Salem Witch Trials1
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Primary Source #3 From: the Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674-1729
Primary Source #3 From: The Diary of Samuel Sewall, 1674-1729 (Selected excerpts from Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. 5, Series 5, 1878, pages 358 - 464.) April 11th 1692. Went to Salem, where, in the Meeting-house, the persons accused of Witchcraft were examined; was a very great Assembly; ëtwas awfull to see how the afflicted persons were agitated. Mr. Noyes prayíd at the beginning, and Mr. Higginson concluded. [In the margin], VÊ, VÊ, VÊ, Witchcraft. … July 30, 1692. Mrs. Cary makes her escape out of Cambridge ñPrison, who was Committed for Witchcraft. … Augt. 19th 1692. … This day [in the margin, Dolefull! Witchcraft] George Burrough, John Willard, Jno Procter, Martha Carrier and George Jacobs were executed at Salem, a very great number of Spectators being present. Mr. Cotton Mather was there, Mr. Sims, Hale, Noyes, Chiever, &c. All of them said they were innocent, Carrier and all. Mr. Mather says they all died by a Righteous Sentence. Mr. Burrough by his Speech, Prayer, protestation of his Innocence, did much move unthinking persons, which occasions their speaking hardly concerning his being executed. Augt. 25. Fast at the old [First] Church, respecting the Witchcraft, Drought, &c. Monday, Sept. 19, 1692. About noon, at Salem, Giles Corey was pressíd to death for standing Mute; much pains was used with him two days, one after another, by the Court and Capt. Gardner of Nantucket who had been of his acquaintance: but all in vain. Sept. 20. Now I hear from Salem that about 18 years agoe, he was suspected to have stampd and pressíd a man to death, but was cleared. -
Salem Witch Trials - 1692 Salem - Economic and Social Divisions - Discoveryschool.Com
Salem Witch Trials - 1692 Salem - Economic and Social Divisions - DiscoverySchool.com In 1692, Salem was divided into two distinct parts: Salem Town and Salem Village. Salem Village (also referred to as Salem Farms) was actually part of Salem Town but was set apart by its economy, class, and character. Residents of Salem Village were mostly poor farmers who made their living cultivating crops in the rocky terrain. Salem Town, on the other hand, was a prosperous port town at the center of trade with London. Most of those living in Salem Town were wealthy merchants. For many years, Salem Village tried to gain independence from Salem Town. The town, which depended on the farmers for food, determined crop prices and collected taxes from the village. Despite the three-hour walk between the two communities, Salem Village did not have its own church and minister until 1674. But there was also a division within Salem Village. Those who lived near Ipswich Road, close to the commerce of Salem Town, became merchants, such as blacksmiths, carpenters, and innkeepers. They prospered and supported the economic changes taking place. But many of the farmers who lived far from this prosperity believed the worldliness and affluence of Salem Town threatened their Puritan values. One of the main families to denounce the economic changes was the Putnams—a strong and influential force behind the witchcraft accusations. Tensions became worse when Salem Village selected Reverend Samuel Parris as their new minister. Parris was a stern Puritan who denounced the worldly ways and economic prosperity of Salem Town as the influence of the Devil. -
State of Maine
MAINE STATE LEGISLATURE The following document is provided by the LAW AND LEGISLATIVE DIGITAL LIBRARY at the Maine State Law and Legislative Reference Library http://legislature.maine.gov/lawlib Reproduced from scanned originals with text recognition applied (searchable text may contain some errors and/or omissions) • a " , Ii DOCUMENTS I'lllNTED BY ORDl!R 01' THE LEGISLATUR!r~ OF THE STA'rE OF MAINE, " DURING ITS SBSSIONS A. D. 1 8 5 1-- 2-. att!Jttt;ta: WILLIAM T. JOHNSON, PRINTER TO THE STATE. I 852. LIS T OF STOCKHOLDERS, (With the amonnt of Stock held by each Jan. 1, 1851,) IN THE BANKS OF MAINE. Prepared and published agreeably to a Resolve of the Legislature, approved March 21, 1839 ; By JOHN G. SAWYER. Secretary of State. ~u1lusta: WILLIAM T. JOHNSON, PRINTER TO THE STATE. 1 851 . STATE OF MAINE. Resolve requzrzng the Secretary of State to publislt a List of the Stockholders of the Banks in this State. RESOLVED, That the Secretary of State be and hereby is required annually to publish a List of the Stockholders in each Bank in this State, with the amount of Stock owned by each Stockholder agreeably to the returns made by law to the Legislature of this State; and it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State to distribute to each town in this State, and also to each Bank in this State one copy of such printed list; and it shall be the duty of the Secretary of State to require any Bank, which may neglect to make the returns required by law to the Legislature, to furnish him forthwith with a List of the Stockholders of such Bank, and also the amount of Stock owned by each Stockholder. -
A Comprehensive Look at the Salem Witch Mania of 1692 Ashley Layhew
The Devil’s in the Details: A Comprehensive Look at the Salem Witch Mania of 1692 __________ Ashley Layhew Nine-year-old Betty Parris began to convulse, seize, and scream gibber- ish in the winter of 1692. The doctor pronounced her bewitched when he could find no medical reason for her actions. Five other girls began ex- hibiting the same symptoms: auditory and visual hallucinations, fevers, nausea, diarrhea, epileptic fits, screaming, complaints of being bitten, poked, pinched, and slapped, as well as coma-like states and catatonic states. Beseeching their Creator to ease the suffering of the “afflicted,” the Puritans of Salem Village held a day of fasting and prayer. A relative of Betty’s father, Samuel Parris, suggested a folk cure, in which the urine of the afflicted girls was taken and made into a cake. The villagers fed the cake to a dog, as dogs were believed to be the evil helpers of witches. This did not work, however, and the girls were pressed to name the peo- ple who were hurting them.1 The girls accused Tituba, a Caribbean slave who worked in the home of Parris, of being the culprit. They also accused two other women: Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne. The girls, all between the ages of nine and sixteen, began to accuse their neighbors of bewitching them, saying that three women came to them and used their “spectres” to hurt them. The girls would scream, cry, and mimic the behaviors of the accused when they had to face them in court. They named many more over the course of the next eight months; the “bewitched” youth accused a total of one hundred and forty four individuals of being witches, with thirty sev- en of those executed following a trial. -
The Literature of .Witchcraft in New England. by Justin Winsor
1895.] Literature of Witchcraft in Neio England. 351 THE LITERATURE OF .WITCHCRAFT IN NEW ENGLAND. BY JUSTIN WINSOR. THE sporadic and epidemic manifestations of .witchcraft during the seventeenth century in New England were bnt symptoms of a belief in satanic agencies, world-wide and pervading all ages. As a psychological symptom, it has created a large number of treatises, learned or emotional, some confidently adhering to the belief, others corrective or sternly critical. Lecky, who has touched the subject in his History of Rationalism, gives high praise to the learn- ing and ability of Maury's Histoire de la Magie (Paris, 1860). The retrospections of the Commentaries of Black- stone, the records (1661) of the Tryal of Witches at the Assizes for the County of Suffolk, March, 1664, before Sir Matthew Hale (London, 1682), (which Cotton Mather summarized in his Wonders of the Invisible World), and T. Glanvil's Sadducismus triumphans, or full and plain evidence concerning witches and apparitions (London, 1681,)—a book on which the Mathers feasted—show how thoroughly perverse public opinion was in England in tl^e days when colonial New England looked thither for guid- ance. The commonness of the frenzy is. shown in such books as W. H. D. Adams's Historical sketches of magic and loitehcraft in England and Scotland (London, 1889). Michael Dalton's Country Justice (1619, etc.,) was the authority for the English practice in such trials. Dr. Haven, in his Eeport to the American Antiquarian Society (April 24, 1874), says of Dalton's book : "The tests, the manner of examination, the nature of the evidence, the 25 352 American Antiquarian Soeiety. -
Providence in the Life of John Hull: Puritanism and Commerce in Massachusetts Bay^ 16^0-1680
Providence in the Life of John Hull: Puritanism and Commerce in Massachusetts Bay^ 16^0-1680 MARK VALERI n March 1680 Boston merchant John Hull wrote a scathing letter to the Ipswich preacher William Hubbard. Hubbard I owed him £347, which was long overdue. Hull recounted how he had accepted a bill of exchange (a promissory note) ftom him as a matter of personal kindness. Sympathetic to his needs, Hull had offered to abate much of the interest due on the bill, yet Hubbard still had sent nothing. 'I have patiently and a long time waited,' Hull reminded him, 'in hopes that you would have sent me some part of the money which I, in such a ftiendly manner, parted with to supply your necessities.' Hull then turned to his accounts. He had lost some £100 in potential profits from the money that Hubbard owed. The debt rose with each passing week.' A prominent citizen, militia officer, deputy to the General Court, and affluent merchant, Hull often cajoled and lectured his debtors (who were many), moralized at and shamed them, but never had he done what he now threatened to do to Hubbard: take him to court. 'If you make no great matter of it,' he warned I. John Hull to William Hubbard, March 5, 1680, in 'The Diaries of John Hull,' with appendices and letters, annotated by Samuel Jennison, Transactions of the American Anti- quarian Society, II vols. (1857; repn. New York, 1971), 3: 137. MARK \i\LERi is E. T. Thompson Professor of Church History, Union Theological Seminary, Richmond, Virginia. -
Open PDF File, 134.33 KB, for Paintings
Massachusetts State House Art and Artifact Collections Paintings SUBJECT ARTIST LOCATION ~A John G. B. Adams Darius Cobb Room 27 Samuel Adams Walter G. Page Governor’s Council Chamber Frank Allen John C. Johansen Floor 3 Corridor Oliver Ames Charles A. Whipple Floor 3 Corridor John Andrew Darius Cobb Governor’s Council Chamber Esther Andrews Jacob Binder Room 189 Edmund Andros Frederick E. Wallace Floor 2 Corridor John Avery John Sanborn Room 116 ~B Gaspar Bacon Jacob Binder Senate Reading Room Nathaniel Banks Daniel Strain Floor 3 Corridor John L. Bates William W. Churchill Floor 3 Corridor Jonathan Belcher Frederick E. Wallace Floor 2 Corridor Richard Bellingham Agnes E. Fletcher Floor 2 Corridor Josiah Benton Walter G. Page Storage Francis Bernard Giovanni B. Troccoli Floor 2 Corridor Thomas Birmingham George Nick Senate Reading Room George Boutwell Frederic P. Vinton Floor 3 Corridor James Bowdoin Edmund C. Tarbell Floor 3 Corridor John Brackett Walter G. Page Floor 3 Corridor Robert Bradford Elmer W. Greene Floor 3 Corridor Simon Bradstreet Unknown artist Floor 2 Corridor George Briggs Walter M. Brackett Floor 3 Corridor Massachusetts State House Art Collection: Inventory of Paintings by Subject John Brooks Jacob Wagner Floor 3 Corridor William M. Bulger Warren and Lucia Prosperi Senate Reading Room Alexander Bullock Horace R. Burdick Floor 3 Corridor Anson Burlingame Unknown artist Room 272 William Burnet John Watson Floor 2 Corridor Benjamin F. Butler Walter Gilman Page Floor 3 Corridor ~C Argeo Paul Cellucci Ronald Sherr Lt. Governor’s Office Henry Childs Moses Wight Room 373 William Claflin James Harvey Young Floor 3 Corridor John Clifford Benoni Irwin Floor 3 Corridor David Cobb Edgar Parker Room 222 Charles C. -
The Racial Politics of Resurrection in the Eighteenth- Century Atlantic World
christopher trigg Nanyang Technological University, Singapore The Racial Politics of Resurrection in the Eighteenth- Century Atlantic World Abstract: This essay examines the impact of the eighteenth century’s developing rheto- ric of racial difference on Protestant attitudes toward the religious salvation of Afri- cans across the Atlantic world. As English colonies passed legislation that widened the legal and social gap between blacks and whites, missionaries and theologians called for more robust and wide- ranging efforts to evangelize African men and women. I show how speculation into the fate of bodies of color in the afterlife helped some Protestant authors navigate this apparently contradictory situation. Reading the work of two Massachusetts puritans (Samuel Sewall and Cotton Mather), and one Connecticut Anglican associated with the English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (John Beach), I demonstrate that the fine details of these writers’ eschatologi- cal and millennial schemes often belied their overt insistence that ethnic distinctions would be entirely transcended in the world to come. Each suggested, in his own way, that it was impossible to imagine that a resurrected body could be black, thereby underlining the subordinate status of Christians of color during mortal life. Keywords: resurrection, afterlife, millennialism, religious conversion, African Americans, slavery, Cotton Mather, Samuel Sewall On April 3, 1711, Samuel Sewall had dinner with his fellow justices of the Massachusetts Superior Court. He noted in his diary that the com- pany “[s]pake much of Negroes” that day (2: 305). In the course of their dis- cussion, Sewall raised the problem of whether Africans “should be white after the Resurrection,” prompting a vigorous debate at the table. -
Perjurium Maleficis: the Great Salem Scapegoat
Perjurium Maleficis: The Great Salem Scapegoat by Alec Head The Salem Witch Trials, often heralded as a sign of a religious community delving too deep into superstition, were hardly so simple. While certainly influenced by religion, the trials drew upon numerous outside elements. Though accusations were supposedly based in a firm setting of religious tradition, an analysis of individual stories—such as those of Rebecca Nurse, John Alden, and George Burroughs—shows that the accused were often targeted based on a combination of either fitting the existing image of witches, personal feuds, or prior reputations. The Puritans of Salem considered themselves to be “God’s chosen people,” building a new land, a heaven on earth.1 As with many endeavors in the New World, the Puritans faced innumerable struggles and hardships; their path would never be an easy one. However, rather than accepting their hurdles through a secular perspective, the Puritans viewed matters through a theological lens to explain their difficulties. While other, non-Puritan colonies faced similar challenges, the Puritans took the unique stance that they lived in a “world of wonders,” in which God and Satan had hands in the daily lives of humanity.2 In effect, this led to desperate—eventually deadly— searches for scapegoats. Upon his arrival in Salem, Reverend Samuel Parris publicly insisted that the hardships were neither by chance nor mere human hand. After all, if they were God’s chosen people, any opposition must have been instigated by the devil.3 Satan would not simply content himself with individual attacks. Rather, Parris insisted, grand conspiracies were formed by diabolical forces to destroy all that the Puritans built. -
Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648-1706
Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648−1706 George Lincoln Burr Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648−1706 Table of Contents Narratives of the Witchcraft Cases, 1648−1706...............................................................................................1 George Lincoln Burr................................................................................................................................1 INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................................3 Notes........................................................................................................................................................5 A BRIEF AND TRUE NARRATIVE: titlepage.....................................................................................7 “The Bookseller to the Reader.”..............................................................................................................7 Narrative..................................................................................................................................................7 Notes......................................................................................................................................................11 Remarks of things more than ordinary about the Afflicted Persons......................................................14 Notes......................................................................................................................................................15 -
Cotton Mathers's Wonders of the Invisible World: an Authoritative Edition
Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University English Dissertations Department of English 1-12-2005 Cotton Mathers's Wonders of the Invisible World: An Authoritative Edition Paul Melvin Wise Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/english_diss Recommended Citation Wise, Paul Melvin, "Cotton Mathers's Wonders of the Invisible World: An Authoritative Edition." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2005. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/english_diss/5 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of English at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in English Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. COTTON MATHER’S WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD: AN AUTHORITATIVE EDITION by PAUL M. WISE Under the direction of Reiner Smolinski ABSTRACT In Wonders of the Invisible World, Cotton Mather applies both his views on witchcraft and his millennial calculations to events at Salem in 1692. Although this infamous treatise served as the official chronicle and apologia of the 1692 witch trials, and excerpts from Wonders of the Invisible World are widely anthologized, no annotated critical edition of the entire work has appeared since the nineteenth century. This present edition seeks to remedy this lacuna in modern scholarship, presenting Mather’s seventeenth-century text next to an integrated theory of the natural causes of the Salem witch panic. The likely causes of Salem’s bewitchment, viewed alongside Mather’s implausible explanations, expose his disingenuousness in writing about Salem. Chapter one of my introduction posits the probability that a group of conspirators, led by the Rev. -
Cotton Mather
PEOPLE MENTIONED OR ALMOST MENTIONED IN CAPE COD: THE REVEREND COTTON MATHER COTTON MATHER CAPE COD: The Harbor of Provincetown —which, as well as the greater part of the Bay, and a wide expanse of ocean, we overlooked from our perch— is deservedly famous. It opens to the south, is free from rocks, and is never frozen over. It is said that the only ice seen in it drifts in sometimes from Barnstable or Plymouth. Dwight remarks that “The storms which prevail on the American coast generally come from the east; and there is no other harbor on a windward shore within two hundred miles.” J.D. Graham, who GRAHAM has made a very minute and thorough survey of this harbor and the adjacent waters, states that “its capacity, depth of water, excellent anchorage, and the complete shelter it affords from all winds, combine to render it one of the most valuable ship harbors on our coast.” It is the harbor of the Cape and of the fishermen of Massachusetts generally. It was known to navigators several years at least before the settlement of Plymouth. In Captain John Smith’s map of New England, dated 1614, it bears the name of JOHN SMITH Milford Haven, and Massachusetts Bay that of Stuard’s Bay. His Highness, Prince Charles, changed the name of Cape Cod to Cape James; but even princes have not always power to change a name for the worse, and as Cotton Mather said, Cape Cod is “a name which I suppose it will never lose till shoals of codfish be seen swimming on its highest hills.” REVEREND COTTON MATHER HDT WHAT? INDEX THE PEOPLE OF CAPE COD: COTTON MATHER “I was emptying the Cistern of Nature, and making Water at the Wall.