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Authority Codes: the Invariance Hypothesis

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Authority Codes: the Invariance Hypothesis © F. Enke Verlag Stuttgart Zeitschrift für Soziologie, Jg. 6, Heft 1, Januar 1977, S. 5 -2 8 Authority Codes: The Invariance Hypothesis Rainer C. Baum University of Pittsburgh, Department of Sociology Autoritätscodes: Die Invarianzhypothese In halt: Anders als ältere Theorien zeigen die Ergebnisse der neueren Forschung, daß in industriellen Gesellschaften die politischen Ordnungen nicht konvergieren. Fußend auf diesem Befund stellt der vorliegende Beitrag als Kontinui­ tätsfaktor sozialer Modernisierung namentlich die Codes politischer Autorität heraus. Hauptfunktion derartiger Stile ist es, wie sich zeigt, die Identität einer Gesellschaft im Generationenwandel aufrechtzuerhalten, sie zu vertiefen und zu schützen. Abstract: Contrary to much earlier theory recent findings demonstrate that polities are not on a converging course in industrial societies. Exploiting this finding, this paper focuses on authority codes as a factor of continuity in moder­ nizing change. The main function of such invariance in authority codes is the maintenance, enhancement, and pro­ tection of societal identity from generation to generation. Introduction There was a time, not too long ago, when the con­ in such variance relative to some earlier stage of ventional wisdom of political sociology designated social evolution, and invariance denotes neither democracy as political modernity. Non-democratic one nor the other but continuity in such cross- forms of political regime appeared as various mo­ societal variance since a specified stage of evolu­ des of „tradition“, destined to be superceded by tion despite and through modernizing change oc­ democracy as a product of universal modernizing curring after the specified stage. Heeding BEN- change (LIPSET, 1960; CUTRIGHT 1963; OL­ DIX’s (1967) clarion call that a sociologist’s con­ SEN, 1968, PARSONS, 1964). Common-sense cern with modernization must focus on the way empiricism always objected to this extension of in which societies, at different stages of evolu­ convergence theory from the economic to the po­ tion, produce solidarities, the variety of dis­ litical sphere. But it has been only relatively re­ tinct types of solidarity they produce, as well cently that scientific facts deny the convergence as the way in which they organize such solidari­ thesis as regards politics. Over the last 170 years, ties into a system, this earlier work provided no drift towards democracy could be discovered some specifications concerning all three possibi­ in a large number of the world’s polities (GURR, lities. Continuing this effort, the business here is 1974). In fact, as regards their core normative exploitation of the findings of others for advance­ aspects, forms of polities such as democracy and ment of the invariance portion1. autocracy, known to mankind well before the age of industrialism, survived the changes associated 1 One short way to communicate the continuity of with the universal transformation of the economy this effort with earlier work may be to present, towards its industrial and post-industrial form. It without much explanation, the functional typology is, therefore, imperative that modernization theo­ of solidarities I have been working with (BAUM, 1974, 1975). Shown below, this locates the main ry come to grips with this fact. This paper aims at problem focus of the present piece. This is in the a modest contribution towards that objective by political realm with a minor theme devoted to moral proposing an invariance hypothesis as regards au­ solidarities where I shall use some of WEBER’s thority codes. findings as regards the generality of value systems that crystallized during the historical stage (stages are described below). With the political focus pri­ Elaborated at some length elsewhere (BAUM, mary here, the following comment must suffice. 1974; BAUM, 1975), modernization poses at Political solidarity requires the spending of time be­ least three distinct possibilities: convergence, cause all exercise of authority presupposes continui­ divergence and invariance. Convergence denotes ty in identity as regards leaders and led (BARNARD, 1938: 138; MAYHEW, 1968: 26). Having changed reduction of cross-societal variance in social struc­ behavior, legitimized in terms of collective goal ture and process due to modernizing change, di­ attainment, those who have changed must still vergence denotes further production or increases recognize themselves as the same at a later point in 6 Zeitschrift für Soziologie, Jg. 6, Heft 1, Januar 1977, S. 5 -2 8 A concern with invariance is not new. Classic A more narrow, and hence more empirically sociological theory approached the problem of manageable, focus on societal identity is provided change always in terms of the diad change and by action theory. Here the integrative subsystem continuity. For if an entity was undergoing (societal community) is designated as the very change, it still must be the same entity, in some core of society (PARSONS, 1966: 10, 16-18; sense of its essential identity, at least at two 1971: 12—26). Following that lead, the most points in time. In the classic tradition such iden­ theoretically cogent conceptualization of societal tity conferring symbols were usually the struc­ identity has been EISENSTADT’s (1971a) desig­ ture of values. DURKHEIM’s conceptual struggle nation of stratification codes as the identity con­ with the relations between mechanical and organic ferring symbolic structure for society. Among solidarities across societal stages may serve as one functional theorists, he was also the first to for­ example, WEBER’s work on religion as another. mulate historical continuity in authority codes In the latter it was the organization of values into as a problem for functional system theory a meaningful symbolic whole, including the con­ (EISENSTADT, 1973). He thus identified one tents of the commitments involved, which gave object of invariance. But he did not describe it a socio-cultural system identity. The values in much, nor did he supply a theory as to why it question covered such diverse objects as religious should display continuity in the face of moder­ symbols, images of the good society to have, the nizing change. Doing both constitutes the cen­ good personality to be, relevant time-orientations tral objective of this paper. and the like. A classic of this genre and one with an acute interest in the problem of through-time To emphasize further how small a portion of a continuity in societal identity is CASTRO’s complex issue this paper deals with, two com­ (1954) work on the structure of Spanish history2. ments. First, authority codes constitute but one But for empirical work these formulations element of stratification codes, and it is all of proved almost inhibitively complex. A great the latter which are central in the invariance hy­ number of value-orientations had to be ascer­ pothesis. Very briefly and with respect to all in­ tained, and always at more than one point in stitutionalized inequalities, stratification codes time. are value standards that specify: i. how much ine- time if they axe to generate a sense of goal attain­ system in question. Political process requires selec­ ment at all. But participants in authority relations tive attention to the relevant membership identity, may nevertheless engage in information-saving not to all aspects of the overall identity of persons. relative to other kinds of solidarities because politi­ This is true precisely to the extent that political cal process involves but the mobilization of those solidarities have been differentiated out from the components of the identity of actors which are made matrix of a more diffuse identity set which is a up of their memebership status in the cooperative function of social evolution. Type of Solidarities R. C. Baum: Authority Codes: The Invariance Hypothesis 7 quality there ought to be; ii. the particular nature this paper deals with four issues, organized in of status crystallization that should prevail; iii. sections accordingly. First, examining the find­ how much crystallization there should be; iv. the ings of others, it distills facts now constituting units in question; v. the units responsible for im- a critical mass for theoritical concerns with inva­ plementing these desiderata; and vi. the reasons riance in political structure. Secondly, scope and why (EISENSTADT, 1971a). The present paper the general cause of invariance in authority codes selects but one element; namely, those legitimacy is examined. Thirdly, a detailed description of conceptions of authority specifying why one authority codes postulated as invariant is offered. should obey. I shall endeavour to show that such And fourth, specific causes or reasons why such conceptions crystallized during the late historical codes should be invariant are provided. and early modern stages of social evolution3 al­ ready at a level of generality which proved suffi­ cient for their persistence into modern society. I. Fact and Fancy in the Economy-Polity That does not mean that nothing even directly Relation related to such codes changed. But postulating invariance in these codes means that other rules, A review of post-WW II research in the economy - pertaining to the implementation of the former, polity relation relevant for the invariance pro­ involved rationalization in terms of legal elabo­ blem shows broadly three phases of effort. The ration which firmed up and secured the general first was clearly directly influenced by the Se­ value principles spelling
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