wages Earned by Demographic

Men !".##

Asian Women 95$

White Women 82$

Black Women 68$

Latina Only 20 of 821 Women 59$ occupations have lower average wages than child care workers. Source: Institute for Women’s Policy Research. *Average statistics Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Families with Two Children Minimum-wage workers (and sub-minimum-wage)

Annual rent or mortgage payments Women ' Child %& care fees

*Average payments Men in 18 states

Source: Economic Policy Institute. *Approximate Source: Nat’l Assoc. of Child Care Resource and Referral Agencies.

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!#.-.)&# 0$(%&#! The world we live in

Since American women joined the formal workforce en masse during World War II, they have played a growing role as workers and breadwinners, signaling a profound economic and social shi!. Currently, 71.3 percent of women with children are in the labor force, and in 29 percent of dual-earner families, women are the primary earners."" The dramatic increase in women workers has given rise to the idea that women are succeeding at the expense of men, who face a decline in economic and social status."# But for all of their progress, women have yet to a-ain parity with men in the workplace. Over a lifetime of work, the average woman earns about $380,000 less than the average working man."$ Indeed, women’s wages have stagnated at around 80 percent of men’s, and women have not pierced the upper echelons of business leadership in any signiﬁcant numbers."& Similarly, workforce segregation persists, with women overrepresented in minimum-wage jobs."' Eﬀorts to hold employers accountable for pay discrimination continue to be hard-won. In January 2009, President Obama signed the Lily Ledbe-er Fair Pay Act, which represents a small step toward ensuring that individuals have recourse when they discover wage discrimination by eliminating the 180-day statute of limitations to bring federal pay-discrimination claims. The Act was passed in direct response to a 2007 Supreme Court decision against Lily Ledbe-er, a female supervisor in an Alabama Goodyear plant who learned, a!er more than two decades on the job, that she was being paid 40 percent less than male co-workers in the same job. This law represents an important improvement for women who have managed to overcome employment discrimination only to face wage discrimination. However, countless women still do equal work for lesser pay, but have no way to prove or address such discrimination. Most employers — including large corporations — do not provide information about salary bands or ranges and require strict secrecy in employment contracts.

Over a lifetime of work, the average woman earns about $380,000 less than the average working man. Source: U.S. Department of Labor.

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Women are still largely missing from the corporate corner oﬃce, the operating room and the construction site; despite gains in some sectors, younger women are increasingly likely to move into gender-segregated positions."+ In 2008, only 5.8 percent of employed women were doing non-traditional work. Those in non-traditional jobs face gender discrimination: Although they earn 20 to 30 percent more than women in traditional occupations, their earnings still fall below men’s in comparable positions.#, They also face sexual harassment and, as discussed further below, lack of access to aﬀordable child care.

Four out of five of women are concentrated in only 20 of the more than 440 occupations identified by the Bureau of Labor Statistics.#" Not surprisingly, these 20 are jobs that have been historically considered “women’s work,” such as secretaries, home health aides, child care providers, nurses, school- teachers and waitresses.## Many of these job categories have average salaries that are barely above the federal poverty line. Further, even within these traditionally female jobs, women face wage discrimination. In the restaurant industry, for instance, women make up 72.4 percent of tipped workers, but earn a median wage of $9.04 to men’s $9.87.#$ Women are also concentrated at the low end of hourly wage jobs, with 7 percent of women paid hourly wages at or below minimum wage compared with only 5 percent of men.#& Overall, approximately 63 percent of minimum- and sub-minimum-wage workers are women.#' Women’s Earning Power: Increasingly Important to Families, But Still Stagnant Wage disparities and industry segregation persist at a time when women’s earnings are indispensable to families. Of The Gender Gap, the Wage married couples with children, more than 1.5 million (or 6.7 Gap and Today’s Economy percent) relied exclusively on women’s earnings at some point in 2009.#(Among two-earner families, almost 60 percent Our current recession, with increases in joblessness and relied on both parents’ earnings in 2009.#) Of families headed home foreclosures, has affected many families and commu- by single mothers, 28.7 percent — 4 million of them — lived nities; but to the extent that women and women of color in poverty compared with 13 percent (or 670,000) of those are concentrated in low-wage sectors of the economy, they headed by men. And the difference in household income experience the impacts more acutely. between married and single parents is significant — only 5.9% of families headed by married parents live in poverty.#* From 2008 to 2009, early in the downturn, women retained jobs at a greater rate than men, perhaps because they worked Unfortunately, women’s earning power remains constricted by in sectors that had already been cut to the bone."( However, a number of factors. First, women are less likely than men to as the recession continued, women’s positions — particularly be union members: 11.1 percent of women versus 12.6 percent in the public sector — were increasingly vulnerable to cuts, of men — a significant disparity since union members earn while men began to experience decreases in joblessness. The more on average than their non-union counterparts.#+ Second, economic recovery has been significantly slower for women more women than men are underemployed (i.e., in part-time than for men. By 2011, women had regained only 11 percent of or seasonal jobs) and unable to achieve their full earning jobs lost in the recession, to men’s 24 percent.") By late 2012, the potential.$, Third, about 26 percent of working women are in outlook had improved somewhat, with women regaining 46 part-time jobs.$" With so many women in part-time jobs and percent of jobs lost, compared to a 50 percent gain for men."* with smaller employers, they lack benefits and job security. For

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example, less than half of all female workers (46 percent) and only 20 percent of new mothers are estimated to be covered by The Many Faces of Female Poverty the Family Medical Leave Act (FMLA), which guarantees some Women with disabilities are among the most impoverished unpaid leave to care for new babies and family members but groups in the United States. They are more than twice as applies only to full-time employees in workplaces employing likely as non-disabled women to report being unable to 50 or more.$# Even for full-time employees, a 2011 report found pay their rent or having to move in with others to save that only 17 percent had the right to paid maternity leave money.&, The lack of data on this group makes the causes beyond short-term disability.$$ difficult to parse, but studies have pointed to the high cost Antiquated gender norms and persistent social pressures of disablement in the United States because government compound the difficulties facing women. Data also demon- benefit programs and private insurance typically do not strates the bias against men who contribute to family respon- cover all related expenses; women with disabilities are also sibilities. A 2003 study found that men taking leave to provide less likely to marry, which, in turn, gives them diminished care for a newborn or an elderly family member were rated access to the resources of a spouse.&" more negatively in the workplace than their male counterparts who did not take a leave, whereas women were rated the The poverty rate among older unmarried women is also same whether or not they took such leave.$& high. As Wider Opportunities for Women, a Ms. Foundation grantee, has explained, over time women accumulate disadvantages that lead to poverty in old age.&# For all elderly Economic Disparities women, the poverty rate is 11.5 percent.&$ However, in 2010, 17 Hit Women of Color Hardest percent of women over age 65 living alone lived in poverty.&& Older women of color are the poorest in retirement: Of Women of color, including immigrants, are a growing women over age 65, in 2010, 20.5 percent of black women, 20.9 demographic in America making valuable contributions percent of Latinas and 15.3 percent of Native Americans lived as members of the workforce. Yet, our country’s long and in poverty.&' Older men fare be-er, drawing more in Social shameful history of structural racism — a legacy of slavery Security payments and pensions.&( Fewer than one in three — has kept economic success out of reach for many. Even in women receives pension income compared to nearly one in the 21st century, the playing field is still far from level. Wage two men, for example.&) And of those older individuals who data indicate that African-American women can expect to are still working, older men out-earn older women almost earn only 68 cents, and Latinas only 59 cents, for every dollar two to one ($20,000 for men and $11,297 for women annually).&* earned by a man; by contrast, white women earn 82 cents. Transgender people report two times the rate of unemploy- Consistent with research indicating that job segregation ment of non-transgender people. Indeed, according to a 2011 contributes to these wage disparities, in 2009, occupational national survey, almost half of transgender people have gender segregation was greatest for Latinas. Immigrant experienced adverse job outcomes, such as being fired for women, particularly those who are undocumented, face high being transgender or gender-non-conforming.&+ Lesbians levels of poverty. Lacking work authorization, undocument- experience similar economic disadvantage. Data compiled ed immigrant women o!en receive substandard wages. For by the Williams Institute at UCLA indicate that among example, among undocumented Mexican workers, males earned 35 percent less than the overall immigrant population, while the gap rose to 39 percent for undocumented women.$'

Family status also determines women’s economic health, and here again, women of color are hit hardest. Single women with families have the lowest household earnings of all family types:$( Almost 43 percent are poor, with 17 percent receiving some welfare assistance during the course of a year.$) Ninety percent of household heads on the TANF (Temporary Assis- tance for Needy Families) caseload are women.$* The poverty numbers are even higher for single women of color with children: 47.5 percent for African-American female-headed families, 50.3 percent for Latina female-headed families and 53.8 percent for Native-American female-headed families.$+ As noted above, the prevalence of women of color in low-wage jobs creates all kinds of instabilities in terms of earnings, child care, paid sick leave and health care that create nearly insur- mountable barriers to success.

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people aged 18 to 44, 24 percent of lesbians and bisexual communities, their prevalence in low-wage jobs (which tend to women are poor, compared with only 19 percent of hetero- lack flexibility) suggests similar outcomes. sexual women. Similarly, lesbian couples have a higher The unavailability of paid sick leave is another problem for poverty rate than married heterosexual or gay male couples. working women, who generally serve as the primary care- Lesbians who are 65 or older are twice as likely to be poor as givers to children and the elderly. In fact, for each additional ', heterosexual married couples. Not surprisingly, nearly half child under the age of 6, a mother is 5 percent more likely to of college-educated gays and lesbians hide their sexual orien- require a work absence in a given year.'$ However, because '" tation at work, according to the Center for Work-Life Policy. more women than men work part-time, and because women are concentrated in low-wage jobs, they are less likely than men to have paid sick or family leave.'& Again, the numbers for people of color are even more dismal because of their prevalence in low-wage and part-time jobs, which provide few benefits to support work-family balance. Latinas, for instance, have the least access to paid sick leave, at only 46 percent.'' Child care is also a significant barrier for working families. In the United States, in contrast to other developed countries, 90 percent of child care costs are assumed by parents, with few, very low-income families qualifying for subsidies.'( In 2010, across the United States, average center-based child care fees for an infant exceeded the average amount families spent on food, and, in nearly half the states, exceeded the average amount for rent.') Fees for families with two children exceeded the average annual rent or mortgage payments in 18 states;'* in 35 states and the District of Columbia, infant care was more than public college tuition.'+ In 2008, the average cost of full- day care for an infant was equal to 41 percent of the median income for single mothers,(, an astounding figure but not surprising given that nearly 43 percent of single women with families are classified as poor. This overwhelming need for child care remains unmet and is still seen as the personal responsibility of families, especially mothers. For low-income women and communities of color, in particular, lack of access to affordable, flexible and quality child care is the biggest impediment to economic security, productivity and advancement.(" These groups would benefit most from Lack of Support for improvements to the informal child care sector (e.g., in-home Work-Family Balance and family, friend and neighbor [FFN] care), which is more flexible, affordable and geographically accessible. Affects Women at Every Level Quality child care is important for all children and can Today’s workplace has yet to adjust to the now-prevalent contribute to healthier futures for low-income children. family model of two working parents, let alone single Research links early care and education to children’s develop- parents or individuals who care for both elderly family ment in low-income families, including their status upon entry members and children (the so-called “sandwich generation”). in school and early school progress, with effects continuing (# Because caregiving and household duties still fall dispro- through adolescence and early adulthood. Recognizing and portionately on women, the persistent lack of workplace treating access to care, including child care, as a collective socie- flexibility or work support — like child care, paid sick leave tal responsibility would be transformative. and family medical leave — affects women at every level of the economy. Indeed, this lack is largely responsible for the continued wage and gender gap. The Other Side of the

Reconciling work and care is a particular challenge for families Equation: Child Care Workers with few economic resources. Of low-wage female workers, On one side of the child care contract are parents struggling only a small percentage have access to flexible work sched- to find affordable child care so that they can work. For many ules or flexible child care, and this figure is even lower for families, the cost of child care may impede women’s ability African-American women and Latinas.'# While such figures to work outside the home — because child care o!en falls on are not available for immigrant women or Native-American women, and women typically earn less than they should (i.e.,

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less than men). On the other side of this contract are child care workers — 94.6 percent of whom are female, with an average income of $20,350, or about 120 percent of the federal poverty line for a family of three.($ The overwhelming majority of child care workers are also women of color raising children themselves. The ironies here are exquisite: Women, especially women of color,(& are the losers all around. Yet, as an industry, child care is a growing sector and proven economic stimulus, with multiplier eﬀects rivaling those in manufacturing and tourism.('

The perception of child care as “women’s work” predomi- nates, leading to the devaluation of this work and providers’ socioeconomic contributions. Child care providers are among the lowest paid and most vulnerable workers in our economy, whether employed at a center-based facility or self-employed in a home, and experience high turnover rates and lack of career advancement. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, only 20 of 821 occupations reported by the agency have lower average wages than child care workers. The realities are daunting: One-third of child care workers are self-employed and work out of their home, and therefore, lack access to unemployment compensation, health insurance, retirement and other benefits. Few of those employed by others are granted sick days or paid leave. Although union- ization has made some inroads, in-home child care providers are isolated from professional communities and support and o!en cut off from opportunities for advancement, such as training on child development, health and safety or small business management skills. And many child care workers must find arrangements for their own young children — and face the same barriers to affordable care.

The Wealth Gap for Women of Color

While the pay gap for women of color is well documented, the wealth gap is potentially even more damaging to future generations. Wealth and income are related, but they are distinctly diﬀerent. Wealth is the accumulation of assets, including physical and ﬁnancial investments that can be sold for cash; income is the amount of money received per week, month or year.

According to a March 2010 report by the Insight Center for Community Economic Development, Li!ing As We Climb: Women of Color, Wealth, and America’s Future:((

Single African-American and Latina women have While 57 percent of single white women own homes, median wealth of $100 and $120, respectively; the the same is true for only 33 percent of single Afri- median for single white women is $41,500. can-American women and 28 percent of single Latina women. While single white women in the prime working years of ages 36–49 have a median wealth of $42,600, the Social Security is the only source of retirement income median wealth for women of color is only $5. for more than 25 percent of African-American women.

Nearly half of all single African-American and Latina Prior to age 50, women of color have virtually no women have zero or negative wealth, meaning that wealth at all. their debts exceed their assets.

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Policy Recommendations

,*)%)/0 %.*/1*,1% Substantially increase public funding for 1 child care and early education. In his 2013 State of the Union address, President Obama called for states to make high-quality preschool available to every child in America, recognizing that additional resources in child care and early education would produce be-er outcomes for children and increase work opportunities for parents. Interven- tions should include enhancing the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit and increasing Head Start and federal funding for the Child Care and Development Block Grant Program (CCDBG) to help states reduce waiting lists for subsidized child care. However, because states have wide latitude in spending block grant funds, greater oversight and accountability for CCDBG is needed to ensure that funding is directed toward its intended goal. Existing child care subsidies should be prioritized for low-income working parents and people transitioning off public assistance. Encourage companies to allow flexible scheduling, provide 2 child care subsidies and implement other family-friendly policies that are good for businesses and the economy. Deloi-e Touche Toshmatsu, a professional services consulting business, estimated that implementing flexible work arrangements in 2003 resulted in savings of $41.5 million in reduced turnover costs for their company. Flex programs in Germany, the United Kingdom and Australia have not caused decreased profits or unmet customer demand, according to a survey of employers who have implemented these programs.() Raise the federal minimum wage 3 and the minimum wage for tipped workers. As President Obama acknowledged in his 2013 State of the Union address, the current federal minimum wage of $7.25 per hour is simply too low and represents a near-poverty wage for a full-time worker. A modest increase, to $9.80 per hour, would at least begin to account for the rate of inflation: The buying power of the 1968 minimum wage is the equivalent of about $10.55 an hour today.(* According to the Economic Policy Institute, such an increase would significantly impact 28 million low-income workers and would especially benefit the women who labor in this tier of the economy.(+ A longer-term goal is to abolish the tipped minimum wage. The abysmal rate of $2.13 per hour (which hasn’t changed in 21 years) forces employees to subsist almost entirely on tips — an unpredictable and unsustainable source of income. Indeed, the differential hourly wage has been a key factor behind increased poverty rates and growing economic insecurity for workers in the tipped industries — the vast majority of whom are women.), The Rebuild America Act proposed by Sen. Tom Harkin (D-IA) and a companion bill introduced in the House by Rep. George Miller (D-CA) include provisions to address these issues. The bill mandates that the tipped minimum wage be raised to 70 percent of the current federal minimum wage. While the ultimate goal is to abolish the tipped minimum wage, the bill is considered an important first step and has the support of key advocates such as Restaurant Opportunities Center, a Ms. Foundation grantee.

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Policy Recommendations continued

Reform labor laws to provide federal minimum wage and 4 overtime rights to the 1.7 million members of the home health care workforce. Home health care is a growing field, but many of the workers in this industry — mostly women of color — are not covered by our nation’s most basic labor laws, and one in five live in poverty. The U.S. Department of Labor should issue a final rule amending the Fair Labor Standards Act regulations to bring in-home elder companions under the statute. Such protections would improve working conditions for an expanding workforce and ensure the availability of home care for the fast-growing elderly population. State and federal lawmakers should also support proposals to be-er the lot of caregivers. In 2010, Domes- tic Workers United, a Ms. Foundation grantee, successfully advocated for passage of the nation’s first Domestic Workers Bill of Rights in New York. This historic law guarantees basic rights and protections for privately employed elder caregivers, as well as nannies and housekeepers. The group is now working nationally to secure passage of similar bills around the country.

Improve women’s access to non-traditional jobs. 5 Non-traditional jobs — both professional and managerial (e.g., civil engineer, physician or physicist) and nonprofessional (e.g., electrician, truck driver or auto mechanic) — pay more, expand career opportunities and oﬀer be-er beneﬁts. Yet, women face many barriers to access, including lack of information about opportunities, training, community support and child care, as well as sexual harassment on the job. Ms. Foundation grantee Wider Opportunities for Women suggests that overcoming these barriers requires a focus on both changing institutions and supporting the individual woman.)" Among the reforms recommended are training for teachers, counselors and program administrators to support women’s access to non-traditional jobs, investment in programs that prepare women to succeed in non-traditional jobs and manage the challenges of working in male-dominated environments, and establishment of funding streams, such as the Women in Apprenticeship and Nontraditional Occupation Act, that promote recruit- ment, hiring, training and retention of women in non-traditional jobs.

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Policy Recommendations continued

,'*+)2)/0 ,)03.% Advocate for strong pay-equity legislation, regulation and 6 enforcement to protect employees and assist employers. Proposed legislation such as the Paycheck Fairness Act would empower women by outlawing workplace policies that make disclosing one’s salary to co-workers a cause for being ﬁred, thus, giving women an opportunity to discover whether they are being paid less than men for equal work. States should also be required to use audits to monitor and address pay diﬀerences. And employers should end abusive workplace policies that make it impossible for employees (the majority of them women) to earn a steady paycheck and complicate planning for other responsibilities like school and child care.)#

Ensure that public assistance programs transition people into 7 real jobs and make good use of federal child care subsidies. At present, too many welfare-to-work programs fail to transition people into decent jobs, and “work activity” requirements a-ached to cash assistance o!en equate to unpaid labor, with no opportunities for education or advancement. Radical welfare reform is needed to raise beneﬁt levels, improve access to assistance and create real jobs. In the meantime, states should pursue incremental reform via TANF waivers, toward the goal of building more eﬀective public assistance and welfare-to-work systems. States should also use federal welfare money more wisely. In many jurisdictions, for example, precious federal child care subsidies are wasted on forcing welfare recipients to participate in unpaid, dead-end “work activities,” instead of supporting low-income, working parents. A bill currently pending in New York state would free up millions of these subsidy dollars by waiving the “workfare” requirement for primary caretakers of children under age 1, thereby pu-ing valuable federal money to its intended purpose as a low-income work support.)$

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The world we want An America where all women have full economic parity.

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Maternal Mortality Rates Women Who Lack Healthcare Coverage by Demographic Latinas 24%

African Americans 16%

White Women of Women Color Whites % Women of color experience 13 maternal mortality rates nearly *Approximate: for women aged 18-64 four times those of whites. Source: U.S. Dept. of Commerce.

Source: Amnesty International. *Approximate

Enacted Abortion Restrictions by Year The U.S. teen 455 pregnancy rate 65

continues to 75 be one of the highest in the 85 industrialized 95

world. 5 4:6; 4::5 4::; 9555 955; 9545 Source: Gu(macher Institute. Source: Gu(macher Institute.

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+!1+./$#%&'! 0$(%&#! The world we live in

Reproductive autonomy is both inseparable from and funda- Today’s a-acks on women’s access to reproductive health mental to women’s overall health and well-being. As the care undermine every woman’s human rights, but low-in- United Nations Population Fund recently stated in declaring come women, women of color and immigrant women are family planning a universal human right, “Not only does the particularly affected. Women with fewer resources suffer ability for a couple to choose when and how many children more from the defunding of Title X family planning clinics to have help li! nations out of poverty, but it is also one of like Planned Parenthood and denial of insurance coverage the most effective means of empowering women.” )& for contraception and abortion. Immigrant women suffer from the five-year waiting period on applying for Medicaid. Yet, in the United States, reproductive health care — and Low-income women who are victims of sexual assault also health care in general — is seen as a commodity and privilege, rely on clinics like Planned Parenthood to provide needed rather than a public good or right. Li-le wonder, then, that services, such as testing for HIV/AIDS and sexually transmit- our nation’s extraordinarily high expenditures on health ted infections (STIs), as well as abortion. And since a woman’s care do not result in commensurate health gains; indeed, ability to control her health and reproductive choices has a U.S. women lag behind their developing-country counter- very real impact on her family’s long-term financial stability, parts in terms of maternal mortality,)' life expectancy)( and access to health care is a ma-er of economic justice. For gender equality (a ranking that includes health and survival instance, in families with a new baby, 12.9 percent become demographics).)) Gender inequality — along with racial and poor in the month the child was born; this figure increases ethnic disparities — has also been recognized as one of the to 24.6 percent for female-headed households.*, key drivers of the HIV/AIDS epidemic.)* Not coincidentally, our low international ranking on health is matched by the As shown by the data discussed below, women overall highest rate of child poverty among affluent nations.)+ have made gains in health outcomes, but disparities persist along the lines of race, class, immigrant status The historic passage of the Affordable Care Act of 2010 and sexual orientation. Similarly, significant legal and (ACA) means that women now have greater access to afford- logistical barriers continue to undermine women’s access able health insurance and health care. But the continued to health care. Only by identifying and addressing the politicization of women’s health issues means that women systemic barriers that result in greater health disparities, must overcome many barriers before fully benefiting from and demanding accountability and social change through the law’s potential. Across the United States, women and our political system, can we begin to achieve real gender girls are routinely denied the fundamental human right to equity and a stronger, more inclusive society. quality reproductive health, education and services, very o!en by politicians who claim to be proponents of “family values” while simultaneously slashing the social safety net that poor women rely on.

)* +.,. -)+./01, 2341 87% /- 35)6/0). 76)40816. Source: Kaiser Family Foundation.

2013 Special Report 21 The Road to Equality +!1+./$#%&'! 0$(%&#! Barriers to Reproductive Justice: passed numerous barriers to informed decision-making, from gag rules on discussion of abortion in doctor’s offices and the Ba"leground in the States insufficient sex education to invasive ultrasound procedures and abortion waiting periods.*# These excessive government Abortion opponents have seized upon virtually every regulations are aimed at reducing the number of available health-related initiative, from the Affordable Care Act to providers and increasing the cost of abortion services. Lastly, Medicaid reauthorization, as a proxy ba-leground, and the parental notification laws impose barriers for teenagers and majority of these ba-les take place in the states. According can compromise their safety and well-being. Many teenagers to the Gu-macher Institute, states introduced a record 950 fear that disclosing a pregnancy to their parents will bring measures related to reproductive health and rights in 2011, with about physical or emotional harm. 68 percent of enacted provisions restricting access to abortion services – a striking increase from 2010, when 26 percent did so. Geographical proximity According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, 87 percent of These numbers show no sign of abating: In the first quarter of U.S. counties, home to 35 percent of women of reproductive 2012, legislators introduced 944 provisions related to reproduc- age, have no abortion provider. Women in the Midwest and tive health and rights in 45 of the 46 states whose legislatures South are more likely than those in the Northeast or West convened. Fully half of these provisions would restrict access *$ to live in such a county. This issue is of particular concern to abortion.*" A common strategy in both state and federal for Latinas, since a growing proportion of new immigrant bills is to restrict women’s access to abortion, which o!en *& Latinas live in non-urban areas. results in reducing access to the full range of sexual and reproductive health care services. Roadblocks to access include: Inequality The Hyde Amendment (passed in 1976 and still in effect), which State legislative restrictions bans federal funding for abortion in the Medicaid program, set Many states have enacted so-called “conscience clauses” that the precedent for dozens of other laws that prevent federal allow providers and companies to cite religious reasons for health care programs from covering abortion for federal refusing to provide contraception, abortion and sterilization employees, women in the military and Peace Corps, disabled services and, in some instances, referrals. “Personhood” initia- women, Native women and federal prisoners. These restric- tives that give legal recognition to fetuses are also on the rise tions have a particularly harsh impact on low-income women — more than 135 were proposed in 2012 alone — endanger- and women of color and their families. Numerous states have ing most forms of birth control and making illegal in vitro proposed cuts to the federally funded Title X Family Planning fertilization. “TRAP laws,” or Targeted Regulation of Abortion Program, which pays for health screenings, contraception Providers laws, single out doctors providing abortions and and family planning resources and is o!en the only source of impose burdensome and unnecessary requirements that are preventive health care for low-income, uninsured women. different and/or more stringent than the legal requirements of other medical practices. States have also proposed or Affordability The Affordable Care Act of 2010 increases health insurance coverage for contraception and preventive and prenatal care. However, women who lack employer-based coverage and fall just above the outdated federal poverty level (for Medicaid eligibility) — many of whom are low-income and women of color — must turn to the individual health insurance market, where they may be charged more for coverage, denied coverage for gender-specific conditions and sold plans that inade- quately cover their health needs.*' Accuracy The right of women and girls to receive unbiased, accurate information about reproductive health is under threat. Many states require public schools to provide only “abstinence only until marriage” classes or programs instead of meeting comprehensive sex education standards. A growing number of taxpayer-funded Crisis Pregnancy Centers pose as comprehensive health providers and mislead or harass women with false information about abortion, birth control and sexually transmitted diseases.

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All told, the right to self-determination is being eroded, starting report, the diﬃcult socioeconomic conditions experienced in the most vulnerable communities, but ultimately impacting by women of color stem in part from historical, systematic all women. Lawmakers’ relentless a-empts to limit reproduc- exclusion and bias. tive autonomy not only undermines all women’s ability to control their destinies, but also demonstrates a fundamental distrust of — and disrespect for — women’s decision-making about their own health, life and family. The State of Reproductive Health

Trends in reproductive health show mixed data, especially when it comes to young people. Teen birth rates have continued to drop over the past few years, to a record low of 31.3 live births per 1,000 women aged 15–19 in 2011.*( Research shows that fewer high school students report having sexual intercourse, and more sexually active students use some method of contraception.*) Notwithstanding this decline, the U.S. teen pregnancy rate continues to be one of the highest in the industrialized world,** with signiﬁcant, short- and long-term social and economic impacts on teen parents and their children.

Only about 50 percent of teen mothers earn a high school diploma by age 22, versus approximately 90 percent of women who did not give birth during adolescence.*+ In 2008, teen pregnancy and childbirth accounted for nearly $11 billion per year in costs to U.S. taxpayers for increased health care and foster care, increased incarceration rates among children of teen parents and lost tax revenue because of lower educational a-ainment and income among teen mothers.+, The children of teenage mothers are more likely to have lower school achieve- ment and drop out of high school, have more health problems, Disparities in Access to Health Care Mean be incarcerated at some time during adolescence, give birth as Disparities in Reproductive Health Outcomes +" a teenager and face unemployment as a young adult. Not all women are similarly situated when it comes to their Sexually active teens and young adults are also more likely to health. Among women aged 18 to 64, 24 percent of Latinas contract an STI or HIV/AIDS. Teens make up only 25 percent and 16 percent of African Americans lack health care cover- +' of the sexually active population, but account for nearly half age, compared to only 13.3 percent of whites. Disparities in of new STI cases and 31 percent of new HIV infections.+# The health care access extend beyond race: Twenty-eight percent lack of clear, effective and comprehensive sexual education of single mothers are uninsured, as are 35 percent of foreign- programs is a major reason behind these troubling statistics. born women. Discrimination in accessing care is also a factor: As with other areas of reproductive health care, education Transgender people and lesbians o!en experience significant +( has been politicized: religious and conservative groups difficulty in ge-ing the a-ention and treatment they need. continue to push for “abstinence-only” programs — many of Latinas and other immigrant women face cultural and them faith-based — in the face of overwhelming evidence language barriers in seeking and obtaining health care. that such curricula do not decrease rates of sexual activity Low-income immigrants may not qualify for public health and result in higher rates of pregnancy, STIs and HIV/AIDS insurance due to immigration status (legal permanent resi- +$ among young people. dents are not covered by Medicaid during their first five years of residency, and undocumented immigrants are only covered Compounding Factors: Health, Wealth & Race by Medicaid for emergencies). Even those who are eligible, or As with economic and safety issues, poverty and race whose children are eligible, may avoid enrolling themselves compound the reproductive health challenges faced by or their children for fear that it will undermine their ability women in the United States. The Robert Wood Johnson Foun- to stay in the country.+) Over the last decade, the number of dation has found that income and education — and correlat- Latinas receiving Medicaid has declined from 29 percent ed characteristics like wealth, occupation and neighborhood to 12 percent, despite the fact that a significant number of conditions — can influence health in myriad ways. The direct Latinas continue to live in poverty.+* Non-English speakers effects of poverty are complicated by the less obvious health and those who are limited in English proficiency are o!en effects of chronic stress that accompany a constant struggle denied language-appropriate treatment, information and to make basic ends meet.+& And as noted elsewhere in this pharmaceutical instruction, with potentially grave results.++

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trimester, only 76.1 percent of African Americans and 77.3 percent of Latinas do so — a consequence of these groups having limited or no insurance.

These disparities in access to reproductive health care also result in disparate rates of STIs and cervical cancer for women of color. In 2009, the chlamydia rate for black women was eight times higher than for whites.",& The incidence of cervical cancer for Latinas is almost twice that of non-Latina white women, and black women and Latinas have the highest mortality rate from cervical cancer, a highly preventable disease (85 percent of women who die from cervical cancer never had a pap smear).",' All these statistics could be improved through access to basic health care services. Paid sick leave would also help by preventing low-income women from having to choose between their health and earning money. African-American women and Latinas are less likely to have paid sick leave; only 46 percent of Latinas do.",(

Women and HIV/AIDS Barriers to reproductive health care are also a major factor in women’s rates of HIV/AIDS infection. Research shows li-le clinical variance between women and men living with HIV, yet women living with HIV experience substantial treatment and health outcome disparities in comparison to men.",) Many women with HIV are low-income and struggling to support their families, potentially complicating the management of their illness. Further, intimate partner violence has been closely linked with HIV risk and HIV infection for women and men, both as victims and perpetrators of violence, but li-le research has been done to identify best practice interventions that address the prevalence of this intersection.",* As with so many societal ills, women of color suffer disproportionately. Research indicates only minor differences between Because immigrants, women of color, youth and other disad- the sexual risk-taking behaviors of white women and women vantaged groups have more difficulty accessing health care of color, yet the incidence of HIV/AIDS among women of color ",+ in general, they also suffer disadvantages when it comes to has increased over time. While the causes of these disparities reproductive health and family planning. The Centers for are complex and interconnected, they point to deficiencies in Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has found that, among access to medical care, HIV testing and information for women young women, non-Hispanic blacks, Hispanics/Latinos, of color and women who are poor, as well as much higher rates "", American Indians/Alaska Natives and the socioeconomically of inadequate or non-existent health insurance. disadvantaged have higher rates of teen pregnancy and child- Black women in particular have been hard hit: They repre- birth. Black and Hispanic youth comprised 57 percent of U.S. sent the majority of new HIV infections and AIDS diagnoses teen births in 2011,",, with detrimental impact on education among women and constitute the majority of women living """ and well-being."," with the disease. The rate of new AIDS diagnoses for black women in 2010 was 33.7 per 100,000, or 22 times the rate for Most women who obtain abortions — approximately 75 white women (1.5). The rate for women of multiple races (13.1) percent — report that economics played a role in their was nine times the rate for white women, while the rate for ",# decision. Given this and other statistics, policymakers Latinas (7.1) was five times as high. The rate was 5.4 for Native concerned about rates of abortion would thus do well to Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander women, 4.6 for American focus on raising the economic status of women rather than Indian/Alaska Native women, and 1.2 for Asian women. HIV engaging in “shame and blame.” incidence and prevalence rates for women by race/ethnicity ""# Women of color experience maternal mortality rates nearly show a similar pa-ern. four times those of whites, due in part to disparate rates Given these trends and issues, efforts to stem the tide of the ",$ of prenatal care, discrimination in hospitals and systemic U.S. HIV/AIDS epidemic will increasingly depend on how we failures within the hospital system, including understaff- address the gender dimensions of the epidemic and to what ing and inadequate and variable quality of care. While 88.1 extent we address its effect on women and girls. A 2010 gender percent of white women begin prenatal care in their first audit of the National HIV/AIDS Strategy (NHAS) noted the

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lack of a speciﬁc strategy for women and set out a series of recommendations to improve all women’s, including transgender women’s, access to HIV prevention, care and treatment.""$ One of the most critical gaps, the audit noted, is the lack of concrete recommendations for the integration of women-cen- tered services, such as sexual and reproductive health care, into HIV care and treatment. Another critical gap lies within the current outdated CDC HIV surveillance system that does not classify, count and prioritize women as a risk group.

In the same vein, the President’s Advisory Council on HIV/AIDS (PACHA) recently issued a resolution""& on the needs of women living with HIV/AIDS, calling for the NHAS to be amended to address the disparities in health outcomes.

Dispatches from the War on Women: Diverse Coalition Defeats a Stealth Anti-Abortion Bill The “Prenatal Nondiscrimination Act,” introduced into the House of Representatives in 2012 by Arizona Repub- lican Trent Franks, had a benign-enough title. But advocates for women and people of color — particularly the Asian-American community, which the bill targeted — weren’t fooled. Known as “PRENDA,” the bill would ostensibly ban abortions performed on the basis of sex, requiring doctors and nurses to report suspected sex-selective abortions to the authorities, under threat of civil and criminal penalties. Supporters claimed that the legislation would combat sex-selective abortion and prevent the United States from becoming a “safe-haven” for women — particularly Asian Americans — trying to guarantee the sex of their babies. In reality, PRENDA would merely further the stigma- tization of women seeking an abortion. International experts working to address sex-selection agree that the best remedy is not to criminalize the practice, which only pushes it behind closed doors, but to address the root economic, social and cultural causes of sex inequality.

The bill’s sponsor, Rep. Franks, is a consistent opponent This billboard in lower Manha!an, funded by an anti-abortion of abortion and progressive economic policies. In 2011, he group, courted controversy by suggesting that African-American championed an earlier version of PRENDA, the “Susan B. women were commi!ing racial genocide by choosing to have Anthony and Frederick Douglass Prenatal Nondiscrimi- an abortion. Similarly, a bill introduced in the House, the “Susan B. Anthony and Frederick Douglass Prenatal Nondiscrimination nation Act.” That proposal — which was voted down — Act,” sought criminal penalties for medical professionals who sought to limit abortions by arguing that African-Amer- failed to report a suspected sex- or race-based abortion to law ican mothers were engaging in racial discrimination by enforcement. The bill, introduced in 2011, was defeated. choosing to have an abortion. Fortunately, the updated version of PRENDA was also defeated, due in no small part to the work of a diverse coalition that included the National Asian Paciﬁc Amer- ican Women’s Forum, a Ms. Foundation grantee.

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Policy Recommendations

,*)%)/0 %.*/1*,1% Adopt ACA Medicaid expansions at the state level, including 1 coverage for immigrants, and increase public funding for family planning through Title X. The dramatic inequities in health among women in the United States can largely be addressed through access to basic health care. The federal Affordable Care Act is an important step in that direction. However, it has limitations, such as the exclusion of undocumented immigrants, which includes children. This law should be revised to expand coverage, as the deliberate exclusion of immigrants, even those benefi-ing from President Obama’s deferred action program, undermines the ACA’s principle of health equity and access to those most in need. In addition, in June 2012, the U. S. Supreme Court ruled that each state can choose whether to expand its Medicaid programs to cover citizens living at up to 133 percent of the federal poverty level. Realizing access to the full range of comprehensive reproductive health services for countless low-income people, including 4.6 million women of reproductive age, requires that states adopt the Medicaid expansion. States that choose to expand Medicaid by 2016 will benefit from significant financial incentives, with the federal government picking up 100 percent of the costs. Nevertheless, at least nine states have already opted not to expand Medicaid. States should also increase their shares of public funding for family planning services, and fight efforts to defund Title X family planning clinics and legislate unnecessary provisions — such as ultrasounds, mandatory waiting periods and TRAP laws (Targeted Regulations Against Abortion Providers). Implement comprehensive sex education curricula at the 2 state level to ensure that young people receive accurate and life-saving information. In January 2012, four leading health organizations released the first national standards for sexuality education in schools. The standards call for educators to provide clear, consistent and straightforward guidance on sexuality education that is developmentally and age-appropriate for students in kindergar- ten through grade 12. States should adopt these standards and reject a-empts to impose “abstinence only until marriage” curricula or other biased programs.

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Policy Recommendations continued

,'*+)2)/0 ,)03.% Repeal the five-year waiting period for legal permanent 3 residents accessing Medicaid. Medicaid coverage facilitates access to essential reproductive and other health care services for low-income women, but is curtailed by a five-year waiting period for legal permanent residents in many states. As the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health, a Ms. Foundation grantee, has stated, “The exclusion of Latina immigrants from Medicaid for the first five years of residency is a great injustice”— and one that will ultimately harm not only Latinas, but all members of society. Repeal state and federal legislative 4 barriers to abortion access. For many women, the multitude of state-level abortion restrictions add up to a de facto ban on abortion. State legislatures should resist a-empts to ban access to abortion and instead repeal restrictions to women’s reproductive autonomy. On the federal level, repeal of the Hyde Amendment is a crucial first step in improving access to abortion for women of color and other marginalized groups. In short, women’s reproductive autonomy should not be subjected to partisan political ba-les but recognized as an essential and inalienable right. Integrate services for family planning, HIV testing, HIV/AIDS 5 services and intimate partner violence across health centers in the United States. Funding and services for these deeply connected issues have been irrationally isolated, with grave implications. As recommended by the 30 for 30 campaign (spearheaded by the National Black Leadership Commis- sion on AIDS), relevant agencies must integrate HIV testing and service delivery and provider training in the three health care areas of greatest importance to women: (1) HIV prevention, treatment and care; (2) sexual and reproductive health services; and (3) intimate partner violence prevention and counseling. Adopt the President’s Advisory Council on HIV/AIDS 6 (PACHA) resolution on the needs of women living with HIV. PACHA recommends that the National HIV/AIDS Strategy Plan address the needs of women by be-er evaluating strategies relating to women and HIV/AIDS, specifically prioritizing women in surveillance methods and routinely offering HIV testing services at any family planning and sexual health care clinic; making gender-sensitive care for women with HIV more available through the integration of HIV care and prevention services with sexual and reproductive health care and intimate partner violence prevention and counseling; expanding housing and services for women with HIV; producing more refined data that analyze the unique health and service needs of women with HIV; and expanding research into the development of women-controlled prevention methods.

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The world we want An America where women have full decision-making authority over their bodies & unfe-ered access to health care.

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(*3!%, The world we live in

Gender-based violence remains a prevalent and complex problem in the United States. It is well understood that physical violations of women and children are fundamentally grounded in issues of power and control — and therefore, related to women’s relatively weak economic status and gender stereotypes of women as victims and of men as acting beyond their control. Consider Missouri Senate candi- 9#% date Todd Akin’s notorious election-year comment about “legitimate ""' rape,” or the statement by Wisconsin Rep. Roger Rivard that “some of child women just rape easy.”""( The uproar over these remarks indicates how far we’ve come and how far we have to go.

sexual abuse As a result of grassroots eﬀorts leading to the enactment of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) in 1994, which continue today, cases are not we have made important inroads against gender-based violence. Violent assaults against women in the United States are down reported. overall, and most workplaces and schools claim a “no tolerance policy” on sexual harassment. However, despite such progress, the *Estimated for all children under 18. serious emotional, physical and ﬁnancial impact of violence on women and girls persists in epidemic proportions. Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

":% – ;#% of female students suﬀer rape or another form of sexual assault during their college years

Source: National Institute of Justice.

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Sexual Assault Native Americans vs. Other

Native American Women Female inmates are more than twice as likely as male inmates to =.> x report inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization.

Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics. Other Women

Sexual Harassment by Level of Authority Native American women are =.> times more likely to be raped or sexually assaulted Females without than other supervisory authority Female managers ?@A' women. more sexual harassment

Source: H. McLaughlin, Univ. of Minnesota. Source: Bureau of Justice Statistics.

2013 Special Report 31 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

Further study of the problem is needed. For instance, while child sexual abuse occurs in all communities at every socioeconomic level, children from low-income households are three times as likely to be identiﬁed as victims of child sexual abuse than children from higher income brackets."#" However, the discrepancy in these statistics may be due to the frequency of contact with law-enforcement and child-welfare agencies by poor communities and communities of color. Children living with a single parent who has a live-in partner face the highest risk: They are 20 times more likely to be victims of child sexual abuse than children living with both biological parents."## The Long-Term Societal Impact of Child Sexual Abuse

Because child sexual abuse leaves mainly emotional, instead of physical, scars, its total impact on victims remains under- appreciated. Child sexual abuse occurs at a tragically high rate and robs young people of self-determination, self-esteem and potential, sometimes se-ing in motion a lifelong chain of adverse events. Although research on the relationship between child sexual abuse and other social problems is still emerging, existing research suggests that it is a major risk factor for sexual and domestic violence, poverty, sex work, trafficking, incarceration, mental illness, health problems and homelessness. Girls who are sexually abused, for instance, are four times more likely to develop psychiatric disorders than girls who are not sexually abused."#$ Further, children and adolescents who have been sexually victimized are at increased risk for unplanned The Number One pregnancy, HIV infection and revictimization. Research also Victims of Rape: Children suggests that 70 to 90 percent of commercially sex-exploited children have a history of child sexual abuse."#& And 85 percent Adult rape is generally taken seriously, as a grave and signif- of women in the sex industry report being sexually abused as icant crime. Yet, many people aren’t aware that children are children (70 percent report incest)"#' — a group that also suffers victims of rape at a much higher rate than adults. Nearly disproportionately from gender violence. 70 percent of reported sexual assaults overall are perpetrated against children aged 17 and younger, and of these, 86 Women are significantly more likely than men to report experi- percent of the victims are female."") In 2000, sexual assault ences of child sexual abuse."#( Of all women who report having among youth aged 12 to 17 was 2.3 times higher than for been abused as girls, 65 percent were abused more than once, adults.""* Adult retrospective studies show that one in four and 57 percent were abused by a family member."#) Indeed, in women and one in six men were sexually abused before the as many as 93 percent of child sexual abuse cases, the perpe- age of 18,""+ meaning that more than 42 million adult survi- trator is a relative, family friend, coach or teacher — someone vors live in the United States today. And this figure does not known, in other words, to the victim."#* This helps explain why, account for the upward of 90 percent of child sexual abuse as noted above, an estimated 90 percent of child sexual abuse cases that go unreported."#, incidents are not reported to legal authorities.

How has the shocking ubiquity of child sexual abuse For too long, discussion of women’s status in society has managed to escape public scrutiny? One obstacle is survi- failed to account for the devastating eﬀects of gender-based vors’ understandable reluctance to disclose such victimiza- violence, particularly child sexual abuse, which has a tremen- tion and trauma. Even when people are made aware — for dous impact on the economy and social fabric of our society. example, of the high-proﬁle, epidemic reports of Penn State, Cumulative costs related to adult rape and child sexual the Boy Scouts and the Catholic Church — most lack the abuse are estimated at $23 billion annually in the United knowledge and tools to address child sexual abuse in their States — including mental health and health care, juvenile respective spheres of life. Few of the institutions in which delinquency, hospitalization, law enforcement and loss of we trust adults to care for our children have policies, prac- productivity to society."#+ Only by identifying and targeting tices and accountability systems in place to prevent child both the individual consequences and overall prevalence of sex abuse, and to the extent that they do, these policies are this silent epidemic can we begin to address the problem for clearly inadequate and sometimes ignored. our communities and society as a whole.

2013 Special Report 32 The Road to Equality (*3!%, Justice Denied Gender-Based Violence is a Despite the epidemic proportions and profound consequences Reality for Many Women of child sexual abuse, our society offers victims few avenues for As prevalent as child sexual abuse is, o!en it is only the recourse. One challenge is that it o!en takes years for a victim first violation a girl endures over her lifetime; gender-based of sexual abuse or assault to come forward due to many factors violence unfortunately tarnishes many women’s experience inherent to the crime — including the private nature of the in the United States. Women are significantly more likely violation, misplaced shame, fear of not being believed, fear of exposing family members or community leaders, perpetrators than men to experience intimate partner violence and rape, having authority over and ability to manipulate victims, and and one in six women will be sexually assaulted in her life- an ill-equipped criminal justice system. Victims need time to time. Every two minutes, someone in the United States (aged "$" recognize the extent of the harm done to them and to build the 12 and older) is sexually assaulted — a figure that excludes courage and fortitude to pursue justice. the vast number of victims who never report this terrible crime, whether out of a sense of shame, fear or helplessness, Although many states have improved their criminal statutes or based on a distrust of the criminal justice system. of limitations to allow victims the time needed to consider bringing charges, some states still require that victims report Transgender people and lesbians suffer gender-based these crimes to prosecutors within one to three years of the violence at significant levels. Their failure to conform to "$# offense in order to preserve the option to prosecute. Victims gender stereotypes renders them vulnerable, and, as one who report and pursue charges face an uphill ba-le; adding to researcher found, “[T]hese acts of violence are not single the problem that child sexual abuse claims can be hard to prove, individual incidents, but happen across a lifetime, and o!en in many jurisdictions police and prosecutors do not thoroughly a single individual experiences multiple acts of violence or or professionally investigate sex crimes due to lack of prioriti- intolerance on a daily basis.”"$$ The National Crime Victimiza- zation, training and resources. Backlogs of DNA testing on rape tion Survey reported that 15 percent of hate crimes from 2003 kits further exacerbate this problem, delaying a victim’s ability to 2009 were motivated by bias based on sexual orientation."$& to seek justice in a timely way. More research is needed to uncover — and begin to address — the violence directed at these vulnerable populations. In pursuing justice, many victims also encounter short windows of opportunity to pursue civil lawsuits against abusers and the institutions that protect them. This is a proven obstacle to justice for victims who seek monetary reparations and who want to take steps to ensure that no other victims are harmed under the care of institutions like the Catholic Church, the Boy Scouts and many others. Most states have insufficient statutes of limitations to accommo- date victims. For example, states like Indiana, New Jersey, Oklahoma and Virginia provide only two years from age 18 or discovery of the abuse to pursue justice through civil litigation; Tennessee and North Dakota provide only one year. Such laws protect institutions while victims struggle against tremendous obstacles to recovery, including costly mental health care. Advocacy efforts against unjust civil statutes of limitations (led largely by survivors of abuse inside the Catholic Church) have resulted in improvements to laws in California, Delaware and Hawaii. Active campaigns in Massa- chuse-s, New Jersey, New York and Pennsylvania point to improvements on the horizon in these states as well.

Finally, it must be acknowledged that even with the best laws Disturbingly, when it comes to women and girls with develop- in place, many victims, including incest survivors and women mental disabilities, as many as 83 percent are the victims of of color, may actively avoid legal remedies and instead search sexual assault at some point in their lifetime."$' According to for other solutions to heal and recover. There is a growing but the World Health Organization, children with disabilities are insuﬃciently supported movement to involve ever-widening three times more likely than children without disabilities to circles of adults in the community (in schools, businesses, be victims of sexual abuse, and the likelihood is even higher places of worship, etc.) to create a holistic safety net for for children with certain types of disabilities, such as intel- children. Advocates are also exploring restorative justice lectual or mental health disabilities."$( Similar to children programs that put the burden of reparation and resolution without disabilities, research has shown that the individuals "$, on the abuser, not on the survivor. responsible for these crimes are “trusted” adults. This includes family members, babysi-ers, neighbors and teachers — but, for children with disabilities, the circle is expanded to include

2013 Special Report 33 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

caregivers, transportation providers, occupational therapists, sexual assault — more than 80 reported rapes on campus, and other support staff who serve as an integral part of the including an alleged gang rape by athletes — over the past day-to-day lives of many children with disabilities. three years. Yale University has also been the subject of inquiries from the Education Department’s Office of Civil Gender-based violence and harassment occur at work, on Rights over its handling of sexual harassment and abuse campus and in the home. Homicide, not accidental death, is the accusations, and similar investigations involving local law leading cause of fatal injuries to women at work."$) Workplace enforcement agencies are underway in New Orleans, Puerto sexual harassment remains commonplace and persistent, Rico and Maricopa County, Arizona."&$ despite most large workplaces having formal policies designed to detect and address such behavior. A recent study of low-in- Sexual harassment of female students is common and come union workers, for example, found that 26 percent of frequently involves physical contact, according to the Amer- women surveyed experienced sexual harassment on the job."$* ican Association of University Women (AAUW)."&& Female Another study reported that female managers experience students harassed at college report significant negative 137 percent more sexual harassment than women without impacts on their emotional well-being and chances of thriv- supervisory authority, as male workers use such behavior to ing in school. Sixty-eight percent of surveyed female college challenge and undermine women’s authority."$+ Similarly, in students felt very or somewhat upset by sexual harassment male-dominated workplaces, sexual harassment is used to that they had experienced, while 57 percent felt self-con- discourage women from holding non-traditional jobs."&, scious or embarrassed. Sixteen percent of young women who were sexually harassed found it difficult to pay a-ention in Women of color experience a version of “double jeopardy” class or study, while 9 percent skipped class or dropped a in the workplace: They are vulnerable to both sexual and course as a result."&' The devastating effects of violence on racial/ethnic harassment. One study concluded that women female students can last a lifetime. Beyond the immediate of color consequently experienced more harassment overall trauma, victims are at risk of contracting sexually transmit- than either white men and women or men of color."&" ted infections, becoming pregnant and suffering long-term mental health effects."&( Policymakers have recently focused significant a-ention on school bullying, but sexual harassment may be even more harmful to girls."&) Women of Color Are Among the Most Vulnerable

Gender-based violence hurts all women, but the impact and frequency of such violence varies. For example, while incidents of rape are comparable across white, African-American and Latina communities, Native Americans are 2.5 times more "&* likely to be raped or sexually assaulted than other women. Further, African-American and Asian Paciﬁc Islander women experience intimate partner violence at signiﬁcantly higher rates than other U.S. women:"&+ In a survey of Korean immigrant women, 60 percent reported having been abused by their husbands. And the National Violence Against Women Survey indicated that African-American women experienced higher rates of intimate partner homicide than their white counterparts."',

Poverty may play a role. There is a strong association between ﬁnancial strain and the likelihood of intimate For Young Women, an Added partner violence,"'" and women of color — including Native Americans, who experience high rates of gender violence — Cost to Higher Education are disproportionately poor.

As for campus violence and harassment, the National Immigrant women lacking legal status are particularly Institute of Justice reports that between 18 and 20 percent vulnerable to intimate partner violence. Undocumented of female students suﬀer rape or another form of sexual immigrants may not have access to the economic and assault during their college years."&# In many cases, campus emotional support needed to escape violence, and fear of police and local authorities fail to respond adequately; the immigration enforcement may deter them from reporting Justice Department is currently scrutinizing the University crimes to the police."'# In 2012, for the ﬁrst time, bipartisan of Montana at Missoula for failing to investigate reports of support for reauthorization of the Violence Against Women

2013 Special Report 34 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

2013 Special Report 35 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

Act dissolved a!er the Republican-led House made changes staﬀ to use their position of power to coerce sexual acts from that would dramatically roll back important protections for women inmates seeking access to phone calls, visits or basic ba-ered immigrant women and their children, and eliminate supplies, such as food or soap."'( a pathway to citizenship for witnesses who cooperate with The U.N. report also noted with concern the growing incarcer- police on criminal cases."'$ The House version of the bill also ation of women in the United States and its disproportionate makes it harder for Native-American women to seek justice impact on women of color. Of the 1 million women currently against their abusers, and it leaves out protections for same- under state or federal jurisdiction, African-American women sex couples and undocumented immigrants altogether. The "') represent 30 percent and Hispanic women 16 percent, bill has been reauthorized twice with bipartisan support since despite their making up 13 percent and 11 percent, respectively, it was originally passed in 1994, but the notoriously dysfunc- of the female population of the U.S."'* One factor behind the tional 112th Congress failed to pass the more inclusive White growing female prison population is the increased detention of House-supported version of the bill in the waning days of 2012. individuals without valid immigrant status who are in custody It now falls to the 113th Congress to remedy this signal failure of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE)."'+ The and act quickly to ensure protections for rape survivors. so-called “war on drugs,” which targets the African-American population, is also to blame. Even though white women and Latinas are more or as likely as African-American women to report using drugs at least once in their lives, the incarceration rate for African-American women (mostly for drug crimes) is double that of women of all races."(,

Girls in the juvenile justice system are also vulnerable to sexual violence. The 2006 National Report of the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention reported that there were 2,881 allegations of youth-on-youth (59 percent) and staff-on-youth (41 percent) acts of sexual violence in juvenile facilities in 2004. Of those allegations, girls accounted for 32 percent of the victims of substantiated incidents of staff sexual misconduct."(" In a bi-er irony, a prevalent risk factor for girls ending up in the juvenile justice system to begin with is having experienced sexual abuse."(#

Transgender women, too, are especially vulnerable in prisons, due to a general policy of housing them according to their birth-assigned gender, regardless of their current appear- ance or gender identity. Seven percent of respondents in the National Transgender Discrimination Survey reported being locked up at some point in their lives because of their gender identity. These rates skyrocketed for African-American (41 percent) and Latino/a (21 percent) people. Assault Behind Bars Ending Sexual Assault of The incarcerated are subject to various forms of violence, including that based on gender. In prison, such violence is a Female Service Members means to reinforce the perpetrator’s power over the victim, Service Women’s Action Network (SWAN), which the Ms. making women prisoners particularly vulnerable to sexual Foundation has funded since its inception, is the first advo- assault. While a 2003 bill called the Prisoner Rape Elimi- cacy organization in history to hold the U.S. government nation Act has led to a decrease in the frequency of sexual accountable for sexual crimes commi-ed against service abuse against men as well as women, abuse against women is members and to end the impunity granted to perpetrators indeed still prevalent. Female inmates in prison (4.7 percent) and negligent commanders. or jail (3.1 percent) were more than twice as likely as males in Today, a woman serving in Iraq or Afghanistan is more likely prison (1.9 percent) or jail (1.3 percent) to report experiencing to be raped by a fellow service member than to be killed in "'& inmate-on-inmate sexual victimization. the line of fire. Nearly one in three women is raped during her A 2011 report by the United Nations Special Rapporteur service, according to a Veterans Affairs Administration study on violence against women included disturbing figures on — double the 15 percent risk of rape that civilian women face. "'' violence against women in prison. While non-consensual sex The Pentagon’s annual 2011 report shows a 58.5 percent is sometimes perpetrated by prison staff, it is more common for increase over the previous year in reported sexual assaults

2013 Special Report 36 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

at military academies (institutions similar to civilian universities and colleges)."($ While increased reporting is considered by oﬃcials to be a sign of success in its sexual violence Facts About Native Americans prevention strategy, the same institutions were found to be & Sexual Violence noncompliant or only partially complaint with the mandate The U.S. Department of Justice estimates that one to improve sexual assault response. The Department of in three Native-American/Alaskan Indian women Defense has pointed to this priority area as being key in will be raped or sexually assaulted in her lifetime."(' increasing the number of students who come forward to report assaults. These ﬁndings are particularly disturbing The average rate of rape and sexual assault among because such institutions are the training grounds for future Native Americans is 2.5 times higher than for any high-ranking military leaders. other ethnic group."((

Victims who report military sexual trauma commonly face Ninety percent of Native-American women in chem- stigma and retribution. Superiors in the chain of command ical dependency treatment are victims of rape and child sexual abuse."() have li-le incentive to document assaults that could reﬂect poorly on their leadership. Ultimately, only 8 percent of alleged Ninety-two percent of Native-American girls who have perpetrators are prosecuted. And a!er they leave the service, had sexual intercourse report having been raped."(* veterans face enormous obstacles in obtaining medical care and disability compensation connected to sexual assault.

Under pressure from women’s groups and numerous lawsuits, Secretary of Defense Leon Pane-a recently announced new policies that will make it easier for victims to report crimes and transfer from their units if necessary, ensure that documents are retained long enough for victims to rely on them as evidence and provide more resources to train victim advocates, investigators and lawyers. Understanding (and Ending) Sexual Violence Against Women and Children in Native-American Communities

In September 2012, The New York Times reported on an epidemic of child sexual abuse in North Dakota’s Spirit Lake Sioux tribe, whose reservation has among the highest proportion of sex offenders in the country. Federal officials have now taken over the tribe’s social services programs, a!er years of failure by government and tribal law enforcement officials to conduct proper investigations of dozens of cases of child sexual abuse."(&

The prevalence of violence within Native-American territo- ries is strongly linked to the poverty and exclusion that Native Americans have historically endured. What the Times article failed to note was that for more than 100 years, Native-Amer- ican children were forced into federally ﬁnanced, assimila- tionist boarding schools, where great numbers of children suﬀered serious emotional, physical and sexual trauma. To prevent child sexual abuse in Native-American communities, an honest assessment of these past failures is critical.

2013 Special Report 37 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

Policy Recommendations

,*)%)/0 %.*/1*,1% Establish a national standard for child sexual abuse 1 prevention practices for youth-serving organizations including a!er-school programs, sports programs and schools. Require all youth-serving organizations that receive state or federal funding to adopt policies and practices that ensure accountability with respect to child sexual abuse prevention.

Every child has the right to participate in public life without being subject to sexual predators in schools, universities, youth programs and religious institutions. Whether achieved through legislation or public policy, standardized prevention programs would include screening guidelines for employees, behavioral policies that limit opportunities for child sexual abuse to occur, regular training sessions and other strategies advocated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention."(+

Increase resources available to female service members 2 who report military sexual trauma, including access to emergency contraception and abortion. Augment resources for investigation and prosecution of sexual assaults as suggested by Service Women’s Action Network and other advocates. Women serving in the Armed Forces have the right to be protected from sexual assault; that one-third are raped is a national disgrace. While the new policies recently announced by Secretary of Defense Leon Pane-a are a positive ﬁrst step, these policies must be diligently enforced. More training needs to be done to change the military culture to make rape unacceptable and ensure that perpetrators are prosecuted.

2013 Special Report 38 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

Policy Recommendations continued

Ensure that police and prosecutors have training and 3 resources to investigate reports of sexual violation thoroughly, promptly and appropriately in light of the sensitivity of the crime. The epidemic of sexual abuse and assault is largely overlooked when it comes to provision of law enforcement resources: Authorities instead prioritize other, less-serious oﬀenses, namely non-violent drug crimes. Contrary to representations on television, most major city police departments dedicate few, if any, trained oﬃcers to sex crimes. And few police departments create an atmosphere in which women feel comfortable coming forward to report sex crimes. Every police agency in the United States should have a critical mass of trained male and female personnel to prioritize and address sex crimes, in view of the large-scale devastation such crimes create. In addition to personnel, prosecutors should have prompt and high-quality forensic support, no longer having to wait six months or more for analysis of DNA evidence that would help police identify suspects in existing unsolved cases, bring perpetrators to justice and prevent potential future assaults.

,'*+)2)/0 ,)03.% Reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act with full 4 protections for immigrant women, LGBT populations, Native Americans and other vulnerable communities. Since its original passage in 1994, VAWA has dramatically improved the law-enforcement response to violence against women and has provided critical services necessary to support women struggling to overcome abusive situations. Any reduction of this support, especially insofar as it removes or fails to include protections for speciﬁc groups, is unacceptable. The 112th Congress’ failure to reauthorize VAWA leaves in place the 2005 version of the law, which has none of the important improvements in protections for vulnerable populations. Now it rests in the hands of the 113th Congress.

2013 Special Report 39 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

Policy Recommendations continued

,'*+)2)/0 ,)03.% Expand statutes of limitations for both criminal and civil 5 prosecutions of child sexual abuse. In some states, the statutes of limitations relating to child sexual abuse are too short for victims who o!en do not recover sufficiently to seek justice against abusers until years a!er the crimes take place. Although at least 30 states have widened the door for those who want to press criminal charges by extending or eliminating their criminal statutes of limitations, some still give victims only one to three years. Those states need to revise their statutes of limitations to reflect the nature of recovery from child sexual abuse and allow victims ample time to report. When it comes to civil lawsuits against abusers and institutions that enable or protect them, few states provide victims adequate time to seek justice through civil litigation, with some giving victims as li-le as one or two years from age 18 to file lawsuits. State legislatures should follow the example of California, Delaware and Hawaii and extend time limits on civil claims relating to child sexual abuse.

More federal and state data collection on child sexual 6 abuse and sexual violence is needed, especially as concerns people of color, those with disabilities, LGBT communities and Native Americans. There is a lack of data on sexual violence against women and children from vulnerable populations. Without solid information on the prevalence of the problem, appropriate resources cannot be directed to those in need, and solutions remain out of reach.

40 Ms. Foundation for Women 2013 Special Report 40 The Road to Equality (*3!%,

The world we want An America that protects women and girls from child sexual abuse, rape & assault.

2013 Special Report 41 Top 5 Best & Worst States for Women

Best States

Worst States 2013 Special Report Special 2013

In 2012, the women’s website iVillage gathered data from a variety of The best states for women were those that ranked high on access to health sources — including the National Women’s Law Center, National Part- care and abortion and with the higher educational a-ainment that leads survey conducted by nership for Women & Families, the 2010 U.S. Census and the National to higher pay. However, all of the ﬁve “best” states for women reported Network to End Domestic Violence — to create a ranking of all the U.S. huge child care costs with long waiting lists for assistance. states in terms of female-friendliness. Not surprisingly, women fared The top ﬁve best and worst states are represented on this map. worst in states lacking health insurance and abortion coverage, with To see the full report, go to: ivillage.com/best-and-worst-states/8-a-434913

42 low graduation rates and low median pay. Best 1. Connecticut Women thrive in Connecticut, where 90 percent enjoy health care coverage and their median salary is $46,000. However, a good chunk of that goes to child care, which averages over $12,000 a year. A high level of diet and exercise keeps women in the state fit, and more than a third (35 percent) have a four-year college degree, well above the national average of 28 percent.

2. Hawaii 3. Maryland Maryland also boasts high earners, educated women, Hawaii boasts a high percentage of female business and a high percentage of female business owners. The owners, and robust representation in the legislature. state also has one of the lowest poverty rates among Only 9 percent of Hawaiian women are uninsured, women (10.1 percent, 30 percent lower than the nation- and they also beat the national average on a healthy al average of 14.5 percent). However, like Connecticut weight. Unfortunately, as with other prosperous states, and Hawaii, child care takes a big bite out of the child care is steep at more than $12,000 per year. paycheck at an average $12,400 for an infant.

5. California California earns top marks for its eﬀorts to ensure women’s access to contraceptives and abortion services, and for enacting comprehensive 4. Massachuse

2013 Special Report 44 Worst 1. Mississippi Mississippi has the highest rate of female poverty (22 percent), the lowest median earnings ($28,879), and the highest percentage of overweight and obese women (68 percent). While the state has the lowest child care costs in the nation ($4,650 per year for an infant), it also has a high fertility rate, and only 24 percent of women have health insurance. The state’s reproductive rights record is abysmal. Given that 99 percent of its counties have no abortion provider and that the state accounted for 0.2 percent of abortions in the U.S. in 2008, Mississippi has a de facto ban on the procedure due to lack of access. Mississippi is also one of just four states that have never sent a woman to Congress. It has also never had a female governor and its state legislature is just 15 percent female — 26 out of 174 seats.

3. Arkansas 2. Oklahoma Arkansas ranks near the bo-om when it comes to key Choice is under constant a-ack in Oklahoma, where economic indicators: poverty, women-owned businesses, the 96 percent of counties have no abortion provider and number of college grads and median earnings. For women in there are only six such doctors in the entire state. Arkansas, it is nearly impossible to get an abortion, since only Health insurance companies are banned from covering three percent of the state’s counties oﬀer them. And it’s likely the procedure (except in cases of rape, incest or threat they won’t have the means to travel, as the median income is to the mother’s life), and women seeking an abortion only $29,148 a year, and 24 percent don’t have health insurance. must wait 24 hours a!er undergoing a sonogram. Further restrictions — including a “Personhood” bill — are in the pipeline. No surprise, then, that the state has one of the lowest percentages of women in its state legislature — a mere 12.8 percent — and zero female representatives in Congress.

5. Kentucky Kentucky’s female poverty rate is at 18.5 percent, and only 21 percent of women have college 4. West Virginia degrees (compared to a national average of 28 percent). There are no women from Kentucky With the lowest female college graduation rate in in Congress, and less than 20 percent of the the country (17.8 percent), not surprisingly, West state legislature is female. Health insurance Virginia women also bring home smaller paychecks. companies don’t cover abortions except to save The poverty rate for women, 17.8 percent, is higher the mother’s life, and even if they did, an over- than the national average of 14.5 percent. On the whelming 77 percent of women live in counties plus side, thanks to a health insurance mandate that without a provider. requires coverage, contraceptives are easier to access in West Virginia than in the 22 states that lack such a requirement. West Virginia is also the only state with no laws to protect breastfeeding, although pending legislation may soon change that. 2013 Special Report 45 The Road to Equality 4.)!- &- 1.5&%&#(

~~Women on the Run …~~

Election Day 2012 proved to be a watershed for women in The results add up to good news for everyone — because politics, both in terms of candidates and winners. The 113th when it comes down to ge-ing things done, women lawmak- Congress will have a record number of women lawmakers: ers excel. They open up the legislative agenda to new Seventy-eight will serve in the House of Representatives and perspectives and issues, in addition to bringing innovative 20 will serve in the Senate. approaches to policy and problem-solving. As the Center for American Women and Politics has found, research confirms The 113th Congress is also notable for being the most diverse what many of us might have guessed:"), in U.S. history; it will see the first openly gay senator in history, more Latino and Asian-American members than ever Women in Congress sponsor and co-sponsor more and the first Asian-American woman in the Senate. bills than the men with whom they serve.

In the House next year, women will have a seat at the leader- Women in Congress secure more discretionary funding ship table of both parties. Democrat Nancy Pelosi will retain for their districts than do their male counterparts. her position as Minority Leader, while Rep. Cathy McMorris Across time, office and political parties, women take the Rodgers will serve as the GOP’s Conference Chair — only the lead more o!en than men on legislation focusing on third woman in history to hold the position. New Hampshire issues that ma-er most to women (health care, social also made history, electing the first all-women delegation to services, gender discrimination, women, family, children’s the House, the Senate and the Governor’s office. issues and the environment).

~~Women in Congress Scoreboard Over 40 Years~~

4:>= 4::= 954= 9Brd Congress "#Brd Congress ""Bth Congress*

~~The House of Representatives (out of CBD members) "F C: E:~~

~~The Senate (out of "## members) ## #E ;#~~

*As of Jan. 15, 2013 Sources: Congressional Research Service; Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University.

~~2013 Special Report 46 The Road to Equality 4.)!- &- 1.5&%&#(~~

~~…And at the Ballot Box~~

Women vote at statistically higher rates than men, and 2012 2012 Election Poll was no exception: Fi!y-three percent of votes were cast by Percentage of Support by Topic women — greater than their proportion of the population. This high turnout was generally seen as a rebuke to Repub- licans’ “War on Women,” in which conservative lawmakers kept up relentless a-acks on equal pay, reproductive health and everything in between. Since voting and regis- tration rates increase with age, the growing number of older women will continue to exert a strong inﬂuence on elections.

The same is true for Latino voters, who chose President Barack Obama over Republican Mi- Romney at a rate Support for Gay Marriage of 71 percent to 27 percent. Latinas showed even greater support for Obama than did Latinos: 76 percent versus 65 66% 45% percent.")"African-American and Asian voters also backed President Obama by sizeable margins.")#

Young people of color are also an important voting bloc. Among America’s 4.4 million 18-year-olds in 2011, for example, 56 percent were white, 21 percent were Hispanic, 15 percent were African American, and 4 percent were Asian.")$ The increasing racial/ethnic diversity among young voters, Pew researchers found, helped to ensure President Obama’s 2012 victory in key ba-leground states and will likely be a deter- mining factor in elections to come. These younger voters are under over not only more diverse, but also have more liberal views on a 30 30 variety of issues: 64 percent of voters younger than 30 said abortion should be legal in all or most cases, compared with 58 percent of voters 30 and older. And they are far more likely than older voters to support gay marriage. Fully 66 percent Support for Access to Abortion of young voters favored legal recognition of gay marriage in their state, compared with 45 percent of voters aged 30 and 64% 58% older (and just 37 percent of those 65 and older).")&

A world in which the concerns of women, people of color and young people take center stage may be on the horizon — a hopeful idea for the disenfranchised and, perhaps, an unse-ling one for the conservative status quo. As Republican Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina told The Washington Post, “We’re not generating enough angry white guys to stay in business for the long term.” ")' But demographics alone will not win the day. As this report argues, signiﬁcant changes to our institutional and policy under over infrastructures are needed to ensure that political gains 30 30 translate into “the world we want”— four years from now

~~and 40 years from now. Source: Pew Research Center.~~

~~2013 Special Report 47 The Road to Equality #.-#5$(&.-~~

Conclusion This report describes an increasingly diverse United States in which women continue to be discriminated against on all fronts. In particular, women face wage discrimination, gender-based violence, lack of access to health care — particularly reproductive health — and have unequal political power. Structural gender discrimination remains powerfully alive in the United States. Women’s experience of these profound inequities is mediated, and most often exacerbated, by other aspects of their identity, particularly their race, class, sexual orientation, age, and economic status. Solutions to address such injustices should be implemented with a concern for the most marginalized women. We seek to lay the groundwork for action and hope that our findings will help persuade policymakers, funders and other “doers” to take concrete steps to address these disparities, particularly around the most urgent policy priorities identified. Some traditionally marginalized women are already making inroads toward equality. For example, through intensive organizing, creative advocacy, and strategic coalition building, domestic workers in New York in 2010 successfully secured a legislative bill of rights that guarantees minimum standards and new worker protections industry-wide (an effort that the Ms. Foundation is proud to have supported from its inception with one of the first grants to Domestic Workers United). Similarly, women-led organizations around the country are working with progressive allies to expand paid sick leave, prevent child sexual abuse and extend worker protections to low-wage workers in the food and retail industries. In these campaigns, women workers struggle together to address issues that transcend gender, but that o!en fall hardest on women — especially women of color — because of persistent discrimination and stereotyping. The campaigns are characteristic of reinvigorated women’s and social justice movements with diverse leadership that is intent on radically reshaping societal institutions rather than a-empting to simply excise sex discrimination from those institutions. Such successes of the renewed grassroots movement give reasons to hope that fundamental shi!s in power are in the offing. Clearly, government must play a role in dismantling gender discrimination and creating equal opportunities for all women. Many of our policy recommendations either explicitly or implicitly call for an engaged government that provides funding for vital services and recognizes the needs of its most marginalized communities.

~~2013 Special Report 48 The Road to Equality #.-#5$(&.-~~

Our nation faces the greatest income inequality in its history, with financial gaps that become chasms when race and sex are used as the axis of measurement. Urgent action and energetic leadership are needed to shi! the national policy debate away from approaches that exacerbate these inequalities and toward a government that prioritizes and rewards support for caring, community, and equal justice. Li!ing up marginalized voices is essential to this vision and a long-standing Ms. Foundation priority. However, as this report demonstrates, we have much more to do to gain an understanding of the needs of our increasingly diverse population. Without sufficient data, we cannot adequately formulate specific policies to address crucial issues. For instance, while data show high rates of poverty for women with disabilities, older women, and LGBT communities, more research is needed to understand how their needs can be addressed, especially in light of the “graying” of the female population. Native Americans face many troubling issues, from child sexual abuse to domestic violence to the highest incidence of rape across all racial and ethnic groups; more study of this historically marginalized community could yield solutions. And the growing demographic of immigrant women, both documented and undocumented, calls for an increased focus on the needs and concerns of this group. In examining our diverse populations, we must also a-end to the “diversity within diversity” that exists among various racial and ethnic groups. The 2010 Census, for the first time, provided 15 separate response categories for race and three areas where respondents could write in detailed information — including, for example, seven categories to choose from for those selecting “Asian” Now that such information is being collected, we hope that researchers will be able to provide a more accurate picture of women in the United States today. By fully examining the disparities that exist between women head-on, rather than turning aside from the sometimes uncomfort- able truths they represent, we hope to contribute to policies and programs that will herald their eventual end. At the Ms. Foundation, we believe that empowering families, communities and societies to root out biases and undo systems of structural discrimination without shaming, blaming or curtailing the rights of women is our only real hope for be-ering the lives of women in our society. As this report demonstrates, there is more — much more — to do to get us further down the road to equality for ALL women.

~~2013 Special Report 49 The Road to Equality !-/-.%!(~~

," Shriver, Maria, et al. 2009. “The Shriver Report: A Woman’s Nation Changes Everything.” Center for American Progress. Retrieved Dec. 11, 2012 (www.shriverreport.com/awn/index.php). ,# Spraggins, Renee E. March 2003. “Women and Men in the United States, March 2002.” U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved Oct. 10, 2011 (h-p://www.census.gov/prod/2003pubs/p20-544.pdf). ,$ Administration on Aging. 2011. “A Profile of Older Americans: 2010.” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved Oct. 10, 2011 (h-p://www.aoa.gov/aoaroot/aging_statistics/Profile/2010/2.aspx). ,& Spraggins, ibid. ,' Passel, Jeffrey S. and D’Vera Cohn. February 11, 2008. “U.S. Population Projections: 2005–2050.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved Oct. 11, 2011 (h-p://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/85.pdf). ,( Immigration Policy Center. June 28, 2010. “Immigrant Women in the United States: A Portrait of Demographic Diversity.” Retrieved Oct. 10, 2011 (h-p://www.immigrationpolicy.org/just-facts/immigrant-women-united-states-portrait-demographic-diversity). ,) Passel, ibid. ,* Shrestha, Laura B. and Elaine J. Heiser. September 25, 2009. “The Changing Demographic Profile of the United States.” Congressio- nal Research Service. Retrieved Oct. 11, 2011 (h-p://aging.senate.gov/crs/aging4.pdf). ,+ Passel, ibid. ", National Council of La Raza. “20 Facts about Hispanics: Twenty of the Most Frequently Asked Questions about Hispanics in the U.S.” Retrieved Oct. 11, 2011 (h-p://www.nclr.org/index.php/about_us/faqs/most_frequently_asked_questions_about_hispan- ics_in_the_us/). "" National Association of Child Care & Referral Agencies. 2012. “Mothers in the Workforce.” Retrieved Jan. 15, 2013 (h-p://www. naccrra.org/sites/default/files/default_site_pages/2012/ccgb_mothers_workforce_jan2012.pdf). "# Coontz, Stephanie. 2012. “The Myth of Male Decline.” The New York Times, September 29. Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://www. nytimes.com/2012/09/30/opinion/sunday/the-myth-of-male-decline.html?pagewanted=all&_r=0). "$ Manzano-Diaz, Sara. April 12, 2011. “Where’s My 20?” (Work in Progress): The Official Blog of the U.S. Department of Labor. Retrieved Oct. 10, 2011 (h-p://social.dol.gov/blog/where%E2%80%99s-my-20/). "& Leonhardt, David. 2006. “Gender Pay Gap, Once Narrowing, is Stuck in Place.” The New York Times, December 24. Retrieved Oct. 10, 2011 (h-p://www.nytimes.com/2006/12/24/business/24gap.html). "' Bureau of Labor Statistics. February 2011. “Characteristics of Minimum Wage Workers: 2010.” Retrieved Oct. 11, 2011 (h-p://www. bls.gov/cps/minwage2010.pdf). "( Kochhar, Rakesh. July 6, 2011. “Two Years of Economic Recover: Women Lose Jobs, Men Find Them.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved Oct. 11, 2011 (h-p://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2011/07/06/two-years-of-economic-recovery-women-lose-jobs-men-find-them/). See also Women in America 27. ") Hartmann, Heidi and Jeff Hayes. July 2011. “Job Loss Tsunami of the Great Recession: Wave Recedes for Men, Not for Women.” Institute for Women’s Policy Research. Retrieved Oct. 10, 2011 (h-p://www.iwpr.org/publications/pubs/the-job-loss-tsunami-of- the-great-recession-wave-recedes-for-men-not-for-women). "* Institute for Women’s Policy Research. October 2012. “Women Gain Half of Jobs Added in September: Net Job Growth During Obama Years.” Retrieved December 12, 2012 (h-p://www.iwpr.org/publications/pubs/women-gain-half-of-jobs-added-in-september-net-job-growth-during-obama-years). "+ Hegewisch, Ariane, et al. August 2010. “Briefing Paper: Separate and Not Equal? Gender Segregation in the Labor Market and the Gender Wage Gap.” Institute for Women’s Policy Research. Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://www.iwpr.org/publications/pubs/ separate-and-not-equal-gender-segregation-in-the-labor-market-and-the-gender-wage-gap?searchterm=gender+segregation+in+the+labor+market). #, Hegewisch, ibid. #" Wider Opportunities for Women and National Council for Research on Women. October 2, 2007. Press Release: “Be-er Jobs Key to Women’s Long Term Self-Sufficiency.” Retrieved Oct. 15, 2011 (h-p://www.wowonline.org/publicpolicy/reports/documents/ BriefingMediaRelease.pdf). ## U.S. Department of Labor, Women’s Bureau. 2010. “Quick Stats on Women Workers, 2010.” Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://www.dol. gov/wb/factsheets/QS-womenwork2010.htm). #$ Filion, Kai. July 20, 2009. “Fact sheet for 2009 minimum wage increase — Minimum Wage Issue Guide.” Economic Policy Institute. Retrieved Oct. 15, 2011 (h-p://www.epi.org/publication/mwig_fact_sheet/). #& Bureau of Labor Statistics, “Characteristics of Minimum Wage Workers: 2010.” ibid. #' Filion, ibid. #( National Women’s Law Center. April 2011. “Lower Wages Worsen Women’s Circumstances in a Difficult Economy.” Retrieved Oct. 17, 2011 (h-p://www.nwlc.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/4.11.11_lower_wages_hurt_women.pdf). #) National Women’s Law Center, ibid. #* The National Council for Research on Women. “Women & Girls Heads of Household.” Retrieved Dec. 16, 2012. (h-p://www.ncrw. org/taxonomy/term/137). #+ Bureau of Labor Statistics. June 25, 2003. “Differences in Union and Nonunion Earnings in Blue-collar and Service Occupations.” Retrieved Dec. 16, 2012. (h-p://www.bls.gov/opub/cwc/cm20030623ar01p1.htm). $, Jacob, Dennis. August 17, 2010. “U.S. Underemployment at 18.2 % in Mid-August.” Gallup. Retrieved Oct. 17, 2011 (h-p://www.gallup. com/poll/142169/underemployment-mid-august.aspx). $" Rampell, Catherine. August 25, 2010. “Working Women in Part-Time Jobs.” The New York Times Economix. Retrieved Oct. 17, 2011 (h-p://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2010/08/25/working-women-in-part-time-jobs/). $# Fass, Sarah. March 2009. “Paid Leave in the States: A Critical Support for Low-Wage Workers and Their Families.” National Center for Children in Poverty. Retrieved Oct. 17, 2011. (h-p://www.nccp.org/publications/pub_864.html). $$ Catalyst. 2012. “Catalyst Quick Take: Family Leave – U.S., Canada, and Global.” Retrieved Oct. 17, 2011 (h-p://www.catalyst.org/ publication/240/family-leave-us-canada-and-global).

~~2013 Special Report 50 The Road to Equality !-/-.%!(~~

$& Wayne, Julie and Bryanne Cordeiro. 2003. “Who is a Good Organizational Citizen?: Social Perception of Male and Female Employ- ees Who Use Family Leave.” Sex Roles 49 (5): 233–246. $' Rivera-Batiz, Francisco L. March 2001. “Illegal Immigrants in the U.S. Economy: A Comparative Analysis of Mexican and Non-Mex- ican Workers.” Columbia University, New York, NY. Retrieved Dec. 10, 2012 (h-p://www.columbia.edu/~flr9/documents/Rive- ra-Batiz_iilegal_immigrants_us_economy.pdf). $( DeNavas-Walt, Carmen, et al. September 2011. “Income, Poverty, and Health Insurance: Coverage in the United States: 2010.” U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://www.census.gov/prod/2011pubs/p60-239.pdf). $) Gabe, Thomas. July 15, 2011. “Welfare, Work and Poverty Status of Female-Headed Families With Children: 1987–2009.” Congres- sional Research Service. Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1852&contex- t=key_workplace). $* Gabe, ibid. $+ National Women’s Law Center. September 2011. “National Snapshot: Poverty among Women and Families, 2010.” Retrieved Jan. 8, 2013 (h-p://www.nwlc.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/povertyamongwomenandfamilies2010summary.pdf). &, Parish, S., et al. 2009. “Income, Poverty and Material Hardship among U.S. Women with Disabilities.” Social Science Review 83 (1): 33–52. &" Parish, ibid. &# Holstein, Martha. 2008. “Economic Security Across Generations: Background, Analysis and Policy Recommendations.” Wider Opportunities for Women. Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://www.wowonline.org/documents/EconomicSecurityAcrossGenerations_ Holstein_2008.pdf). &$ Cawthorne, Alexandra. July 30, 2008. “Elderly Poverty: The Challenge Before Us.” Center for American Progress. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://www.americanprogress.org/issues/poverty/report/2008/07/30/4690/elderly-poverty-the-challenge-before-us/). && National Women’s Law Center. “National Snapshot: Poverty among Women and Families, 2010.” Ibid. &' National Women’s Law Center. “National Snapshot: Poverty among Women and Families, 2010.” Ibid. &( Finkle, Tori, et al. October 2007. “Briefing Paper: The Economic Security of Older Women and Men in the United States.” Institute for Women’s Policy Research. Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://www.iwpr.org/publications/pubs/the-economic-security-of-older- women-and-men-in-the-united-states-1). &) Finkle, ibid. &* Finkle, ibid. &+ Grant, Jaime M., et al. 2011. “Injustice at Every Turn: A Report of the National Transgender Discrimination Survey.” National Center for Transgender Equality. Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://transequality.org/PDFs/Executive_Summary.pdf). ', Albelda, Randy, et al. April 2009. “Poverty in the Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Community.” California Center for Population Research, University of California — Los Angeles. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://papers.ccpr.ucla.edu/papers/PWP-CCPR-2009-007/ PWP-CCPR-2009-007.pdf). '" Hewle-, Sylvia Anne and Karen Sumberg. 2011. “The Power of ‘Out.’” Center for Work-Life Policy. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-ps:// www.worklifepolicy.org/index.php/action/PurchasePage/item/347). '# Center for American Progress. Aug. 16, 2012. “Fact Sheet: Workplace Flexibility.” Retrieved Dec. 18, 2012. (h-p://www.americanprogress.org/issues/labor/news/2012/08/16/11981/fact-sheet-workplace-flexibility/). '$ Vistnes, Jessica P. 1997. “ Gender Difference in Days Lost from Work due to Illness.” Industrial and Labor Relations Review 50 (2): 304–323. '& Institute for Women’s Policy Research. March 2011. “Paid Sick Day Access Rates By Gender and Race/Ethnicity, 2010.” Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.iwpr.org/publications/pubs/paid-sick-day-access-rates-by-gender-and-race-ethnicity-2010). '' Institute for Women’s Policy Research. “Paid Sick Day Access Rates By Gender and Race/Ethnicity, 2010.” Ibid. '( National Association of Child Care Resource and Referral Agencies. 2011. “Child Care in America: 2011 State Fact Sheets.” Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.naccrra.org/sites/default/files/default_site_pages/2011/childcareinamericafacts_2011_final.pdf). ') National Association of Child Care Resource and Referral Agencies. October 2011. “Fact sheet: Affordable Child Care for Families.” Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.naccrra.org/sites/default/files/default_site_pages/2012/affordability_one_pager_oct_2011_pdf. pdf). '* National Association of Child Care Resource and Referral Agencies. 2011. “Parents and the High Cost of Child Care 2011 Report.” Retrieved Dec. 18, 2012 ( h-p://www.naccrra.org/sites/default/files/default_site_pages/2012/cost_report_2012_final_081012_0.pdf). '+ Ibid. (, Women’s Economic Security Campaign. September 2010. “Child Care Ma-ers: Building Economic Security for Low-Income Women.” Retrieved Oct. 19, 2011 (h-p://www.womensfundingnetwork.org/sites/wfnet.org/files/WESC/Improving-Access-to- Child-Care.pdf). (" Ibid. (# Adams, Gina, et al. May 2007. “Early Care and Education for Children in Low-Income Families.” Urban Institute and Child Trends Roundtable on Children in Low-Income Families. Retrieved Dec. 18, 2012. (h-p://www.urban.org/UploadedPDF/411482_early_care.pdf). ($ Women’s Economic Security Campaign. “Child Care Ma-ers: Building Economic Security for Low-Income Women.” Ibid. (& National Association of Child Care & Referral Agencies. 2012. “The Child Care Workforce.” Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www. naccrra.org/sites/default/files/default_site_pages/2012/ccgb_cc_workforce_jan2012.pdf). (' Warner, M. 2009. “Child Care Multipliers: Stimulus for the State.” Linking Economic Development and Child Care Research project, Cornell Cooperative Extension. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://government.cce.cornell.edu/doc/pdf/Stimulus_Brochure_09.pdf). (( The chief data source for the report is the 2007 Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF), a triennial national survey sponsored by the Federal Reserve Board and considered to be one of the best sources of data on wealth inequality. () Center for American Progress. “Fact Sheet: Workplace Flexibility.” Ibid. (* Bureau of Labor Statistics. Inflation Calculator. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.bls.gov/data/inflation_calculator.htm/).

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(+ Hall, Doug and David Cooper. August 14, 2012. “How raising the federal minimum wage would help working families and give the economy a boost.” Economic Policy Institute. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.epi.org/publication/ib341-raising-federal-minimum-wage/). ), National Employment Law Project. March 12, 2012. “Testimony of Tsedeye Gebreselassie before the New Jersey Assembly Labor Commi-ee.” Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.nelp.org/page/-/rtmw/uploads/NJ_TippedMinWage_Testimony_3-12-2012. pdf?nocdn=). )" Wider Opportunities for Women, “Women and Nontraditional Work.” Retrieved Dec. 17, 2012. (h-p://www.wowonline.org/documents/Whatisanontraditionaljob_002.pdf). )# The Sustainable Scheduling campaign advocates for stable, predictable and livable work hours for part-time employees. For more information go to www.retailactionproject.org. )$ Empire Justice Center. Memorandum of Support for A8101 (Titus)/S5586 (Savino). June 3, 2011. Retrieved Dec. 18, 2012. (h-p://www. empirejustice.org/assets/pdf/policy-advocacy/memos/prioritize-child-care-dollars.pdf). )& Beadle, Amanda Peterson. Nov. 14, 2012. “United Nations Declares Access to Contraception a ‘Universal Human Right.’”ThinkProg- ress.org. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://thinkprogress.org/health/2012/11/14/1189161/un-contraception-human-right/). )' Amnesty International. March 12, 2010. “Deadly Delivery: the Maternal Health Care Crisis in the USA.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.amnestyusa.org/our-work/campaigns/demand-dignity/maternal-health-is-a-human-right/maternal-health-in-the- us?id=1351091). )( Bezruchka, Stephen. 2012. “The Hurrider I Go the Behinder I Get: The Deteriorating International Ranking of U.S. Health Status.” Annual Review of Public Health (33):157-173. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.annualreviews.org/eprint/iESYF775U2MwVfrx- fAR2/full/10.1146/annurev-publhealth-031811-124649). )) Hausmann, Ricardo, et al. 2012. “The Global Gender Gap Report 2012.” World Economic Forum. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www3. weforum.org/docs/WEF_GenderGap_Report_2012.pdf). )* 30 for 30 Campaign. March 2012. Briefing Paper “Ending HIV-Related Health Care Disparities for Women.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.womenhiv.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/30for30_disparities_final.pdf). )+ Braverman, Paula, et al. April 2011. “Issue Brief #6, Exploring the Social Determinants of Health: Race, Socioeconomic Factors and Health.” Robert Wood Johnson Foundation. Retrieved Jan. 8, 2013 (h-p://www.rwjf.org/content/dam/farm/reports/issue_ briefs/2011/rwjf70446). *, The Heartland Alliance Mid-America Institute on Poverty. 2008. “Causes of Poverty: Findings from Recent Research.” Retrieved Dec. 20, 2012. (h-p://www.heartlandalliance.org/whatwedo/advocacy/reports/causes-of-poverty.pdf). *" Gu-macher Institute. 2012. “Laws Affecting Reproductive Health and Rights: Trends in the First Quarter of 2012.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.gu-macher.org/statecenter/updates/2012/statetrends12012.html). *# Gu-macher Institute, see “State Policies in Brief” for a list of links to specific provisions, at h-p://www.gu-macher.org/sections/ index.php?page=spib. *$ Kaiser Family Foundation. June 2008. “Fact Sheet: Abortion in the United States: Utilization, Financing, Access.” Retrieved Oct. 21, 2011( www.kff.org/womenshealth/upload/3269-02.pdf). *& National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health. January 2004. “Fact sheet on Latinas and Abortion Access.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://latinainstitute.org/sites/default/files/publications/AbortionIssueBrief.pdf). *' Arons, Jessica and Lindsay Rosenthal. June 1, 2012. “Facts About the Health Insurance Compensation Gap.” Center for American Progress. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.americanprogress.org/issues/healthcare/news/2012/06/01/11666/facts-about-the- health-insurance-compensation-gap/). *( Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “Teen Pregnancy in the United States.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.cdc.gov/ TeenPregnancy/AboutTeenPreg.htm). *) Pazol, K., et al. 2011. “Vital Signs: Teen Pregnancy, 1991-2009.” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 60(13): 414–420. Retrieved Oct. 21, 2011 (h-p://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm6013a5.htm.). ** Gu-macher Institute. Jan. 26, 2010. “Fact Sheet: Facts on American Teens’ Sexual and Reproductive Health.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.gu-macher.org/pubs/FB-ATSRH.html). *+ Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Teen Pregnancy in the United States.” Ibid. +, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Teen Pregnancy in the United States.” Ibid. +" Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, “Teen Pregnancy in the United States.” Ibid. +# Kaiser Family Foundation. 2011. “Fact Sheet: Sexual Health of Adolescents and Young Adults in the United States.” Retrieved Nov. 19, 2012 (h-p://www.kff.org/womenshealth/upload/3040-05-2.pdf). +$ Kirby, D. 2007. “Emerging Answers 2007: Research Findings on Programs to Reduce Teen Pregnancy and Sexually Transmi-ed Diseases.” National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.thenationalcampaign.org/ea2007/). +& Braverman, ibid. +' U.S. Department of Commerce. 2011. “Women in America: Indicators of Social and Economic Well-Being.” Retrieved Jan. 8, 2013 (h-p://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/rss_viewer/Women_in_America.pdf). +( U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2011. “Improving Data Collection for the LGBT Community.” Healthcare.gov. Retrieved Oct. 21, 2011 (h-p://www.healthcare.gov/news/factsheets/2011/06/lgbt06292011a.html). +) National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health. December 2005. “Fact sheet on Medicaid.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://latinainstitute.org/sites/default/files/publications/MEDICAID-4.pdf). +* National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health. “Fact sheet on Medicaid.” Ibid. ++ Flores, Glenn. 2006. “Language Barriers to Health Care in the United States.” The New England Journal of Medicine 355(3): 229–231 Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp058316).

~~2013 Special Report 52 The Road to Equality !-/-.%!(~~

~~",, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “Teen Pregnancy in the United States.” Ibid.~~

~~"," Pazol, ibid.~~

~~",# Finer, Lawrence B., et al. 2005. “Reasons Women Have Abortions: Quantitative and Qualitative Perspectives.” Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 37(3): 110–118.~~

~~",$ Amnesty International, ibid.~~

~~",& AVERT. 2010. “STDs in America.” Retrieved Oct. 21, 2011 (h-p://www.avert.org/std-statistics-america.htm).~~

~~",' National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health. “Our Issues: Cervical Cancer.” Retrieved Dec. 12, 2012 (h-p://latinainstitute. org/issues/cervical-cancer).~~

~~",( Institute for Women’s Policy Research. “Paid Sick Day Access Rates By Gender and Race/Ethnicity, 2010.” Ibid.~~

~~",) 30 for 30 Campaign, ibid.~~

",* Baty, Marguerite L., “The Intersection of HIV and Intimate Partner Violence: Considerations, Concerns, and Policy Implications.” Family Violence Prevention and Practice E-Journal. Retried Dec. 14, 2012. (h-p://endabuse.org/health/ejournal/archive/1-7/ hiv_ipv.php).

~~",+ 30 for 30 Campaign, ibid.~~

~~"", 30 for 30 Campaign, ibid.~~

~~""" Kaiser Family Foundation. Dec. 2012. “Fact Sheet: Black Americans and HIV/AIDS.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.kﬀ.org/ hivaids/upload/6089-10.pdf).~~

~~""# Kaiser Family Foundation. Dec. 2012. “Fact Sheet: Women and HIV/AIDS in the United States.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www. kﬀ.org/hivaids/upload/6092-10.pdf).~~

""$ Women Organized to Respond to Life-threatening Disease, et al. September 2010. “Monitoring the U.S.National HIV/AIDS Strate- gy from a gender perspective.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.womenhiv.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/10/NHAS-GENDER- MONIT9-28-2010.pdf).

""& President’s Advisory Council on AIDS (PACHA). May 2012. “Resolution on the Needs of Women Living with HIV.” Retrieved Dec. 16, 2012 (h-p://aids.gov/federal-resources/pacha/meetings/2012/may-2012-resolution-on-women.pdf).

""' DiSalvo, David. August 19, 2012. “Republican Senate Nominee Todd Akin: Victims of ‘Legitimate Rape’ Don’t Get Pregnant.” Forbes. com. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.forbes.com/sites/daviddisalvo/2012/08/19/republican-senate-nominee-todd-akin-victims-of-legitimate-rape-dont-get-pregnant/).

""( Marley, Patrick. 2012. “Rep. Roger Rivard criticized for ‘some girls rape easy’ remark.” Milwaukee Journal Sentinel. October 10. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.jsonline.com/news/statepolitics/state-legislator-criticized-for-comments-on-rape- hj76f4k-173587961.html).

"") Snyder, Howard N. 2000. “Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to Law Enforcement: Victim, Incident, and Oﬀender Characteristics.” U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved January 12, 2009 (h-p://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/saycrle. pdf).

""* U.S. Dept. of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics. National Crime Victimization Survey, 1992-2000. Conducted by U.S. Dept. of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. ICPSR03140-v4. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research [producer and distributor], 2005-04-07. doi:10.3886/ICPSR03140.v4.

""+ Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2006. “Adverse Childhood Experiences Study: Major Findings.” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (www.cdc.gov/nccdphp/ace/ﬁndings.htm).

~~"#, Finkelhor, David, Gerald Hotaling, Kerti Yllo.1988. Stopping Family Violence: Research Priorities in the Coming Decade. Newbury Park, UK: Sage Publications.~~

"#" Sedlak, Andrea, et al. “Report to Congress: Fourth National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect. 2010.” U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/about/cap/cap-conferences/rd-conference/rd-conference-papers/sedlaknis.pdf).

~~"## Sedlak, ibid.~~

"#$ Bynum, L, et al. 2010. “Adverse Childhood Experiences Reported by Adults — Five States, 2009.” Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 59(49): 1609–1613. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5949a1.htm).

~~"#& Murphy, Patricia. 1993. Making the Connections: Women, Work and Abuse. Orlando, FL: Paul M. Deutsche Press.~~

~~"#' Rapeis.org. “Prostitution Facts.” Retrieved Dec. 18, 2012.( h-p://www.rapeis.org/activism/prostitution/prostitutionfacts.html).~~

~~"#( Sedlak, ibid.~~

"#) Schoen, Cathy, et al. 1997. “The Commonwealth Fund Survey of the Health of Adolescent Girls.” CommonWealthFund.org. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://www.commonwealthfund.org/Publications/Fund-Reports/1997/Nov/The-Commonwealth-Fund- Survey-of-the-Health-of-Adolescent-Girls.aspx).

"#* Douglas, Emily and David Finkelhor. 2005. “Childhood Sexual Abuse Fact Sheet.” Crimes Against Children Research Center. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (unh.edu/ccrc/factsheet/pdf/childhoodSexualAbuseFactSheet.pdf).

~~2013 Special Report 53 The Road to Equality !-/-.%!(~~

~~"#+ National Institute of Justice. January 1996. “Victim Costs and Consequences: A New Look.” Retrived Jan. 9, 2013 (h-p://www.nij. gov/pubs-sum/155282.htm).~~

"$, Ms. Foundation for Women. 2002. Beyond Surviving: Toward a Movement to Prevent Child Sexual Abuse. Retrieved Dec. 20, 2012. (h-p://forwomen.org/ﬁles/documents/csa%20documents/Toward%20a%20Movement%20to%20Prevent%20Child%20Sexual%20Abuse.pdf).

~~"$" Rape, Abuse & Incest National Network. Fact sheet on sexual assault. www.rainn.org. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.rainn. org/get-information/statistics/frequency-of-sexual-assault).~~

"$# Eyer, Katie. July 2006. “Protecting Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT) Workers: Strategies for Bringing Employment Claims on Behalf of members of the LGBT Community in the Absence of Clear Statutory Protections.” American Constitution Society. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-ps://secure.acslaw.org/ﬁles/Eyer%20on%20Protecting%20LGBT%20Workers--FINAL.pdf).

~~"$$ Stotzer, Rebecca L. 2009. “Violence Against Transgender People: A Review of United States Data.” Aggression and Violent Behav- ior 14(3): 170–179.~~

~~"$& Langton, Lynn and Michael Planty. 2011. “Special Report: Hate Crime, 2003–2009.” Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/hc0309.pdf).~~

~~"$' Sobsey, Dick. 1994. Violence and Abuse in the Lives of People with Disabilities: The End of Silent Acceptance? Baltimore, Maryland: Paul H. Brookes.~~

"$( The Lancet. July 12, 2012. “Prevalence and risk of violence against children with disabilities: a systematic review and meta-analysis of observational studies.” Retrieved Dec. 20, 2012. (h-p://press.thelancet.com/childrendisabilities.pdf).

~~"$) Hoskins, Anne B. 2005. “Occupational injuries, illnesses and fatalities among women.” Monthly Labor Review. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.bls.gov/opub/mlr/2005/10/art4full.pdf).~~

"$* Krieger, N., et al. 2006. “Social Hazards on the Job: Workplace abuse, sexual harassment, and racial discrimination — a study of Black, Latino, and White low-income women and men workers in the United States.” International Journal of Health Services 36(1): 51-85. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 h-p://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16524165.

"$+ McLaughlin, Heather, et al. 2009. “A Longitudinal Analysis of Gender, Power, and Sexual Harassment in Young Adulthood.” Unpublished manuscript. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/3/0/6/3/8/ pages306382/p306382-1.php).

~~"&, Chamberlain, Lindsey, et al. 2008. “Sexual Harassment in Organizational Context.” Work and Occupations 35(3): 262-295.~~

~~"&" Berdahl, Jennifer L. and Celia Moore. 2006. “Workplace Harassment: Double Jeopardy for Minority Women.” Journal of Applied Psychology 91(2): 426–436.~~

"&# National Institute of Justice. October 1, 2008. “Sexual Assault on Campus: Measuring Frequency.” www.nij.gov. Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p://www.nij.gov/topics/crime/rape-sexual-violence/campus/measuring.htm).

"&$ Zuckerman, Laura. May 1, 2012. “Justice Department probes handling of Montana rape reports.” Reuters.com. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://www.reuters.com/article/2012/05/02/us-usa-rape-montana-idUSBRE84103G20120502).

~~"&& Hill, Catherine and Elena Silva. 2005. Drawing the Line: Sexual Harassment on Campus. Washington, D.C.: American Association of University Women.~~

~~"&' Hill, ibid.~~

~~"&( National Institute of Justice. “Sexual Assault on Campus: Measuring Frequency.” Ibid.~~

"&) Gruber, James E. and Fineran, Susan. 2008. “Comparing the impact of bullying and sexual harassment victimization on the mental and physical health of adolescents.” Sex Roles 59(1–2): 80–92.

"&* Perry, Steve. 2004. “American Indians and Crime. A BJS Statistical Proﬁle, 1992–2002.” Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved Jan. 8, 2013 (h-p://www.justice.gov/otj/pdf/american_indians_and_crime.pdf).

"&+ Women of Color Network. June 2006. “Facts and Stat: Domestic Violence in Communities of Color.” Retrieved Oct. 20, 2011 (h-p:// womenofcolornetwork.org/docs/factsheets/fs_domestic-violence.pdf).

~~"', Women of Color Network, ibid.~~

"'" Benson, Michael L. and Greer Li-on Fox. 2004. “Research Brief: When Violence Hits Home: How Economics and Neighborhood Play a Role.” National Institute of Justice. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-ps://www.ncjrs.gov/pdﬃles1/nij/205004.pdf).

"'# Shaw, Katerina. 2009. “Barriers to Freedom: Continued Failure of U.S. Immigration Laws to Oﬀer Equal Protection to Immigrant Ba-ered Women.” Cardozo Journal of Law & Gender 15(663): 663–689.

"'$ Benne-, Brian. 2012. “Violence Against Women Act becomes latest immigration ba-leground.” Los Angeles Times, May 16. Retrieved Dec. 13, 2012 (h-p://articles.latimes.com/2012/may/16/news/la-pn-violence-against-women-act-becomes-latest-immigration-ba-leground-20120516).

"'& Beck, Allen J. and Paige M. Harrison. 2010. “Sexual Victimization in Prisons and Jails Reported by Inmates, 2008–2009.” Bureau of Justice Statistics. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/svpjri0809.pdf).

"'' Manjoo, Rashida. June 1, 2011. “Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences,” advanced edited version. United Nations. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/17ses- sion/A.HRC.17.26.Add.5_AEV.pdf).

~~2013 Special Report 54 The Road to Equality !-/-.%!(~~

~~"'( Manjoo, ibid.~~

~~"') Manjoo, ibid.~~

~~"'* U.S. Census. March 2000. “Census Brief: Women in the United States: a Proﬁle.” Retrieved Dec. 18, 2012. (h-p://www.census.gov/ prod/2000pubs/cenbr001.pdf).~~

~~"'+ Manjoo, ibid.~~

"(, Lapidus, Lenora, et al. 2005. Caught in the Net: The Impact of Drug Policies on Women and Families. ACLU.org. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012. (h-p://www.aclu.org/ﬁles/images/asset_upload_ﬁle431_23513.pdf).

"(" The Rebecca Project. “Fact Sheet: Sexual Violence, Girls and the Juvenile Justice System.” Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www. rebeccaproject.org/images/stories/Fact%20Sheets/sexual_violence_girls_and_jj_system.pdf).

~~"(# The Rebecca Project, ibid.~~

"($ Service Women’s Action Network. “Brieﬁng Paper: Department of Defense (DOD) Annual Report on Sexual Harassment and Violence at the Military Service Academies (MSA), Academic Program Year (APY) 2010-2011.” Retrieved Dec. 17, 2012. (h-p://service- women.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/brieﬁng-paper_academy-report_2011-FINAL.pdf).

"(& Williams, Timothy. 2012. “A Tribe’s Epidemic of Child Sex Abuse, Minimized for Years.” The New York Times, September 19. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.nytimes.com/2012/09/20/us/us-steps-in-as-child-sex-abuse-pervades-sioux-tribe.html).

~~"(' Perry, ibid.~~

~~"(( Perry, ibid.~~

~~"() Henry, Terry. April 2, 1998. “Tribal Responses to Violence Against Women.” Presentation to Federal Bar Association Conference, Indian Law Section, Alburquerque, NM.~~

"(* National Congress of American Indians Resolution #TUL-05-101. Retrieved Dec. 14, 2012 (h-p://www.ncai.org/a-achments/Reso- lution_OUoaZaRusGitQChDqcRyHWgpWlyXxcchxNAOMGReiJIfxaogfMV_TUL-05-101.pdf).

"(+ For a list of strategies, see CDC’s guide, “Preventing Child Sexual Abuse Within Youth-Serving Organizations: Ge-ing Started on Policies and Procedures,” available at h-p://www.cdc.gov/ViolencePrevention/pub/PreventingChildAbuse.html.

"), Portions of this section were adapted with permission from Ms. Magazine, Nov. 2012, “Women on the Run” by Deborah Walsh and Katherine Kleeman. Deborah Walsh is director and Katherine Kleeman is senior communications oﬃcer at the Center for American Women and Politics, a unit of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University.

~~")" Pew Hispanic Center. November 2012. “Latino Voters and the 2012 Election,” Retrieved Jan. 8, 2013 (h-p://www.pewhispanic. org/2012/11/07/latino-voters-in-the-2012-election/).~~

")# Associated Press. 2012. “2012 election exit poll shows voter demographics.” The Sacramento Bee, Nov. 6. Retrieved Jan. 9, 2013 (h-p://www.sacbee.com/2012/11/06/4966431/2012-election-exit-poll-shows.html).

")$ Pew Research Center. November 2012. “A Milestone En Route to a Majority Minority Nation.” Retrieved Jan. 9, 2013 (h-p://www. pewsocialtrends.org/2012/11/07/a-milestone-en-route-to-a-majority-minority-nation/).

")& Pew Research Center. November 2012. “Young Voters Supported Obama Less, But May Have Ma-ered More.” Retrieved Jan. 9, 2013 (h-p://www.people-press.org/2012/11/26/young-voters-supported-obama-less-but-may-have-ma-ered-more/).

")' Helderman, Rosalind S. and Jon Cohen. 2012. “As Republican convention emphasizes diversity, racial incidents intrude.” The Washington Post, Aug. 29. Retrieved Jan. 9, 2013 (h-p://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2012/08/29/b9023a52-f1ec-11e1-892d- bc92fee603a7_story.html).

~~2013 Special Report 55 The Road to Equality *#6-.45!/7)!-%( 8 #+!/&%(~~

Special Thanks The Ms. Foundation for Women would like to thank the generous supporters who made this report possible: the Public Welfare Foundation, Katherine Grover and Michael J. Campbell, Beth Sawi, and the Ungar Foundation. We also acknowledge with gratitude the major support provided by the Sophia Fund established by Lucia Woods Lindley. The Sophia Fund is a philanthropic fund of the Ms. Foundation for Women that provides ongoing support for national policy and advocacy work and grantmaking at the grassroots level, ensuring that many voices help shape solutions to end poverty. The Sophia Fund supports strategies including organizing, advocacy, and constituency-building work that are crucial to the Ms. Foundation’s efforts to ensure that women’s voices are heard in national policy debates, and to continue to support the national infrastructure for women’s philanthropy. In this 40th year of the Ms. Foundation, we would also like to acknowledge with gratitude our Founding Mothers: Patricia Carbine, Le-y Co-in Pogrebin, Gloria Steinem, Marlo Thomas and Marie C. Wilson. With thanks to the primary researchers, the Ms. Foundation for Women collected and synthesized the data used in this report from secondary sources. Martha F. Davis, professor of law, Northeastern University School of Law, conducted the research for this report, working with research assistants Deodonne P. Bha-arai and Julie Lee. The report was dra!ed by Prof. Davis and wri-en by Emily Whitfield, with valuable editorial contributions from Ms. Foundation Fellow E. Tammy Kim. It was designed by Edmund Zaloga. A special thanks to photographer Elizabeth Rappaport for images used throughout this report, as well as to our grantees and friends featured in the photos. The report was commissioned under the leadership of Ms. Foundation President Anika Rahman and developed under the direction of Deborah Jacobs, Vice President, Advocacy and Policy. The following Ms. Foundation staff members contributed to the report: Beatrice Abreu, Patricia Eng, Kasia Gladki, Monique Hoeflinger, Caroline Hotaling, Julie Kay, Ellen Liu, Aleyamma Mathew, Kelly Parisi, Christie Petrone, Irene Schneeweis and Natalie Sullivan, Tanisha Tate, as well as Ms. Foundation interns Shilpa Guha and Heather Ramirez. About the Ms. Foundation for Women The Ms. Foundation for Women builds women’s collective power to realize a nation of justice for all. The Ms. Foundation has led the charge for women’s rights for 40 years. We were at the frontlines in 1973 and continue to fight for equality and justice today. Women have come a long way, but we have much more to do. For more information, including a list of our current grantees, visit us at forwomen.org

~~2013 Special Report 57 To learn how to make a diﬀerence in the critical issues aﬀecting women, please contact the Ms. Foundation development team at "#" $%& '''' or [email protected]~~

!" MetroTech Center, "#th Floor, Brooklyn, NY !!"$! forwomen.org More to Do: The Road to Equality for Women in the United States proposes a benchmark for the status of women today and a guide to critical policy changes that can help women overcome the challenges that impact us all.

~~forwomen.org~~