Chapter 4 Sole of Sugar Cooperatives In

Home , Bhadole, Lift irrigation, Mula Dam, Nilwande Dam, Shrirampur taluka, Warana River

CHAPTER 4

SOLE OF SUGAR COOPERATIVES IN DEVELOPMENT OF IRRIGATION FACILITIES

4.1 Introdwctj-Qft

As seen in the previous chapter, the problem of distribution of water between sugarcane cultivating areas and other areas has been an important issue since the beginning of the 20th century. Now, as I have examined the issue only at the macro level in the previous chapter, it is necessary to see how some individual cooperative sugar factories have really acted in the area of irrigation development and how their activities affected other areas than their command areas or other parties than sugarcane-growers. In this chapter, at first, efforts on irrigation development of a few sugar cooperatives are examined, and then, the effects of irrigation development by sugar cooperatives on other areas or other parties are studied with examples from a few districts in Maharashtra.

4.2 Vasantdada Shetkari SuRag C

The case of Vasantdada Shetkari Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana Ltd., Sangli is worth noting because, although Sangli was not a traditionally known sugarcane-cultivating area, amazingly rapid development of lift irrigation was seen

fcr in the early history of this sugar cooperative, because of the foresight and help of a notable leader, Vasantdada Patil. When the factory started its first crushing season in 1958, the area under sugarcane available to it from its command area was not more than 800 hectares. In the command area of the factory, there were 3 rivers flowing, namely, the Krishna, the Warna and the Verla; however, the government was then thinking that lift irrigation projects on rivers were not feasible. In such a situation, Vasantdada Patil started 4 lift irrigation schemes on experimental basis at Sangliwadi, Padmale, Haripur and Mhaisal along the Krishna River, and the producer members got about Rs. 15 lakhs of medium term loans for buying necessary equipment in 1959; these schemes helped to irrigate about 1,000 acres. During 1960-61, Vasantdada initiated 48 new projects along the Krishna River with the factory's resources. In February 1965, the factory got sanction to increase its crushing capacity from 1,000 metric tons to 2,600 metric tons per day, which must, no doubt, have accompanied the further development of irrigation. In 1985-86, there were 56 lift irrigation schemes irrigating 12,500 hectares of sugarcane field. The factory had crushing capacity of more than 3,500 metric tones per day (shetkari, 1987:4-8). Total number of lift irrigation schemes in the command area of Shetkari was 85 in 1993. Of them, only one is registered as a lift irrigation cooperative and the rest are not cooperatives, but are schemes sponsored by Shetkari and owned by the farmers. All the necessary technical and administrative help is given a to the farmers by the 'Lift Irrigation Department' of Shetkari sugar cooperative and the necessary loans from the land Development Bank and other national or commercial banks are provided to the farmers through Shetkari. When lift irrigation schemes are installed, jack-wells with turbine pumps to lift water from the rivers are constructed at first, and then, construction works are continued in order to make the water pumped from the wells to delivery chambers located at the highest point in the command area of each particular scheme. It is then delivered through outlet channels to each farm by gravity. It must be noted that, in 1993, within the command area of about 72,000 acres, only one-third, or about 24,000 acres was irrigated. Vasant Bandharas (the same thing as Kolhapur Type Bandharas discussed below), which help raise water level in wells, nullahs or other facilities are constructed by Shetkari to enable the dry-land farmers, who are not situated near the rivers and cannot benefit from lift irrigation schemes, to get some water for food crops or other crops. About 4,200 acres of land has benefited from the bandharas, and it is stated that the beneficiaries were not required to meet any expenses on this account (Latke, 1993). The factory now has crushing capacity of 5,000 metric tons per day (Shetkari, 1991-92).

4.3 HacfiAS Sufi&E Cooperative

Shri Warna Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana Ltd., Warananagar, Kolhapur is another example of irrigation development under

^ -1 the leadership of a notable cooperator, namely, Tatyasaheb Kore. Warana sugar cooperative was registered in 1955 in an area traditionally known for gul manufacturing. According to Kore's autobiography, Warana had to do much effort in the area of irrigation development since around 1970. In December 1969, water supply from the Warana River completely dried up unseasonably and it became difficult to irrigate sugarcane and manufacture sugar. Warana sugar cooperative approached the government and got its sanction to obtain water from the Panchaganga River. One private transport firm cooperated Warana carrying the water by tankers. And also, one rich farmer from village Kuril of Kolhapur District supplied water from his well to the factory for nearly 3 and a half months. In the year 1969-70, the necessity of bringing water through pipes at the factory site from the Panchaganga River was realized; and a scheme was prepared to construct a jack-well on the river in Karveer Taluka, to pump the water lifted from the well upto the place called Kasradi and to let the water flow by gravity therefrom upto the factory. Around that time, Warana sugar cooperative constructed several bandharas on the Warana River; the ones constructed in the villages of Kodoli, Tandalwadi and Khochi are the examples. In 1974, to help the farmers around Shigaon and Bhadole villages who faced the problems of drying-up of the Warana River, Warana sugar cooperative, with the help of Vasantdada Patil the then Irrigation Minister in Maharashtra Cabinet, constructed a dam-like

U bandharas at Shigaon. Fear of collapse due to heavy rain and many other problems were there, and the directors of the sugar factory sometimes observed the construction work even at night. However, the work was completed with 'miraculous speed' in 8 months (Kore, 1990, 206-212). After Shigaon-

Bhadoli Dam was completed, bandharas of the same type came to be called 'Kolhapur Type Bandharas' (Op.cit., 74). In

1973-74, the stock of water in the dams constructed on the

Warana River got exhausted due to uncontrolled lifting and

there was no supply of water from March to June. Hence, a meeting of the leading cultivators situated alongside the

river was called and it was decided to restrict the water

release according to days and hours. in 1975, again with the

help of Vasantdada Pat11 Warana constructed another dam at

village Chavre, and due to this, the producer members

sugarcane production increased form 1973-74's 75, 776 tons to

141,495 tons in 1974-75 (Op.cit., 73-76). In 1980-81, due to

delayed rainfall, Warana again faced the problem of water

shortage. Then, with the help of the state government, and

Panchaganga, Shetkari-Sangli and other neighboring sugar

cooperatives, a novel scheme of taking water from the Krishna

River and releasing it into the Warana River was implemented

(Op.cit., 95-96). And in the summer of 1986, the water

lifted from the Morana River was released into the Warana

River for several times (Op.cit., 112). In the command area

of Warana sugar cooperative, there are many lift irrigation

schemes. In 1992, there were 7 lift irrigation schemes which

were, though originally established as lift irrigation cooperatives, managed by the sugar cooperative. The Table 4.1 shows the details of 6 schemes out of the 7. Besides, Warana has promoted some large and small lift irrigation schemes. The large ones, irrigating 48 hectares, cost about .Isl

T^ble 4,1 : Lift Irrigati on Schemes Managed by Warana Sugar Cooperative

Name of the Cost of the! Command Of which Total Cooperative Project Area Area under Members Sugarcane (Rs.) (Rs.) (ha.)

Bhandavade 590,000 200 40 131 Savarde-Latawade 708,000 200 50 152 Talsande 452,000 240 60 264 Pargaon 250.000 160 48 120 Kodoli Kakhe 586,000 120 40 177 Satve 385,000 120 40 58

Total 2 ,981,000 1,040 278 902

SQUrC§ : Apte, 1989 :69

Rs, 850,000 and the small ones, irrigating 24 hectares, cost between Rs. 40,000 and Rs. 400,000. The member's and the sugar cooperative's contributions to the total capital expenditure are 5 per cent respectively, and the remaining is met from loans from a bank. In 1989-90, there were 25 large and 3 small schemes and 19 'group schemes', and they

^0 irrigated about 1,000 hectares of sugarcane-growing area in sum. In addition to the lift irrigation schemes managed by the sugar cooperative, there are many other lift irrigation cooperatives in Warana's command area (Apte, 1989;68-71), Warana Dam, which was completed in 1989, contributed much to tackling the problem of water scarcity in the command area of Warana (Naik, 1994). ilxJL Ba.larwnbaPtt laiAl SusaC Cooperative

According to its Annual Report for 1991-92, Rajarambapu Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana Ltd., Rajaramnagar, Sangli, with the agreement with the government, had established 30 small and large lift irrigation schemes and had brought under irrigation 30,105 acres of dry land under irrigation of some 12,300 cultivators; for implementing these schemes, a sum of Rs. 273.38 million was made available from NABARD to meet the capital expenditure (Rajarambapu, 1991-92). In Figure 4.1, the present location of lift irrigation schemes sponsored by Rajarambapu, the only sugar cooperative from which I got such a kind of map, is presented. C^o^ n.;^^e. '^1. )

A^ General Featurea Ql hUlt IrriKatlon Schemeg Promotgd iiz

As Shetkari, Warana and other pioneering sugar cooperatives have shown how it helps the cooperatives to get more sugarcane from their command areas by irrigating cane with water from the lift irrigation schemes, development of

'n such schemes has become a common feature in respect of most sugar cooperatives in the last 2 decades. Equally important is the fact that the lift irrigation schemes have begun working successfully because the recovery of loans taken to meet the capital expenditure is facilitated due to the sugar cooperatives' deducting the loan installment from the sugarcane bills of the members of the schemes who supply cane to the cooperatives. Warana introduced such a system in 1970s and now this practice is followed by other sugar cooperatives. Unlike lift irrigation schemes sponsored by the state government, most of which failed to become economically feasible, the schemes promoted by sugar cooperatives, in many of the cases, have become viable, and the loans provided by the cooperative banks for such schemes have been repaid as scheduled. As we see later, such lift irrigation schemes often thwarted the government's directive to restrict use of water for sugarcane to a limited amount. The fact of the situation seems to be that, considering the huge capital expenditure incurred for establishing such schemes, it is not possible to earn enough incremental income unless large or entire area is used for growing sugarcane. It seems that the government connives at the fact but is unwilling to openly admit it and revise the policy (Apte, undated).

4^ Majk&£ ptgputes ia Ah»e

Ahmednagar District, where Pravara, (now Padmashree Dr. Vithalrao Vikhe Patil) Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana Ltd., the

•'• 13- first cooperative sugar factory was established, now has as many as 13 sugar cooperatives. As the result of extreme concentration of sugar factories, the district now sees the struggles among sugar cooperatives to acquire the necessary irrigated water, as well as the deprivation of irrigation water suffered by the ones unable to grow sugarcane. Figure 4.2 shows the location of major irrigation facilities in Pravara Valley Area in the district. A pick-weir at village Ozar of Sangamner Taluka was constructed in 1873 to divert and feed the river water in the canals. Bhandaradara Dam, with the storage capacity of 11,039 Mcft, was constructed at village Shendi of Akola Taluka during the period from 1910 to 1926 (Ahmednagar I.C., undated:2). In the area from Bhandaradara to Ozar, there are many, often unauthorized, lift irrigation schemes (Op.cit.,:7-8, Sakal 4 November 1985). As a considerable part of the up-streamers situated from Bhandaradara to Oaar are sugarcane-growers in Akola Taluka and the western part of Sangamner Talukas, and the tail-enders are mainly sugarcane-growers in the eastern part of that Taluka and in Shrirampur Taluka, the struggle for water between the western and eastern parts of Sangamner- Shrirampur area is very acute. After a meeting of representatives of the irrigators in Pravara Valley, the percentage of distribution of water was decided as shown in Table 4.2.

']4 Table 4.2 : Talukawise Percentage of Distribution of Water in Pravara Valley as Decided on 4 August, 1989. Name of the Taluka Percentage

Akola 11.7 Sangamner 18.3 Shrirampur 52.0 Rahuri 15.0 Nevasa 3.0

Source : Ahmednagar I.C., undated:8

However, this was not fully implemented and the actual utilisation percentage achieved was very different as can be seen from the data given in Table 4.3.

Table 4.3 : Actual Talukawise Percentage of Distribution of Water in Pravara Valley

Year Taluka Actual utilization percentage

1989-90 Akola plus Sangamner 35.70 Shrirampur 50.47 Rahuri 12.36 Nevasa 1.47 1990-91 Akola plus Sangamner 37.25 Shrirampur 50.14 Rahuri 11.57 Nevasa 1.04

1991-92 Akola plus Sangamner 45.12 Shrirampur 42.64 Rahuri 10.04 Nevasa 2.20

Source -. Ahmednagar I.C., undated: 8-9,

'% Importance of sugarcane in the economic sense is seen from the data presented in Table 4.4 about total production by way of irrigation and allied industrial activities. Alcohol and paper are by-products of sugar (Ahmednagar I.C., undated:8-11).

Table 4.4 : Total Production by Way of Irrigation : Agricultural Produce and Allied Industrial Activities in Pravara Valley

Item Amount (Rs. in lakhs)

Sugarcane 3774 Fruits 80 Bhusar Crops 1100 Alcohol 75 Paper 20 Electricity 533

Total 5552

Source : Ahmednagar I.C., undated : 11

4.7 4shQk Susa£ CooperativQ

Ashok Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana Ltd., Shrirampur, is a case of a sugar cooperative which tackled the problem of water shortage, caused by other sugar factories' water acquisition, through developing facilities like bandharas and tanks. In June 1987, B.K.Murkute, and MLA, took over as the Chairman of Ashok sugar cooperative, which was then on the

V verge of closure. Ashok was then facing the problem of water shortage because the sugar cooperatives established in Akola and Sangamner Talukas started lifting water from the Pravara River. Around the time when he became the Chairman of Ashok, Murkute took up the water issue in the Legislative e Assembly and organized agitation on a massive scale in Shrirampur Taluka on the issue. He used to organize morchas at Shrirampur every time water was to be released and, as a result, the irrigation staff came to try to let the water reach upto the eastern part of Shrirampur Taluka. Still, it was difficult to get adequate quantity of water for irrigating sugarcane in the Taluka, and a new programme of water conservation was then started. That programme of Murkute's received support from the masses and around that time, he successfully defeated a senior Congress leader in the election to the Legislative Assembly, as a Janata Dal candidate. After several experiments like piling sand bags in the bed of the stream or fixing steel pipes and wooden planks in the stream, it was found useful for the purpose of water conservation to construct pucca bandharas with bricks and stones. Bandharas of that type became popular and come to be known as Ashok Bandharas. It is said that Ashok Bandharas could be built with much less capital expenditure compared to reservoirs constructed by the government. Construction of Ashok Bandharas has become a popular movement and the concept of people's participation has been stressed in the movement. The beneficiaries give, not only the land

n required for the construction, but also supply materials like stone, sand and bricks. The sugar factory supplies cement, labour and technical guidance. By May 1994, 107 Ashok Bandharas were constructed at the cost of Rs. 4,333,000. Out ^yj rz of the capital expenditure, the beneficiary farmers \0 "^ contributed Rs. 600,000 or about 15 per cent of the total A — cost (Dighe, 1994 A). Murkute also promoted the programme of ^J constructing tanks, called Ashok Tanks here. Ashok sugar (r\ cooperative built 36 tanks in all at the total cost of Rs. 1,070,000. Each tank has storage capacity of half a million cu.ft. of water. According to an interview with Murkute, it is proposed to construct channels from some tanks. It is also proposed to lift water by electric pump and motor and let it percolate in the soil, so as not to allow the water to overflow after the tanks are full of rain water (Op.cit., and Sakal. 17 March, 1994). Kolhapur Type Bandharas also are constructed in the command area of Ashok sugar cooperative. Construction of such bandharas at Kamalpur and Khanapur on the Godavari River was completed and the construction at Vanjargaon and Nadar was in progress in May 1994. After construction of these 4 bandharas is completed, it will be possible to store water after monsoon, on a 15 kms. stretch in the Godavari river. Besides, Kolhapur Type Bandharas have been constructed on a 20 kms. stretch on the Pravara River at Kesapur, Valadgaon, Padhegaon, Lakh, Malunja, Bherdapur, Wangi, Punatgaon and Pachegaon. It is proposed to construct a chain of the 9 bandharas and of these, construction work of

n^i 5 bandharas was expected to be completed by May 1994. An old bandhara at village Lakh was repaired and after that, Ashok requested the government to release water from Mula Dam into it. The proposal was opposed by the farmers in Rahuri Taluka, but Murkute convinced them that it would benefit Rahuri Taluka also. Water was released and the bandhara was filled in April 1994 (Dighe, 1994 A).

4.8 Pravara Sufiar Coopgratlve

Padmashri Dr. Vitthalrao Vikhe Patil Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana Ltd., Pravaranagar, Shrirampur presents another example of a sugar cooperative which tackled the problem of water shortage through developing irrigation facilities. (This sugar cooperative is hereafter referred to as 'Pravara' sugar cooperative.) Its Annual Report for 1991-92 contends that the problem of water scarcity was caused by the excessive water acquisition by the parties outside its command area including industrialists, town-dwellers and others. Certainly, Table 4.3 shows that in 1991-92, the actual utilization percentage of Shrirampur Taluka was much lower than its legitimate share of 52 per cent, whereas the actual percentage of Akola and Sangamner Talukas is much higher than their legitimate share of 30 per cent. According to Pravara's Annual Report, more than 50 per cent of water supplied from Bhandaradara Dam is lifted in the upstream area between the dam and Ozar, and of the remaining 50 per cent, more than half of the water is used for industrial uses or

^0 for drinking purposes; hence, the farmers get only 25 per cent water for agriculture in that region. In Pravara's

Annual Report, its Chairman, Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil stated,

"Villages from Sangamner Taluka which are in our command area do not get water due to them by right. Even though they fill in Form No. 7, they do not get water for irrigation. We have been personally meeting the concerned officers in the government departments from time to time, and have been writing them also in the matter. We are striving hard to enable them to get water against Form No. 7 which they are entitled to receive. If necessary, they may have to agitate

and fight for the cause" (Pravara, 1991-92). Pravara's Annual

Report for 1992-93 gives some detailed information on

irrigation development. According to the report, Kolhapur

Type Bandharas (Weirs) at Chanegaon and Ashwi are almost

completed and, these 2 bandharas and the existing 3 as

a whole, can store water over a stretch of about 35 kms. in

the river, from Ozar to Galnimb; this is claimed to be the

largest scheme of irrigation implemented by any of the sugar

cooperatives in Maharashtra. Construction work of lift

irrigation schemes at the villages of Eknath, Mahishasur and

Bajarang are in progress and proposals for loan for 4 more

lift irrigation schemes have been sent to the financial

institutions. In 1992-93, there were 29 lift irrigation

schemes on the Pravara Canals and 16 schemes working on the

Pravara River. Water storage bandharas in stone-construction

were completed during the year at Satral in Rahuri with storage capacity of 1.50 million cu.ft., and at Malegaon- Dukrewadi with the same storage capacity of water. Assistance was extended from the factory to 723 members for deepening their wells during the year (Pravara, 1992-93).

1^ Haj^fi£ PiiSPtttea la AhaednaKar PJLstrJLct i£arj^ Zl

Ahmednagar District has seen many water disputes within among regions since 1980. As seen before, in Pravara Valley area,there is an acute struggle for water between sugarcane- growers in Akola Taluka and the western part of Sangamner Taluka on the one hand, and in the eastern part of that taluka and in Shrirampur Taluka on the other. In January 1984, farmers in Akola and Sangamner made an agitation demanding equitable distribution of water. A news item reporting this incident tells that the struggle for water was becoming very acute between Pravara and Akola sugar cooperatives (gakal. 18 January 1984). Nilwade Dam, which is to be constructed to irrigate as much as 64,260 hectares of land, that is, more than 3 times as much as area irrigated by Bhandara Dam, i.e. 20,317 hectares, but is not yet completed (Ahmednagar I.C., undated:10), is reported to have connection with 8 sugar factories (Sakal. 31 May, 1985). It is reported that some farmers in Akola, Sangamner and Shrirampur Talukas were opposing the construction of the dam and Balasaheb Vikhe Patil, an MP and the father of Radakrishna Vikhe Patil, the present Chairman of Pravara, expressed his regret at the fact

P~ that they were opposing, stating that the aim of the construction scheme was to distribute water resources equitably fSakal. 13 October 1987). In November 1985, representatives, of farmers' organizations in the eastern part of Sangamner-Shrirampur area, attending a seminar held by the Irrigation Department of the state government, expressed their dissatisfaction at the situation that sugarcane-growers situated at the area from Bhandaradara to Ozar were illegally lifting water from the Pravara River (Sfi^ai, 4 November, 1985). In contrast to this, in April 1986, the Chairman of Sangamner sugar cooperative clearly expressed his opposition to the cutting of electric power supply to the 'illegal' lift irrigation schemes (Sakal. 23 April, 1986). On the problems of illegal lifting of water and the construction of Nilwande Dam, Datta Patil, an MLA, once stated that if Nilwande Dam was constructed, illegal lifting in Bhandaradara-Ozar area would not end and the water supply in the eastern part of Sangamner-Shrirampur area would not be assured (Sakal. 23 May, 1988). However, it may also be noted that Balasaheb Vikhe Patil once wrote that it was not practical to totally ban the 'illegal' lifting done in the area from Bhandaradara to Ozar and that some concessions like the ban on the setting of new schemes or the restriction on the watering period should be sought (Sakal. 6 March, 1986). According to a news analysis by Padmabhushan Deshpande, the conflict is between the 40 villages in the jurisdiction of Pravara sugar cooperative on the one hand, and Akola and Sangamner Talukas and the eastern part of Shrirampur Taluka

^ on the other. (As well as in the area west of Pravaranagar, in the eastern part of Shrirampur also, farmers' agitation against excessive water acquisition by Pravara occurred, and Balasaheb Vikhe Patil has once made a statement criticizing the movement of farmers in the eastern part (Sakal. 23 April, 1986, 27 May, 1994). When Bhandaradara Dam, Ozar Weir and the Fravara Canals were constructed, no one had thought of lifting water from the Pravara River. However, Pravara sugar cooperative, the first sugar cooperative in Maharashtra, which is located along the Pravara Left Bank Canal and at the tail-end of the irrigation system of Pravara Valley, showed astonishing success; soon thereafter, sugar cooperatives were successively established not only in the eastern part but also in the western part of Sangamner-Shrirampur area. In the previous paragraph, referring to Pravara sugar cooperative's Annual Report, it is argued that Pravara faced the problem of water scarcity caused by excessive water acquisition outside its command area. However, Deshpande tells that Pravara, having strong political influence over the state government, was getting priority in the distribution of irrigated water and the government had sometimes used partial means to deprive the cultivators outside Pravara's command area of their irrigation right. The government had once ruled that electricity for installation of pumps should be supplied only to the wells situated within a distance of 100 meters from the river bed.

n But the limit was relaxed upto 1 kilometer in the case of the "banks of Pravara'. Deshpande states that, when he asked the reason, the concerning officers could only state that there were 'directions from above'. Once, attempts were made to stop entire supply of electricity for a few days in Akola and Sangamner Talukas, to prevent lifting of water after it was released from Bhandaradara Dam. One midnight, at the instance of the government the police attacked 18 lift irrigation schemes in Sangamner Taluka with a strong force. Even after the incident, the supply of electric power was remaining cut in respect of cooperative lift irrigation schemes in the taluka. Deshpande makes us consider the problem of tribal cultivators in Akola Taluka also. At the time of taking up the electricity projects at Bhandaradara- Varandha, the government had given an assurance of preparing lift irrigation schemes for the tribal cultivators. However, though they had already taken loan from the government and purchased the necessary equipment, the government actually had not supplied them electric power for 2 years. Contrary to what is written in Pravara sugar cooperatives Annual Report, Deshpande argues that under the pretext of supplying drinking water for Shrirampur, water was supplied for irrigating sugarcane crops in the Pravaranagar region. He also argues that percolation tanks, too, were filled with water from the Pravara Canals. It is stated that on 22 February 1988, no less than 600 cusex of water was released and was flowing for 6 full days in the river to its capacity (Deshpande, 1988). It is reported that, in March 1988, Balasaheb Vlkhe Patil accepted the proposal of the ex- Central State Minister of Agriculture, Annasaheb Shinde that representatives, of Akola, Sangamner and Shrirampur Talukas meet and discuss the issue of water distribution (Sakai, 8 March, 1988).

4,10 Kgper«aon a&d San.UvanJL Susaj: Co-operatives

Two sugar cooperatives in Kopergaon Taluka in Ahmednagar District, namely, Kopergaon Sahakari Sakhar karkhana Ltd. and Sanjivani Sahakari Sakhar karkhana Ltd., are other examples of noted leaders' effort of tackling the problem of water scarcity. During the last 10 to 15 years, cultivators situated in their adjacent areas in Nashik District began to acquire water flowing from Darana Dam to Nandur-Madhameshwar Bandh and from Gangapur Dam to that Bandh to grow sugarcane. Due to this, and the rapid growth of water demand for drinking and industrial purposes in Nashik town also, Kopergaon Taluka started getting less water and it became difficult for water to flow upto the tail-end of the canals. The situation took a destructive turn when the police fired on the people participating in the protest march. This action resulted in the water issue of Kopergaon Taluka becoming a topic for discussion at the state level. Shankarrao Kale, the Chairman of Kopergaon sugar cooperative and an MP, decided to start an agitation to protect the right to get water. Shankarrao Kolhe, the Chairman of Sanjivani

n sugar cooperative and a minister in Maharashtra Cabinet, pressed the issue of water for the taluka and desired that priority should be given to construct dams at Waldevi, Kashyapi and Mukani. However, these approaches gave no meaningful results immediately. Still, both the leaders, particularly Kolhe, did not give up and construction of bandharas for the 2 sugar cooperative was begun. 3 sites were selected for construction of Kolhapur Type Bandharas on the Godavari River. Of the 3, the bandhara at Hingani has been constructed, and the construction work of the ones in Majur and Sade is in progress. In addition to these on the Godavari River, it is proposed to build 3 more Kolhapur Type Bandharas at Mahegaon-Deshmukh, Vadgaon-Kanlad and Dauch. The 2 sugar cooperatives will have to incur an expenditure of Rs. 80 million on these 6 bandharas. For the villages situated away from the river, the ideas of constructing storage bandharas has been implemented. For such villages, Sanjivani sugar cooperative has constructed 37 stone bandharas and 15 eastern bandharas from its own funds, incurring an expenditure of Rs. 22.2 million. It is reported that the Panchayat Samiti for Kopergaon Taluka, which seems to have been inspired by the sugar cooperatives, too, is very active in construction of bandharas and has already built 16 stone bandharas (Dighe, 1994 B).

VI !LA1 Itocatipn at Stt«ar Cooperatives and Irrigation FacllJLtiea IQ 3. Districts

In the following pages are presented maps indicating the location of rivers, canals, dams, tanks and weirs, and also, sugar cooperatives in the districts of . , Sangli and Kolhapur. It is said that in Western Maharashtra, it gets high rainfall in hilly area west of the Sayadri Mountains, and in the area east of the mountains, rainfall is considerably lower in general than in the hilly area and rainfall becomes lower as moving from west to east. From these maps, it is clearly seen that most of the sugar cooperatives in these districts, at least in Sangli, are located in the central parts, that is, the parts situated neither in the western nor eastern edge of the districts, and that the sugar cooperative are situated along rivers or canals, on whose upstream there are often dams, tanks or weirs. In the eastern parts of these districts, where there are very few sugar cooperatives, development of irrigation facilities is much less. According to one professor, rainfall in the western, central and eastern parts of Satara District are roughly 250, 60 and 20 inches respectively (Kamble, undated). If sugarcane consumes much more water than other crops, as seen in the previous chapter, it seems to be safe to state that sugar cooperatives located in the central parts consume considerably much part of the water resources in the western parts, and (except in Kolhapur, whose east-west range is comparatively small, and,

%% which seems to lack the 'eastern' part corresponding the ones in the other 2 districts) the eastern parts are left with neither enough water resources from the west nor sufficient irrigation facilities that enable the utilization of the water resources available within the regions.

AJ^IZ VaiiSr Scarcity in Khanapur Taluka

Khanapur Taluka in Sangli District presents an example of the region which suffered from scarcity •cif water caused by the excessive water acquisition by su^rcame-grtower'ca»e-grD^ s situated both inside and outside the region. Acc^rtjpij^cc(«)piA^ tto' K.J. Joy, a social activist of an organization calBea Shramik Mukti Sangharash Samiti, it is since 1950s, or particularly since 1970s that droughts became very frequent in the region, and felling of forest trees and monopolistic acquisition of water by cultivators of sugarcane and other crops, etc., seem to be the cause. Since later 1960s, whereas in the district's central part along the Krishna River, irrigation projects for sugarcane cultivation were successively implemented, in Khanapur, Atpadi and Jath Talukas and some parts of Miraj and Tasgaon Talukas, droughts became very much frequent. In these areas, some villagers say that, although they could get at least drinking water supply even during the server drought of 1971-72, they had to rely on water tankers in 1981-82 (Joy, 1992:3-4). According to another report of Mukti Sangharsh, in Khanapur Taluka, in early 1980s, rivers remained extremely dry, with water flowing for only 2 weeks

T in year, for 4 years (Mukti Sangharsh, 1985). Another report by Joy and Rao mentions the regional imbalance in sugarcane cultivation in Sangli District, that is, the fact that sugarcane is grown on a large scale in the region along the Krishna River, whereas the acreage under sugarcane in Khanapur Taluka is not so large (Joy and Rao, 1993;218), From Table 4.5, it can easily be seen that, whereas in the talukas situated in the central part of the district, the importance of sugarcane rapidly rose and is now very high, in other talukas including Khanapur, the importance of sugarcane, though it rapidly increased, is still now comparatively low. However, the report stresses that the problem of water scarcity in Khanapur Taluka is the result of excessive water acquisition by sugarcane-growers or other big farmers situated not only outside but also inside the taluka, presenting a detailed case study of a village called Balawadi. Traditionally, in Balawadi village, minor irrigation facilities had been maintained through joint work of the people, and the minority's monopoly of the irrigation right had not been seen (Op.cit.,120-121). However, during 1970s and 1980s, rich farmers successively dug jack-wells along the Yerala River and drew up the water of the river (Op.cit.,124). As seen from Table 4.6, inequitable pattern of classwise distribution of land holding can clearly be observed in the village. Further, it is seen from Table 4.7 that ownership of operative wells also is highly concentrated in the hands of rich farmers. The report states that after

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^L 1965, as lift irrigation came to be done on a large scale, many wells became dry, and after 1972, especially after later 1980s, much more wells became dry (Op.cit.117-118). Though the report does not show a trend in the increase of dry wells. Table 4.8 certainly shows that the percentage of dry wells is very high, and Table 4.9 shows that surely after 1965, 1972 or later 1980s, the number of either diesel pumps or electric motors rapidly increased in Khanapur Taluka. It may also be noted that one sugar cooperative was established in Khanapur Taluka in 1982.(Op.cit..138) Not only wells, but also rivers themselves became often dry, as stated before. The Yerala River had never completely dried up before early 1970s (Op.cit.,133), and in Balawadi village, the river water could be utilized for 6 to 8 months in a year; however, since 1981, the rivers came to be completely dried up except during very short period in the monsoon season (Op.cit.,116). There are many instances of farmers, especially the poor ones, who had once grown sugarcane with irrigation by lift pumps or wells but gave up the cultivation as water became unavailable (Op.cit.,121-124, 140). It is also reported that, in 1972-73, villagers of Balawadi, for the first time, went to other highly-irrigated villages as migratory sugarcane harvesting and transport labourers (Op.cit.,179). Speaking of the situation in the regions along the Krishna River in Sangli District, Joy stated that, although it is prohibited by the state law to plant sugarcane on more than on-third of the irrigated area, and though it is shown that the regulation is followed in the official record, in

y^ Table 4.8 : Incidence of Wells Going Dry in Balawadi Village

1 1 Sr. 1 Name of 1 Total No. 1 No. and % | Wet HP 1 1 1 No. 1 the River I of wells 1 of dry well! wells 1 used 1 ) 1 ) 1 1 studied 1 (summer) 1 1 1 _ _ 1 t 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ! 1 'i Nandini 1 100 1 91 (91.00)1 9 1 770.5 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 t 1 1 2 ! Yerala 1 122 ! 122 (81.98)1 22 ! 1366.5 ! 1 1 1 1 1 1 t 1 1 1 ! 3 1 Agarni j 121 1 61 (50.41)i 60 1 616 0 1 1 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 I Total 1 343 1 252 (73.46)1 91 1 2753 .0 1

Source Joy and Rao, 1993: 205.

Table 4.9 •• Diesel Pumps and Electric Motors in Khanapur Taluka

Sr. I Diesel Pumps i ! Electric Motors 1 1 _ No. 1 I Number I HP ! 1 Number 1 HP* 1 1961 ! 67 1 201 1 1 11 1 55 1966 1350 1 4050 1 44 1 220 1 1972 2822 1 8466 i 554 ! 2770 1 1982 1 2832 I 8466 1 1 2138 t 10690 ! 31/5/89 NA 1 1 1 7990 1 37038 ! 31/1/91 I NA 1 1 1 9587 ! 44979 1 1 31/5/92 NA 1 1 ! 10465 1 48654 i

Source Joy and Rao, 1993:206,

HP for all the years are worked out by multiplying the number of diesel engines and electric motors by 3 HP and 5 HP respectively - which is the average HP for Khanapur tahsil.

^^- practice, 3 to 4 times more area than the recorded one is under sugarcane and the concerning officials are often bribed (Joy, 1993). The construction work of Krishna-Koyna (Takari water to the drought-prone eastern part of the district, is terribly delayed and it is feared that the actual beneficiary area of the scheme will be smaller than the proposed one because of sugarcane cultivation in the upstream (Sahasrabuddhe, 1994, Joy, 1993, Omvedt and Patankar, 1991).

4.13 Water Disputes jLfi Othgr t£Sa&

Problems connected with the distribution of irrigated water are reported in other areas also. For instance, in the case of Kolhapur, it is reported that though farmers situated along the Dudhganga and Vedganga Rivers cannot utilize water fully, still there are schemes to construct a tunnel to let the water fall in to the Bhogawati River (Sawant, V.G. 1994), It is also reported that in Radhanagari Taluka in the district, sugarcane-growers situated along the Bhogawati River were planting cane in the area beyond the legal permit, bribing the officials and not paying the water charges (Parekar, 1983). Regarding Nashik, it is reported that in March 1988, farmers from Nashik, Sinnar and Igatpuri Talukas, led by the Chairman of Nashik sugar cooperative, held the rally of "Action Committed for the Issue of Goda, Darna and Sub-rivers", demanding the new approval of water lifting from the Darna River and other things (Burkule, 1988). Showing examples from Shirur Taluka in Pune District, Mali argued

'il that whereas some farmers lifting water were charged comparatively high water rates, there were ones who are illegally lifting water, and the ones irrigating by canals were paying low water rates. According to Mali, an activist of a voluntary organization called Gramayan, although the farmers lifting water, to obey the rule of restricting the acquisition of water have the ones irrigating by canals can get as much water they want. As lift irrigation needs permission of the government, farmers are often required to pay some bribes in addition to the legitimate fees (Mali, 1986). Regarding 'justice' in the distribution of water, it may be mentioned that canal water is sometimes 'stolen' by those who dig wells along the canals and the concerning officials are often bribed by them; however, it can not be said that there are many such instances, as most of the wells along canals are filled with the leak (Rath, 1993).

4.14 Ths Prot>3-em al mvXnhXnK Water Scarcity

It is argued that in many parts of Maharashtra, especially in Western Maharashtra, the problem of scarcity of drinking water is arising because of lowering of underground water-table caused by excessive water lifting by sugarcane cultivators. As seen in the previous chapter, the percentage of the villages with the problem of drinking water supply is rather higher in 'economically advanced' Western Maharashtra, than in other areas. From Table 4.10, which shows the latest data, it is seen that the number of wadis with the difficulty

100 l§.fe.LE fi!:..:...i.y. " Distribution of Most Difficult Regions for D r inking S u p p1y

••- •"' — — "" ~" 3r. 1 Di stri cts 1 No- Of ! No- at i No. of No, ; 1 Tallj.ka s i Villages i Wadis

1 ; D1 stri e t I Talukas I 1 1

! t I ! 1 1 1 Ahmednagar 13 859 i 1114 i 1 jd 1 F'une 9 674 \ 1820 1 ) C' i Salapur 1 11 539 1 1259 1 4 i Eiangl i I 6 367 1 1078 i 5 i Satara i 6 313 ! 874 i

(A) 1 Western Maharashtra to 145

6 I Nash i k 11 686 424 / I Dhule 4 408 175 8 i Jalgaon 8 651 5(')

(B) i North Maharashtra 174^ 649 t

9 I Aurangabad 443 77 10 i Jalana 472 176 11 1 Beed 1045 501 12 i Osmanabad 38 13 I Latur 366 105 14 1 Buidhana 289

Total (A)+(B)+(C) 7344 7691

Source : Joshi, A. 1994:10

lol Table ^1 ,. 11 : Distribution of Sugar Cooperatives and Villages in their Operational Areas in Western Maharashtra.

; District Talukas Drought Mo, O'f No. of of in i —prone Coopera- villages ithese Di stri ct Talukas 11 ve i n area i vi11aqes Sugar of oper i to total Factori es ation of I No. of In sugar !vi11 ages Qperat1 on coopera- 1 1 n 11 ves \di stri ct

Ahmednagar1 13 13 13 1 081 82 1 Pune 1 14 9 a 922 58 1 Solapur i n 11 6 917 83

Sangli 1 a 6 502 70

OCTT. Sr cl 1 11 1057

Kalhapur i - 1048 33

Total 44

Source : Joshi, A- 1994:3

01 Table 4.12 : Water Level Observed in Notified Wells in Summer

District I Watershed 1 Summer months watej r leve Is in Meters I No. I1 1 1977 1 1978 I 1979 ! 1980 1981 !

Pune 1 BM-25 1 1.80 1 0.05 Dry 1 Dry Dry 1 Pune 1 BM-31 7.50 ! 5.87 1 Dry 1 3.30 Dry 1 Pune ! BM-6 1 0.85 1 0.70 i 0.55 1 Dry Dry I Pune 1 BM-27 4.00 1 1.43 1.25 1 1.30 ' 1.55 1 Solapur ! BM-6 3 Dry 1 4.70 1 4.10 1 5.00 1 3.00 1 Solapur 1 BM-90 ! 6.15 i 6.00 j 3.65 ! 5.15 Dry 1 Solapur I BM-105 2.00 1 Dry ! Dry ! Dry i Dry 1 Solapur 1 BM-110 ! 9.70 ! Dry i 4.75 1 6.23 3.20 ! Solapur 1 BM-59 1.55 1 Dry ! 0.60 1 0.10 Dry i Solapur 1 BM-41 1 0.75 1 Dry 1 0.35 1 Dry Dry 1 Ahmednagar | JV-104 1 Dry 1 Dry 1 Dry 1 Dry Dry 1 Ahmednagar ! JV-100 Dry I Dry ; Dry 1 Dry Dry 1 Ahmednagar j JV-107 1 3.25 I 1.95 I Dry 1 Dry ! Dry i Sangli ! KR-35 I 4.20 1 3.65 ! 3.40 ! 3.25 3.17 i Sangli I KR-43 1.40 1 Dry 1 Dry I 1.75 Dry I Satara j ECR-15 ' 0.40 ! 0.10 Dry ! Dry Dry 1 Satara 1 KR-22 1 3.40 1 2.20 1 1.10 1 0.75 ! 0.10 1

One of 100 observed 1 1 1 1 1 wells in Maharashtra 1 1 1 1 wells having < 1 metre 1 water level 1 40 1 48 'j 61 I 62 78 i 1 1 1 t

Source : Joshi, A. 1994:21

H in drinking water supply is extremely large in Western Maharashtra. It may be noted that all of the 5 districts in Western Maharashtra in the table are well known sugarcane cultivating areas. It is surprising to see from Table 4.11 that the percentage of the villages in the area of operation of sugar cooperatives in these districts is very high. Very often, farmers in these villages are required to use borewell water for the sugarcane crop. The number of borewells in the areas is rising, and both large and small farmers are engaged in deepening their wells. In some cases, sugar cooperative actively support digging and deepening their wells by supplying the producer members with the necessary equipment. Consequently, there is strong pressure on underground water resources and the steady exhaustion of subsolid supply has let the water-table decline to a level of 200-300 feet. The data in Table 4.12 show that the number of wells having water level less than 1 meter has doubled during the 5 years span, and that many of the observed wells have either dried up or considerably lowered their water level. It is reported that as a result of this 'mad scramble' to grow more sugarcane, public wells and those belonging to small farmers have run dry, nor is there enough water to supply tap water schemes (Joshi, A. 1994:32-33).

4.15 Caaea Ot. BeKUlatlQPa OR Water Consumption bz Svigarcane-grQwerg

Regarding the problem of water distribution, it is sometimes argued that sugar cooperatives seem to be seriously

oif considering it as they are often establishing strict rules on the utilization of water to be obeyed in their command areas or following strict regulations thereupon established by the government. It is also sometimes argued that sugar cooperatives are making some effort in adopting water conservation techniques, such as drip irrigation or spricklers, or even supplying irrigation or drinking water to inhabitants of 'dry areas' inside or outside their command areas. It can be seen what the rules regarding water utilization are like, through a brief reference to Shetkari sugar cooperative. The cropping pattern for lift irrigation schemes in Shetkari's command area is decided by the Agriculture Department of the Zilla Parishad. Though the permitted percentage of sugarcane was 20 percent in the past, it has been reduced to 15 per cent since 1972. The former Irrigation Manager of the sugar cooperative stated that the ratio must be increased at least to one-third in order to make lift irrigation schemes viable. The Irrigation Departments of the government and the Zilla Parishad have decided that water should be given every 14 days for sugarcane and every 10 days for other crops. But in practice, this time schedule is not strictly followed, as water has to be given whenever it is required for the crops. The cropping pattern mentioned above is decided on the assumption that the pumps will be operated for 16 hours a day. However, when asked whether Shetkari has any way to check on the excess lifting of water by the lift irrigation

/^S" schemes, the former Irrigation Manager stated that Shetkari does not insist on restricting water-lifting to 16 hours only. To avoid misuse of water by cultivators digging new wells or deepening old wells, Shetkari asks the farmers in its lift irrigation schemes to use either lift water or well water only, and not both. Since late 1980s, Shetkari has been actively propagating the technique of drip irrigation.

In 1992, the government announced that if a cultivator establishes drip irrigation system on his farm, he will be exempted from the restrictions regarding the area under sugarcane that he can irrigate from the lift irrigation scheme; however, it should also be noted that the government decides the total quantity of water a lift irrigation scheme may lift. The former Irrigation Manager stated that due to drip irrigation, it is now possible to irrigate 3 times more land than before and 60 per cent water is saved (Latke,

1993). Let us consider some other sugar cooperatives also.

Regarding Warana sugar cooperative, it is reported that the government directs to restrict area under sugarcane within the limit of one-third of the command area of lift irrigation schemes is flouted, as it is experienced that a scheme does not become viable unless the area under sugarcane is more than 50 per cent (Apte, 1992:70). Warana had decided to give subsidy to those who established sprinkler irrigation system

(Kore, 1990:116). In the Annual Report for 1992-93 of

Pravara sugar cooperative, there is mention of a water storage tanks built for supply of drinking water and of the newly established "Padmashri Dr. Vitthalrao Vikhe Pat11 ^n Institute for Development and Management of Water Resources"

(Pravara, 1992-93). One brochure published by Sanjivani sugar cooperative states that the factory tackled the problem of water scarcity caused by 'continuous diversion of irrigation water for industrial and drinking purposes by the

Irrigation Authorities', as well as by the drought conditions, through the adoption of drip irrigation, as well as through the construction of wells and weirs (Sanjivani, undated:7-8). These examples show that whereas sugar cooperatives sometimes make effort for water conservation or prevention of water misuse, they always try to get as much water as possible for sugarcane cultivation, with as easy ways as possible. It may be noted that when sugar cooperatives talk about irrigation development in dry areas, it often means the broadening of sugarcane-growing area

(e.g. Latke, 1993). The news that Shankarrao Kale, an MP and the former Chairman of Kopergaon sugar cooperative, submitted a memorandum to the Chief Minister, that in respect of the permissions granted by the government for lifting water from

Darana or Gangapur to nandur-Madhameshwar, meter system should be adopted (Sakal. 20 April, 1993) is surely surprising. But it seems to be only showing that those who were used to indiscriminate use of water, have become aware of the need to supply water on measured basis, only when they themselves started experiencing shortage of water.

'°'1 4rl6 CQQtrQversies sm IrriKation Poiiciea

There appear mention of controversies in local newspapers since early 1980s on the points such as whether sugarcane-cultivating areas are depriving other areas of irrigation or drinking water, whether eight-monthly water supply system should be introduced, or whether adoption of drip irrigation will help broadening irrigated area. Whereas some debaters openly deny the argument that sugarcane-growing areas are depriving other areas of water (e.g. Sakal. 15 October, 1984), others try to prove it by presenting detailed case studies; for example, on the problem of drinking water supply (e.g. Joshi, A. 1986). Datta Deshmukh, a member of the Committee on eight-month water supply, advocated the system in the newspaper also and argued that irrigation water should be equitably distributed in order to prevent famine (Deshmukh, 1986). V.M.Dandekar, another member of the Committee, proposed that water should be distributed according to the need, taking the number of members of each household into account, and criticized the present condition that the beneficiaries of public irrigation projects are hardly bearing expenses (Dandekar, 1986). In another article, he argued that almost all the cultivated land in the state can be irrigated if the water is equitably distributed, and recommended that the water should be supplied on measured basis (Dandekar, 19 ). The argument made on the matters by a noted cooperative leader, Yashwantrao Mohite, is quite interesting. Though, in the article, he criticized 'vested

n interests' or 'sugar barons' in Western Maharashtra regarding political matters, he argued that 12 month water supply should be continued in order not to destroy the basis of agro-industry and that the function of existing irrigation systems should be maintained in full. He further recommended that, regarding new projects, priority should be given to backward regions like Marathwada and Vidarbha, in which also sugar industry should develop, and that new techniques like drip irrigation should be actively adopted in order to broaden irrigated area (Mohite, 19 ). There is a controversy on the effect or meaningfulness of adoption of drip irrigation. It is well known that some cooperative leaders, for example, Appasaheb Pawar, are actively advocating its adoption. On the other hand, it is often argued that drip irrigation is too much capital-intensive and can be adopted only by rich farmers (e.g. Joy, 1993, Rath, 1993). Then, it is often recommended that the government should give subsidy to the farmers for its adoption; however, some still argue that the meaningfulness of such policy is doubtful. Rath argues that, even if drip irrigation can lower the water demand to one-fourth of the present level, that is not so meaningful if the cultivation of sugarcane, which consumes 10 times more water than other crops, is continued in a large scale (Rath, 1993). Joy expresses the fear that, under the present condition, the rich farmers who can save the water through drip irrigation will rather increase the area under sugarcane (Joy, 1993).

|0^ 4.17 Th& Froblems Qt EcoloKlcal Hazards and Pro.lect-Aftgctcd People

I have examined, mainly, the problem of distribution of water so far; however, it may be noted that there are other problems to be studies regarding irrigation and sugar cooperatives. Now-a-days, it is often reported that monoculture of sugarcane is causing ecological hazards like water-logging or salinization. According to Joy, in 'the area along the Krishna River' in Sangli District, where about 80 per cent of the cultivated land is said to be under sugarcane, the area of land having become uncultivable due to water logging or salinization comes to as much as around 7,000 hectares. It must not be overlooked also that the health of the solid (texture, fertility, etc.) is lost because of use of chemicals like fertilizers or pesticides. In addition, soil erosion is observed, too. Similar problems are seen in Marathwada and other regions also. Joy explains that, sugar cooperatives are still not very seriously considering the issue because their leaders are big farmers, who can shift to other plots if some plots became uncultivable in a cycle of a few decades. According to him, although even the big farmers began to notice the importance of the situation and started conversion from sugarcane to other crops like soyabean, banana or flowers, the problem is that they are again beginning to grow only any one of the crops, for example, soyabean (Joy, 1993). Besides, there is the problem of the oustees affected by irrigation projects,

IIG that is, the ones whose lands are submerged under the dam projects. Irrigation project works are sometimes delayed because of anti-work agitations by the project-affected people, though delay is often caused by other reasons also, the most important of which is dispute regarding the sites as seen in the cases of Nilwande Dam and others (see e.g., Sakal. 22 June, 1994, Maharashtra Times. 29 May 1994). Regarding the problem of the project-affected people, it is reported that, though it has been proposed that the beneficiaries of the projects should donate some parts of their land for the purpose of compensation for the oustees, the beneficiaries seldom make the sacrifice of their lands in practice. Around 1985, V.M. Dandekar proposed that the beneficiaries of Nilwande Dam, in case they have no less than 10 acres of land, should donate some parts of their land for the oustees. However, in practice, ownership of the land was nominally divided and no land was donated (Sakal. 25 May, 1985). Around that time, at the 'all-party congress' on Nilwande Dam, Dandekar criticized the beneficiaries stating that they were only thinking of using public land for the purpose of compensation (Sakal. 31 May, 1985).

4.18 SinmnlTiff-^p

Sugar cooperatives, so far, have certainly made great effort in development of irrigation facilities through construction of bandharas, establishment of lift irrigation equipment, digging of borewells and so on. It is not at all small achievement to introduce advanced irrigation facilities and make cultivation of a highly profitable crop, sugarcane, possible. It may also be noted that most lift irrigation schemes promoted by sugar cooperatives, unlike similar government-sponsored schemes, are shown economically feasible. Development of lift irrigation schemes or construction of bandharas or tanks by Shetkari, Warana, Ashok or other sugar cooperatives show the examples of leading cooperators' great effort for economic development of the regions. However, it may also be noted that efforts of sugar cooperatives have so far given much influence on other parties both inside and consider their command areas, and some of them are suffering very much. As seen in the cases of Sanjivani, Kopergaon or Ashok sugar cooperatives, irrigation development schemes by sugar cooperative themselves sometimes begin when water becomes scarce due to water acquisition by other sugar cooperatives. Struggle for water among sugar cooperatives in Shrirampur-Sangamner and other regions have caused agitations or other incidents. And more importantly, there are certainly many instances that the ones who cannot grow sugarcane are deprived of irrigation or drinking water because of water acquisition by sugarcane- cultivators. Some sugar cooperatives are, no doubt, introducing strict rules on the utilization of water in their command areas or adopting latest water-conservation techniques. However, the studied examples seem to show that sugar cooperatives are always trying to get as much water as

2- they want with as easy ways as possible. The problem of water distribution is highly political one, and it is doubtful whether the problem will be solved by one action, such as, adoption of drip irrigation. Considering this and other problems like that of ecological hazards or project- affected people, sugar cooperatives have to be said to be sacrificing other parties for their economic development.

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